DOCSLIB.ORG

AHRLJ 2 of 2018.Pdf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
AHRLJ 2 of 2018.Pdf AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW JOURNAL Volume 18No22018 JOURNALVolume AFRICAN HUMANRIGHTSLAW AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW JOURNAL Pretoria University Law Press PULP ISSN: 1609-073X Editors International editorial advisory board Frans Viljoen Jean Allain Editor-in-chief; Professor of Human Rights Law Professor of Public International Law, Monash and Director, Centre for Human Rights, University, Australia University of Pretoria, South Africa Fareda Banda Solomon Ebobrah Professor in the Laws of Africa, School of Extraordinary Lecturer, Centre for Human Oriental and African Studies, University of Rights, University of Pretoria; Professor of Law, London Niger Delta University, Nigeria, Senior Legal Advisor, ICJ Africa Programme Gina Bekker Teaching Associate, Monash University, Magnus Killander Australia Professor, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria Victor Dankwa Professor of Law, University of Ghana Tshepo Madlingozi Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Law, University of John Dugard Pretoria Member, International Law Commission; Extraordinary professor, Centre for Human Annelize Nienaber Rights, University of Pretoria Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria Christof Heyns Publication manager Chair of the international editorial advisory board; Director: Institute for International and Isabeau de Meyer Comparative Law in Africa, University of Pretoria Assisted by Edward Kwakwa Legal Counsel, World Intellectual Property Niyi Abe Organisation, Geneva, Switzerland Programme Manager/Academic Advisor, Sandy Liebenberg International Development Law Unit, University of Pretoria HF Oppenheimer Chair in Human Rights Law, University of Stellenbosch, South Africa Foluso Adegalu Tiyanjana Maluwa Doctoral candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria Professor of Law, Dickinson School of Law, Pennsylvania State University, USA Abiy Ashenafi Joe Oloka-Onyango Doctoral candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria Associate Professor of Law, Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Uganda Michael Nyarko Kate O’Regan Tutor; doctoral candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria Former Justice, Constitutional Court of South Africa Fatsah Ouguergouz Judge, African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights Michael Reisman Myres S McDougal Professor of International Law, Yale Law School, USA Geraldine van Bueren Professor of International Human Rights Law at Queen Mary, University of London THIS JOURNAL SHOULD BE CITED AS (2018) 18 AHRLJ The African Human Rights Law Journal publishes contributions dealing with human rights, with a special focus on topics of relevance to Africa, Africans and scholars of Africa. The Journal appears twice a year, in June and December. The Journal is an open access online publication; see www.ahrlj.up.ac.za The Journal is included in the International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS) and is accredited by the South African Department of Higher Education and Training. AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW JOURNAL Volume 18 No 2 2018 2018 African Human Rights Law Journal Volume 18 No 2 2018 Published by: Pretoria University Law Press (PULP) The Pretoria University Law Press (PULP) is a publisher, based in Africa, launched and managed by the Centre for Human Rights and the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, South Africa. PULP endeavours to publish and make available innovative, high-quality scholarly texts on law in Africa that have been peer-reviewed. PULP also publishes a number of journals, series of collections of legal documents related to public law in Africa, as well as text books from African countries other than South Africa. For more information on PULP, see: www.pulp.up.ac.za To order, contact: Centre for Human Rights Faculty of Law University of Pretoria South Africa 0002 Tel: +27 12 420 4948 Fax: +27 86 610 6668 [email protected] www.pulp.up.ac.za Printed and bound by: Minit Print, Hatfield, Pretoria Cover design: Lizette Hermann, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria ISSN: 1609-073X EISSN: 1996-2096 The financial assistance of the European Union is gratefully acknowledged. CONTENTS Editorial............................................................................ iv Implications of the African Union’s stance on immunity for leaders on conflict resolution in Africa: The case of South Sudan and lessons from Habré’s case by Ndubisi Christian Ani................................................... 438 The domestic impact of the decisions of the East African Court of Justice by Victor Lando................................................................ 463 Challenges when drafting legal aid legislation to ensure access to justice in African and other developing countries with small numbers of lawyers: Overcoming obstacles to including the use of non-lawyers to assist persons in conflict with the law by David McQuoid-Mason................................................ 486 Survival rights for children: What are the national and global barriers? Bernadette Ann-Marie O’Hare, Eva Maria Mfutso Bengo, Delan Devakumar and Joseph Mfutso Bengo ................... 508 Recent legal responses to child marriage in Southern Africa: The case of Zimbabwe, South Africa and Malawi by Lea Mwambene........................................................... 527 Onuoha Kalu v The State and flaws in Nigeria’s death penalty jurisprudence by Oluwatoyin Badejogbin................................................ 551 The implications of Isaiah Berlin’s radical conception of liberty for sexual minority rights protection in Nigeria by Agada Akogwu ............................................................ 579 The concept of surrogacy in Nigeria: Issues, prospects and challenges by Olanike Adelakun ........................................................ 605 Cultural values as a source of law: Emerging trends of ubuntu jurisprudence in South Africa by Serges Djoyou Kamga.................................................. 625 i ii (2018) 18 AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW JOURNAL Special focus: Dignity takings and dignity restorations Editorial by Penelope Andrews ........................................................ 650 From reparations to dignity restoration: The story of the Popela community by Bernadette Atuahene and Sanele Sibanda .................... 654 From disgust to dignity: Criminalisation of same-sex conduct as a dignity taking and the grassroots battle to achieve dignity restoration by Ari Shaw ...................................................................... 684 The shadow of legal pluralism in matrimonial property division outside the courts in Southern Nigeria by Anthony C Diala .......................................................... 706 Recent developments Human rights developments in the African Union (January 2017-September 2018) by Magnus Killander and Michael Gyan Nyarko ................ 732 In default: African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights v Libya by Oliver Windridge .......................................................... 758 iii Please note that the editors will only consider submissions that have not already been submitted for publication or published elsewhere. Submissions should be no longer than 10 000 words (footnotes included). Also see http://www1.chr.up.ac.za/index.php/ahrlj-contributors-guide.html for detailed style guidelines. 2018 Subscriptions Subscription enquiries and orders to: Pretoria University Law Press (PULP) E-mail: [email protected] Fax: +27 86 610 6668 2 x issues ZAR645-00 (excluding postage, postage is charged per issue) This Journal is an open access free online journal and is available for searching and free download at: http://www.ahrlj.up.ac.za AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW JOURNAL Editorial This issue of the African Human Rights Journal appears at the end of year two of the Human and Peoples’ Rights Decade in Africa (2017- 2026) of the African Union (AU), which the AU declared in 2016. You would be forgiven for not having noticed. Africa’s people could be forgiven if they question the extent to which African states and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Commission) have over this period acted as the protectors of their human rights. As far as human rights are concerned, the rhetoric of AU member states has little to do with reality. When it declared the Human Rights Decade in June 2016, the AU Assembly pledged its ‘unflinching determination to promote and protect human and peoples’ rights in Africa and the need for the full implementation of human and peoples’ rights instruments and decisions and recommendations made by the AU organs with a human rights mandate’.1 More than that, the Assembly also called on the AU Commission ‘to ensure the independence and integrity of AU organs with human rights mandate by shielding them from undue external influence’.2 Regrettably, it turned out that it was not the threat of ‘undue external influence’ by donors and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) from outside Africa, but undue influence by the AU policy organs themselves (culminating in Decision 1015 by the AU Executive Council in June 2018) that undermined the independence and integrity of the African Commission. Decision 1015 was adopted following a ‘retreat’ between the African Commission and the AU Permanent Representatives’ Committee (PRC), at which a stand-off between the AU policy organs and the African Commission was the main agenda point. This deadlock arose because the Commission refused to cave in to mounting political pressure to withdraw the observer status it had granted to the non-governmental organisation
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Global Philanthropy Forum Conference April 18–20 · Washington, Dc
    GLOBAL PHILANTHROPY FORUM CONFERENCE APRIL 18–20 · WASHINGTON, DC 2017 Global Philanthropy Forum Conference This book includes transcripts from the plenary sessions and keynote conversations of the 2017 Global Philanthropy Forum Conference. The statements made and views expressed are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of GPF, its participants, World Affairs or any of its funders. Prior to publication, the authors were given the opportunity to review their remarks. Some have made minor adjustments. In general, we have sought to preserve the tone of these panels to give the reader a sense of the Conference. The Conference would not have been possible without the support of our partners and members listed below, as well as the dedication of the wonderful team at World Affairs. Special thanks go to the GPF team—Suzy Antounian, Bayanne Alrawi, Laura Beatty, Noelle Germone, Deidre Graham, Elizabeth Haffa, Mary Hanley, Olivia Heffernan, Tori Hirsch, Meghan Kennedy, DJ Latham, Jarrod Sport, Geena St. Andrew, Marla Stein, Carla Thorson and Anna Wirth—for their work and dedication to the GPF, its community and its mission. STRATEGIC PARTNERS Newman’s Own Foundation USAID The David & Lucile Packard The MasterCard Foundation Foundation Anonymous Skoll Foundation The Rockefeller Foundation Skoll Global Threats Fund Margaret A. Cargill Foundation The Walton Family Foundation Horace W. Goldsmith Foundation The World Bank IFC (International Finance SUPPORTING MEMBERS Corporation) The Leona M. and Harry B. Helmsley Charitable Trust MEMBERS Conrad N. Hilton Foundation Anonymous Humanity United Felipe Medina IDB Omidyar Network Maja Kristin Sall Family Foundation MacArthur Foundation Qatar Foundation International Charles Stewart Mott Foundation The Global Philanthropy Forum is a project of World Affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • Gay Rights Policy and the United States-Nigeria Diplomatic Relations
    International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS) |Volume V, Issue VII, July 2021|ISSN 2454-6186 Gay Rights Policy and the United States-Nigeria Diplomatic Relations Akuche, Andre Ben-Moses Assistant Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Madonna University, Nigeria Abstract: The study assessed the nexus between gay rights policy the rights of gays and lesbians everywhere (Barack and the United States-Nigeria diplomatic relations, 2006-2015. Obama, UNGA, September 2011). Relations between both countries have been cordial except during military rule in Nigeria. The low moments of their As a corroborative evidence to the U.S. foreign policy on gay diplomatic relations since democratic rule in 1999 was evident rights under the President Obama‟s leadership, the United during 2013-2015 and it was centered on the controversy generated especially, by the Same-Sex Marriage (Prohibition) States is a liberal democracy whose constitution underpins Act, 2013 and failed leadership. Hence, the study specifically, is liberty, justice, and equality and as a result, the country holds to (i) ascertain whether the criminalisation of gay rights in the belief that, every human being anywhere is born free and Nigeria undermined the existing diplomatic relations between the should be accorded liberty of free will to live under state United States and Nigeria, and, to (ii) determine whether protection. It is also the duty of government to dispense leadership role in Nigeria accounted for the pressure by the justice without fear or favour of anyone, and all individuals United States for the decriminalisation of gay rights in Nigeria. should enjoy equal rights as members of a political The theoretical perspective of this study is rooted in the ‘centre- community.
    [Show full text]
  • Algemeen Ambtsbericht Nigeria Juni 2018
    Algemeen ambtsbericht Nigeria Datum 27 juni 2018 Pagina 1 van 77 Algemeen ambtsbericht Nigeria | juni 2018 Colofon Plaats Den Haag Opgesteld door Directie Sub-Sahara Afrika Cluster Ambtsberichten (DAF/CAB) Pagina 2 van 77 Algemeen ambtsbericht Nigeria | juni 2018 Inhoudsopgave Colofon ..........................................................................................................2 Inhoudsopgave ...............................................................................................3 Inleiding .........................................................................................................5 1 Landeninformatie ........................................................................................ 7 1.1 Politieke ontwikkelingen ...................................................................................7 1.2 Veiligheidssituatie .......................................................................................... 13 1.2.1 Noord-Centraal zone (Niger, Kogi, Benue, Plateau, Nasarawa, Kwara en FCT) ....... 14 1.2.2 Noordoost zone (Bauchi, Borno, Taraba, Adamawa, Gombe en Yobe) ................... 16 1.2.3 Noordwest zone (Zamfara, Sokoto, Kaduna, Kebbi, Katsina, Kano en Jigawa) ....... 19 1.2.4 Zuidwest zone (Oyo, Ekiti, Osun, Ondo, Lagos en Ogun) .................................... 20 1.2.5 Zuid-Zuid zone (Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Rivers) ................. 21 1.2.6 Zuidoost zone (Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu en Imo) ...................................... 23 1.3 Documenten ................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Volume 75 Number 2 Summer/Fall 2018 Jana
    Volume 75 Number 2 Summer/Fall 2018 The Ejusdem Generis Of A-B-: 65 Ongoing Asylum Advocacy For Domestic Violence Survivors Linda Kelly Racism in the Legal Profession: 82 A Racist Lawyer Is An Incompetent Lawyer Jana DiCosmo Measuring Mercy: Protecting 100 Patient Discretion In Terminal Care Under The Fourteenth Amendment Kelsey Nicholas editor’s preface The bigotries, phobias, and moral crimes of the Trump administration are too legion for any law review to examine completely, even in a special jumbo edition. The best we can do is expose and seek to correct them one obnoxious offense at a time. In “The Ejusdem Generis of A-B-: Ongoing Asylum Advo- cacy for Domestic Violence Survivors,” Linda Kelly zeroes in on an especially repellant Department of Justice (“DOJ”) opinion in which the misogyny and xenophobia of Trumpism coalesce into something close to pure cruelty. In Matter of A-B- then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions unilaterally reversed the policy established by the DOJ’s Board of Immigration Appeals that fa- cilitated protections to immigrant victims of domestic violence seeking asy- lum. A-B- narrows the rules, heightens the burdens, and otherwise worsens the already-hellish lives of some of the poorest, most desperate and forlorn refugees to arrive at our borders. These are mostly women who’ve already suffered indefensible gender-based cruelty and violence and are now far more likely to be redirected back for even more of it. Kelly’s article is a how-to manual for human rights attorneys advocating on behalf of these asylum-seekers. She provides insight and analysis along with practical, tactical suggestions for how to win these cases.
    [Show full text]
  • The Global State of Lgbtiq Organizing
    THE GLOBAL STATE OF LGBTIQ ORGANIZING THE RIGHT TO REGISTER Written by Felicity Daly DrPH Every day around the world, LGBTIQ people’s human rights and dignity are abused in ways that shock the conscience. The stories of their struggles and their resilience are astounding, yet remain unknown—or willfully ignored—by those with the power to make change. OutRight Action International, founded in 1990 as the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission, works alongside LGBTIQ people in the Global South, with offices in six countries, to help identify community-focused solutions to promote policy for lasting change. We vigilantly monitor and document human rights abuses to spur action when they occur. We train partners to expose abuses and advocate for themselves. Headquartered in New York City, OutRight is the only global LGBTIQ-specific organization with a permanent presence at the United Nations in New York that advocates for human rights progress for LGBTIQ people. [email protected] https://www.facebook.com/outrightintl http://twitter.com/outrightintl http://www.youtube.com/lgbthumanrights http://OutRightInternational.org/iran OutRight Action International 80 Maiden Lane, Suite 1505, New York, NY 10038 U.S.A. P: +1 (212) 430.6054 • F: +1 (212) 430.6060 This work may be reproduced and redistributed, in whole or in part, without alteration and without prior written permission, solely for nonprofit administrative or educational purposes provided all copies contain the following statement: © 2018 OutRight Action International. This work is reproduced and distributed with the permission of OutRight Action International. No other use is permitted without the express prior written permission of OutRight Action International.
    [Show full text]
  • Searching for Blood in the Streets: Mapping Political Violence Onto
    Bates College SCARAB Honors Theses Capstone Projects Spring 5-2016 Searching for Blood in the Streets: Mapping Political Violence onto Urban Topography in the Late Roman Republic, 80-50 BCE Theodore Samuel Rube Bates College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scarab.bates.edu/honorstheses Recommended Citation Rube, Theodore Samuel, "Searching for Blood in the Streets: Mapping Political Violence onto Urban Topography in the Late Roman Republic, 80-50 BCE" (2016). Honors Theses. 186. http://scarab.bates.edu/honorstheses/186 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Capstone Projects at SCARAB. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of SCARAB. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Searching for Blood in the Streets: Mapping Political Violence onto Urban Topography in the Late Roman Republic, 80-50 BCE An Honors Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Classical and Medieval Studies Bates College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts By Theodore Samuel Rube Lewiston, Maine March 28th, 2016 2 Acknowledgements I want to take this opportunity to express my sincerest gratitude to everybody who during this process has helped me out, cheered me up, cheered me on, distracted me, bothered me, and has made the writing of this thesis eminently more enjoyable for their presence. I am extremely grateful for the guidance, mentoring, and humor of Professor Margaret Imber, who has helped me through every step of this adventure. I’d also like to give a very special thanks to the Bates Student Research Fund, which provided me the opportunity to study Rome’s topography in person.
    [Show full text]
  • Policing in National Parliaments How Parliaments Organise Their Security
    BRIEFING Policing in national parliaments How parliaments organise their security SUMMARY National parliaments organise their security in a variety of ways. Whereas in some cases the principles of separation of powers or of parliamentary autonomy prevent police forces from entering parliamentary premises − meaning that these legislative chambers rely on in-house security services – in others the security of parliaments is ensured exclusively by the police or other state forces with responsibilities in the area of security, defence or civil protection. Other national parliaments exhibit a mixed model, whereby parliamentary security departments are supplemented by national police or military units. This briefing provides an overview of the structures responsible for maintaining security and order in and around the parliaments of 11 EU Member States, namely Belgium, Germany, Spain, Estonia, France, Italy, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia and Finland, and also 3 non-EU countries − Canada, the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States (US). It focuses on the competences and tasks assigned to the services responsible for the security of each national parliament and highlights modes of cooperation with other external state forces. Furthermore, the briefing indicates, for each parliament, the ultimate authority in charge of the services responsible for maintaining order and security on and off the premises. IN THIS BRIEFING Introduction Situation in selected Member States and non-EU countries Annex − Overview of security in the selected national parliaments EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Carmen-Cristina Cîrlig Members' Research Service PE 679.072 – February 2021 EN EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Introduction Security in the parliaments of the EU Member States is organised in various ways.
    [Show full text]
  • The Istanbul Convention – a Powerful Tool to End Gender-Based Violence
    THE ISTANBUL CONVENTION – A POWERFUL TOOL TO END GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE Violence against women is a violation of human rights and a form of discrimination against women. The Istanbul Convention aims to prevent violence, protect victims and prosecute perpetrators through a comprehensive set of policies and measures. It aims to contribute to the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women, promote substantive equality between women and men and promote international co-operation with a view to eliminating violence against women A handbook for and domestic violence parliamentarians on the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence 010820 against Women and PREMS Domestic Violence ENG The Council of Europe is the continent’s leading human rights organisation. It comprises 47 member SAFE FROM FEAR states, including all members of the European Union. All Council of Europe member states have SAFE FROM www.coe.int signed up to the European Convention on Human Rights, a treaty designed to protect human rights, VIOLENCE democracy and the rule of law. The European Court of Human Rights oversees the implementation of the Convention in the member states. THE ISTANBUL CONVENTION – A POWERFUL TOOL TO END GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE A handbook for parliamentarians on the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence Council of Europe The opinions expressed in this work are the responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official policy of the Council of Europe. All requests concerning the reproduction or translation of all or part of the document should be addressed to the Directorate of Communications (F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex or publishing@ coe.int).
    [Show full text]
  • Christian Resistance to Gay-Proselytism in A
    European Review of Applied Sociology Vol. 8, No. 11, Year 2015 ISSN: 2286-2102 E-ISSN: 2286-2552 CHRISTIAN RESISTANCE TO GAY-PROSELYTISM IN A SECULAR NIGERIA: ANATHEMA OR SOCIAL HEROISM? Floribert ENDONG Patrick CALVAIN Department of Theatre and Media Studies, University of Calabar, PMB 1115, CRS, Calabar-Nigeria © 2015 Floribert Endong, Patrick Calvain This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/) DOI: 10.1515/eras-2015-0006 Abstract The criminalization of homosexuality in Nigeria has partially been inspired and acclaimed by a number of religious schools of thought, including Christian opinion leaders. Such an influence of religion on politics has been seriously questioned. Using observations and literary sources, this paper underlines the unconstitutionality of Christian anti- gay proselytism at the political sphere of the Nigerian State, anchoring its claim on the constitutional provision stipulating the secular character of Nigeria. It however interprets such a move (the “influential” Christian anti-gay proselytism) as an inevitable expression of the religious character of Nigeria’s social and cultural spheres. Furthermore, the paper argues that the Nigerian Federation is “fully secular” only on paper and not in practice. Secularity is partially observed at the political sphere of the State. Religion and populism continue to shape major socio-political schemes (as seen in the criminalization of homosexuality in Nigeria). With such a socio-political influence of religion, legislative projects such as the Same-Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act and political strategies such as the Nigerian Government’s resistance against western gay-proselytism can only be massively celebrated.
    [Show full text]
  • International Anti-LGBT Legislation: How Nationalistic Cultural Warfare Supports Political Motivations
    International Anti-LGBT Legislation: How Nationalistic Cultural Warfare Supports Political Motivations Emily E. Holley* I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................. 179 II. BACKGROUND .................................................................................. 181 A. Russia ............................................................................... 181 B. Nigeria .............................................................................. 184 C. Uganda .............................................................................. 186 D. India .................................................................................. 189 E. Global Progress for LGBT Rights .................................... 191 F. Global Backlash ................................................................ 193 III. PROOF OF MY CLAIM ....................................................................... 193 A. Progress—Equality or Politics? ........................................ 193 B. Backlash ........................................................................... 194 C. Public Opinion—Influenced and Influential .................... 197 D. Anti-Western Sentiment ................................................... 199 E. Societal and Global Impact of Anti-LGBT Legislation ........................................................................ 200 IV. CONCLUSION .................................................................................... 201 I. INTRODUCTION Recent laws criminalizing
    [Show full text]
  • Disrupted Democracy in Ukraine? Protest, Performance and Contention in the Verkhovna Rada
    Disrupted Democracy in Ukraine? Protest, Performance and Contention in the Verkhovna Rada SARAH WHITMORE Abstract Protest performances inside parliament articulated claims to uphold democracy that contributed to the maintenance of pluralism in Ukraine during attempted authoritarian consolidation. Simultaneously, such protests were para-institutional instruments in the ongoing power struggle engendered by a patronal system where formal institutions and norms weakly constrain actors. A diverse repertoire of protest, including rostrum-blocking, visual protest, withdrawal, auditory disruption, somatic protest and the spectacle, was used frequently and was adapted in response to changes in the political opportunity structure. Innovations to the repertoire adapted performances from social movements. In recent years, violent altercations and theatrical protests in Ukraine’s parliament involving tens of deputies have attracted attentive publics to a wide range of issues from language use, imprisoned opposition politicians and deputies’ multiple voting violations, but such spectacular performances belie hundreds of routinised deputies’ protests on procedural and policy matters. Both raise important questions about Ukraine’s political system and democratic practice1 more widely. How should we understand such protests, which are conducted by elected representatives that are already privileged in the system of power and have a range of formal legislative tools for protest at their disposal (Spary 2013), but choose instead to disrupt parliamentary proceedings? Why were such modes of behaviour so prevalent in Ukraine? What do the adaptation of distinctive types of protest reveal about the political system? Could such protests actually signify the vibrancy of democratic practice in Ukraine? Conceptualising Parliamentary Disruption The extant literature on the Verkhovna Rada offers limited orientation on such questions.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics and International Studies Newsletter
    Politics & International Studies Newsletter, no. 2 February 2011 Politics and International Studies Newsletter unity, and development. Tracing the http://journals.cambridge.org/action/ Introductions shifting meanings of these values over displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid time, this book demonstrates that =440693&fulltextType=RA&fileId=S0 liberal and democratic concepts are 260210506007054 more sophisticated and widely shared in the Indian polity than is commonly believed. It also identifies the limits of Western-centric accounts of Research Centres, Groups, and A note of introduction multiculturalism. Bajpai establishes Networks from Caroline Strickson: the significance of political rhetoric for Centre for the International ―Hello every one, my name is Caroline explanations of policy shifts and Politics of Conflict, Rights and Strickson and I work for the political change. Highlighting the role Justice (CCRJ) hosted the second in Department in Academic Support, and of argument and debate, Debating a series of collaborative workshops on here is a little bit about me. Before I Difference elaborates a new approach ―The Rise and Fall of started at SOAS in 2008 I worked as a to a crucial issue for liberal Humanitarianism‖. This is part of a Teaching Assistant in my home town democracies today, how to reconcile collaboration between SOAS/CCRJ, of Bexhill. As a student I studied the demands of group equality and the Munk School at the University of English Literature with Creative civic unity. Toronto, and George Washington Writing at Kent, and this is where my David Taylor has edited a four- University. passion lies. Outside of work (if there volume collection of articles, entitled is such a place!) I love cooking, The CCRJ hosted Professor Elazar watching anything sci-fi, reading Islam in South Asia (Routledge, 2011).
    [Show full text]