Declaration of the Revolution in Mani (17Th March 1821) Throughout The

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Declaration of the Revolution in Mani (17Th March 1821) Throughout The Declaration of the Revolution in Mani (17th March 1821) Throughout the period of the Turkish Occupation, the region of Mani in actual fact remained unassailable, despite repeated attempts by the Turks to subdue it. In fact, in 1776 and after the Orlofika the region declared semi-independence, tributary payments, under the direct jurisdiction of Kapoudan Pasha. Its administration was assumed by one of the “kapetaeous” in the region, where a Bey was assigned, and who was responsible for maintaining law and order Mani had become the “greatest terror” for the Turks and the “Greek Sanctuary”, since due to its singular status there were permanent armed groups of men within the region, consisting of experienced fighters from the Peloponnese. The reputation of its residents in conjunction with the relevant independence of the region and the suitable peninsula land which could be used as a base of operations, and at the same time as a sanctuary, had place Mani in the conscience of both Greeks and foreigners, as the most suitable region for beginning this great struggle. And in fact, despite the differences and the disagreements between the noble families of the region, quite a few revolutionary movements arose during the last decades of the Turkish Occupation Period and the catholic participation of the Maniates in the revolution was completely organised. In October 1819 the leaders assembled in Kitries, at the house of Petrobey Mavromichalis (the last Bey in Manis), and signed an agreement of understanding and mutual preparation. In addition, many Maniates, “kapetanei” and Petrobey himself rushed to mimic the Filiki Eteria (=Friendly Society), reinforcing their convictions that any catholic uprising by the Greeks must be supported in Mani. In fact, the initial plan by Ypsilanti was to travel there himself to proclaim the revolution, but this did not take place due to the impending dangers that his traveling to European soil would incur. The cancellation of this plan probably raised the revolutionary feelings of the Maniates instead of disappointing them. And by the beginning of 1821, military sentiments seethed through the region, as well as throughout the remaining regions of the Peloponnese. Following orders from the Filiki Eteria, Papaflessas and other significant chieftans traveled to Mani, including Anagnostaras and Theodoros Kolokotronis, who traveled around the villages and recruited the residents. All preparations were pointedly carried out in Eastern Mani where the presence of those in power was essentially non-existent, with much milder activities in Western Mani, where the Bey was based. Petrobey had successfully managed to conceal the presence and actions of the chieftans, as well as to avoid traveling to Tripoli at the end of February, when the Turkish Administrator of the Peloponnese -in order to lessen the possibly of insurrection in his dominion- invited all the high priests and dignitaries of the Peloponnese with the pretence of a meeting. But in actual fact he wanted to detain them. Pretending to be ill, Petrobeys sent his son Anastasios, and thus appeased the Turkish Authorities and at the same time he secured the unhindered actions of the captains. From the beginning of March the whole of Mani was on war alert. Residents had left their jobs, congregating in the squares of the villages and preparing “buckshots” and collecting food supplies for the warriors, while the chieftans went to great lengths to secure lead and powder, assemble warriors and form groups or units. Petrobey was very worried over this animated and open preparation, in combination with the existing differences between the powerful families in Mani, as he realized that a premature uprising could lead to internal clashes and to retaliatory actions by the Turks who would implement strong measures against the Maniates. His letter sent on 11th March 1821 to the Grigorakides (leaders in Eastern Mani) is characteristic, in which he recommended that they avoid taking hasty actions that may harm the struggle and understandings that were “for the common good”. As can be seen in documents preserved in the archives of prominent Maniate families, at the beginning of March all the captains were communicating between themselves and with Petrobey, either through coded letters or personal contacts, in order to prepare the common mode of action. Around the middle of March all final decisions that had been taken since the meetings and exchanges of letters were stopped completely. The leaders were now completely and exclusively absorbed in preparing their forces. It can be seen from written sources that on the eve of the Revolution, the high priests and dignitaries of Achaia who had also avoided being detained in Tripolitsa, requested from Petrobey that Mani should be the first region to begin the insurrection. Petrobey subsequently invited all the Maniate chieftans to a meeting in Tsimova (today called Ereopolis), the capital of the Mavromichaleon, on 17th March 1821. There they “agreed to raise their weapons against the Turks”, as witnessed by Ioannis Kolokotronis and Theodoros Kolokotronis -who was present- undertook to convey this decision to the Chieftans in Messinia, Arkadia and Achaia. Local traditions has preserved this event as a legend, in accordance with which all the chieftans assembled in the square of the city, in front of the Church of Taxiarchon, and they raised the first revolutionary flag in Kotroni. The makeshift flag was a piece of white material with a sky blue cross in the middle. The words “Νίκθ ι Θάνατοσ” (Niki or Thanatos =“Victory or Death”) (and not “Freedom” as Mani was considered to be free) were inscribed in the upper part, and in the lower part were the words «ταν ι επί τασ» (tan or epi tas = “with this or upon this”). The flag was blessed by the priests and all the leaders, together with Petrobey, swore that they will fight united for the liberation of the nation. The new proclamation of the revolution spread from Mani to the remaining parts of the Peloponnese. This was followed a few days later by the assembling of the warriors and their organisation into units, followed immediately by two raids launched by the Maniates. The first carried out by the leaders of Eastern Mani under the Grigorakides, against Monemvasia and Mystra on the afternoon of Saturday 19th March, as verified by a letter from Canon Gerasimos to Panagiotis Kosonakos, making known the beginning of the war and exhorting him to spread the news. The leaders of Western Mani, under Petrobey, moved towards Kalamata. The first to enter the city on 20th March was Petrobey’s son, Ilias, leading a unit of Maniates, with the pretext that he was to reinforce the local Turkish Guard. All the other chieftans followed on the following day, and on 23rd March they occupied the city without spilling a drop of blood. They then attended the first official doxology. They subsequently drew up the proclamation that was signed by Petrobey Mavromichalis with the honorary title “Commander in Chief of the Spartan Forces”, by which they made known the decision by the Hellenic Nation to the European Powers to overthrow the Turkish yoke and asked for their assistance. BIBLIOGRAPHY Vagiakakos, D., “Η κιρυξισ τθσ επαναςτάςεωσ ςτθ Μάνθ, 17 Μαρτίου 1821”, in Lakonia. Special dedication by the revue “HOS”, Athens 1998, 278-280. Vakalopoulos, Α., “Επίλεκτεσ βαςικζσ ιςτορικζσ πθγζσ τθσ Ελλθνικισ Επαναςτάςεωσ (1813-1825)”, Thessaloniki 1990. Daskalakis, Α., “Η ζναρξισ τθσ Επαναςτάςεωσ εισ τθν Λακωνίαν”, Λακωνικαί Σπουδαί 2 (1975), 5-62. Daskalakis, Α., ”Η προπαραςκευι τθσ ελλθνικισ επαναςτάςεωσ εισ τθν Λακωνίαν”, Λακωνικαί Σπουδαί 1 (1971), 1-72. Daskalakis, Α., Αρχείον Τηωρτηάκθ-Γρθγοράκθ. Ανζκδοτα ιςτορικά ζγγραφα Μάνθσ (1810-1835), Athens 1976. Daskalakis, Α., “Η ζναρξισ τθσ ελλθνικισ επαναςτάςεωσ του 1821”, Athens 1962. Kokkinos, D., “Η Ελλθνικι Επανάςταςισ”, Athens 1956. Koutsilieris, Α., “Ιςτορία τθσ Μάνθσ. Αρχαία - μεςαιωνικι - νεώτερθ”, Athens 1993. Mangiorakos, K.P., “Το αποτζλεςμα εκ τθσ ςυμμετοχισ των Μανιατών κατά τθν ζναρξιν του αγώνοσ του 1821”, Athens 1971. Patriarcheas, V., “Δίπτυχον τθσ εκνεγερςίασ”, Athens 1972. Trikoupis, S., “Ιςτορία τθσ Ελλθνικισ Επαναςτάςεωσ”, Athens 1968.. Filimon, Ι., “Δοκίμιον ιςτορικόν περί τθσ ελλθνικισ επαναςτάςεωσ”, Athens 1860. Fotopoulos, Α., “Οι Γιατράκοι του 1821”, Athens 2001. FIGURES 1. Maniates. Paris, National Library (Πανόραμα Ελλθνικισ Επαναςτάςεωσ, Edition: Κ. Koumoundoureas, Athens). 2. Petrobeys Mavromichalis revolts in Messinia, Paris, National Library (1821, Η Ελλθνικι Επανάςταςθ. Peter Von Hess, 40 Coloured Lithographs with Heroes and Battles from the Struggle, Edition: Delta, Athens 1996, p. 43). 3. Portrait of Petrobeys Mavromichalis. Athens, National Historical Museum (Ιςτορία του Ελλθνικοφ Ζκνουσ, Ekdotiki Athens, Athens, τ. ΙΒ΄, p. 92). 4. Representation of the doxology on 23rd March 1821 in Kalamata. Kalamata, Benakio Museum (Ιςτορία του Ελλθνικοφ Ζκνουσ, Ekdotiki Athens, Athens, τ. ΙΒ΄, p. 88). .
Recommended publications
  • Short Overview of the Evolution of Modern Greek State
    Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 55 Short overview of the evolution of Modern Greek state Shalva Tchkadua Telavi State University, Georgia Greece could be an heir of the Byzantine Empire. History often identifies Greece with Byzantium. Unfortunately, the speedy reinforcement of the Ottoman Empire caused Ottomans to become the heirs of Byzantium, and Greece disappeared from the political map. From 1453 till 1821 the territory, which is now called the Hellenic Republic, represented one of the provinces of the Ottoman Empire and Greece as a political unit did not exist. In 1821 the national liberation movement of Greece, with the guidance of Theodoros Kolokotronis, arranged the revolution against the Ottoman Empire and gained victory. Since that time Greece began fighting to re-establish unity and a state system.1 The Greek Revolution was organized in Greece as well as abroad. Greek emigrants were actively involved in the national liberation struggle. At that time Greece had gained all the criteria which are necessary for the formation of a people as a nation. Greece surpassed its conqueror state in economical-cultural development. Peasants were the main force of the revolution, though they were still strengthened by rich and powerful maritime-commercial bourgeoisie and national intelligentsia. They were the ideological leaders of the revolution.2 In 1815 a secret association under the name “Philiki Eteria” (i.e. friendly union) was established. Its center was in Odessa and the leaders were Nickolaos Skufas, Emanuil Xantos and Athanasios Tsakalov. In 1820, the association was led by Major General of the Russian Army Aleksandre Ipsilantis.
    [Show full text]
  • The National Herald a Weekly Greek-American Publication 1915-2016 VOL
    Greek Independence Day Parade In New York This Sunday! Let's All Attend! S o C V st ΓΡΑΦΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ W ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ E 101 ΑΠΟ ΤΟ 1915 anniversa ry N The National Herald www.thenationalherald.com A weekly Greek-AmericAn PuBlicATion 1915-2016 VOL. 20, ISSUE 1015 March 25-31, 2017 c v $1.50 Greek Architect Wants Dr. Yancopoulos, Grand Marshal, Talks to TNH to Change Skyline of Regeneron’s founding scientist to Manhattan lead the NY parade TNH Staff deposited daily by their inhabi - TNH Staff tants,” Oiio founder Oikonomou NEW YORK – In response to the told Time Out New York. NEW YORK – Dr. George Yan - swathe of supertall luxury resi - “Architects are now free from copoulos, President and Chief dential towers rising in New the old constraints and are scientific officer of the pharma - York, local studio Oiio owned ready to wrestle with a city fab - ceutical company Regeneron, is by Ioannis Oikonomou has pro - ric covered by layers on top of the Grand Marshal for the Greek posed a conceptual skyscraper layers, made of meaning and Independence Parade on March that loops over to boast length memory.” 26 in New York. One of the lead - rather than height. THE BIG BEND ing scientists and the head of The Big Bend would be There is an undeniable ob - one of the largest pharmaceuti - formed from a very thin struc - session that resides in Manhat - cal companies listed on the New ture that curves at the top and tan. It is undeniable because it York Stock Exchange, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Albanian Families' History and Heritage Making at the Crossroads of New
    Voicing the stories of the excluded: Albanian families’ history and heritage making at the crossroads of new and old homes Eleni Vomvyla UCL Institute of Archaeology Thesis submitted for the award of Doctor in Philosophy in Cultural Heritage 2013 Declaration of originality I, Eleni Vomvyla confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. Signature 2 To the five Albanian families for opening their homes and sharing their stories with me. 3 Abstract My research explores the dialectical relationship between identity and the conceptualisation/creation of history and heritage in migration by studying a socially excluded group in Greece, that of Albanian families. Even though the Albanian community has more than twenty years of presence in the country, its stories, often invested with otherness, remain hidden in the Greek ‘mono-cultural’ landscape. In opposition to these stigmatising discourses, my study draws on movements democratising the past and calling for engagements from below by endorsing the socially constructed nature of identity and the denationalisation of memory. A nine-month fieldwork with five Albanian families took place in their domestic and neighbourhood settings in the areas of Athens and Piraeus. Based on critical ethnography, data collection was derived from participant observation, conversational interviews and participatory techniques. From an individual and family group point of view the notion of habitus led to diverse conceptions of ethnic identity, taking transnational dimensions in families’ literal and metaphorical back- and-forth movements between Greece and Albania.
    [Show full text]
  • 19. YÜZYIL AVRUPA ROMANTİKLERİNİN 1821 MORA İSYANI ÜZERİNDEKİ SİYASİ VE KÜLTÜREL ETKİLERİ1 Esra ÖZSÜER*
    Türkiyat Mecmuası, c. 26/2, 2016, 325-344 19. YÜZYIL AVRUPA ROMANTİKLERİNİN 1821 MORA İSYANI ÜZERİNDEKİ SİYASİ VE KÜLTÜREL ETKİLERİ1 Esra ÖZSÜER* ÖZ 1789 Fransız Devrimi sonrasında Monarşinin çöküşü eşitlik, özgürlük ve adalet kavramlarının halka ait olduğu yönündeki düşüncenin ortaya çıkmasına sebep oldu. Böyle bir düşünce sistemi ilkesel olarak Ġmparatorluk içinde yaşayan ulusların kendi kimliklerini keşfetmesine ve ulus-devlet anlayışı ile milliyetçi olgunun doğmasına sebebiyet verdi. Nitekim akılcı düşüncenin egemen olduğu Aydınlanma Çağı ve akabinde Avrupa'da oluşan Romantik akım karşısında hiçbir imparatorluğun varlığını tek güç olarak sürdürmesi olası değildi. Böyle bir süreç elbette ki dönemin etkin gücü olan Osmanlı Ġmparatorluğu içinde farklı ulusların imparatorluğa karşı isyan hareketlerini de beraberinde getirdi. Balkanlar'da çıkan bu isyanlar sonucunda Osmanlı Ġmparatorluğundan bağımsızlığını ilk alan Yunanistan, 1821-1829 yılları arasında yaşanan isyan sürecinde en büyük desteği Avrupa'dan gördü. Antik Yunan hayranlığının hüküm sürdüğü Avrupa'da temel gündem demokrasi ve özgür düşüncenin doğduğu toprakların kendi Oryantalist düşünceleri doğrultusunda despot ve "Doğulu" saydığı Osmanlı'dan kurtarılması gerekliliğiydi. Nitekim Avrupa'daki Rönesans ve Reform hareketlerinin oluşması Yunan'ın atalarından kalan bir mirasın da neticesiydi. Avrupa böyle bir bilincin ötesinde "Yunan Davasını" kendileri açısından vicdani bir mesele olarak da görüyordu. Avrupa Yunanistan'a bir özgürlük borçluydu ve bu borcun ödenmesi için her türlü ekonomik, siyasi, kültürel ve askeri desteğin verilmesi gerekliydi. Başta Lord Byron, Victor Hugo, Chateaubrıand, Shelley gibi dönemin Romantikleri gerek verdikleri eserlerle gerek bizzat davanın içinde aktif rol alarak isyan süresince Yunanistan'a yardım ve destekte bulundular, Avrupa'nın pek çok yerinden gelen Filhelenler Antik Yunan'ı yeniden bulma ve yaratma ümidiyle geldikleri Yunan topraklarında isyana bizzat katılıp destek verdiler.
    [Show full text]
  • 200Th Anniversary of the Greek War of Independence 1821-2021 18 1821-2021
    Special Edition: 200th Anniversary of the Greek War of Independence 1821-2021 18 1821-2021 A publication of the Dean C. and Zoë S. Pappas Interdisciplinary March 2021 VOLUME 1 ISSUE NO. 3 Center for Hellenic Studies and the Friends of Hellenic Studies From the Director Dear Friends, On March 25, 1821, in the city of Kalamata in the southern Peloponnesos, the chieftains from the region of Mani convened the Messinian Senate of Kalamata to issue a revolutionary proclamation for “Liberty.” The commander Petrobey Mavromichalis then wrote the following appeal to the Americans: “Citizens of the United States of America!…Having formed the resolution to live or die for freedom, we are drawn toward you by a just sympathy; since it is in your land that Liberty has fixed her abode, and by you that she is prized as by our fathers.” He added, “It is for you, citizens of America, to crown this glory, in aiding us to purge Greece from the barbarians, who for four hundred years have polluted the soil.” The Greek revolutionaries understood themselves as part of a universal struggle for freedom. It is this universal struggle for freedom that the Pappas Center for Hellenic Studies and Stockton University raises up and celebrates on the occasion of the 200th anniversary of the beginning of the Greek Revolution in 1821. The Pappas Center IN THIS ISSUE for Hellenic Studies and the Friends of Hellenic Studies have prepared this Special Edition of the Hellenic Voice for you to enjoy. In this Special Edition, we feature the Pappas Center exhibition, The Greek Pg.
    [Show full text]
  • “The Semiotics of the Imagery of the Greek War of Independence. from Delacroix to the Frieze in Otto’S Palace, the Current Hellenic Parliament”
    American Research Journal of Humanities & Social Science (ARJHSS)R) 2020 American Research Journal of Humanities & Social Science (ARJHSS) E-ISSN: 2378-702X Volume-03, Issue-01, pp 36-41 January-2020 www.arjhss.com Research Paper Open Access “The Semiotics of the Imagery of the Greek War of Independence. From Delacroix to the Frieze in Otto’s Palace, The Current Hellenic Parliament”. Markella-Elpida Tsichla University of Patras *Corresponding Author: Markella-Elpida Tsichla ABSTRACT:- The iconography of the Greek War of Independence is quite broad and it includes both real and imaginary themes. Artists who were inspired by this particular and extremely important historical event originated from a variety of countries, some were already well-known, such as Eugène Delacroix, others were executing official commissions from kings of Western countries, and most of them were driven by the spirit of romanticism. This paper shall not so much focus on matters of art criticism, but rather explore the manner in which facts have been represented in specific works of art, referring to political, religious and cultural issues, which are still relevant to this day. In particular, I shall comment on The Massacre at Chios by Eugène Delacroix, painted in 1824, the 39 Scenes from the Greek War of Independence by Peter von Hess, painted in 1835 and commissioned by King Ludwig I of Bavaria, and the frieze in the Trophy Room (currently Eleftherios Venizelos Hall) in Otto’s palace in Athens, currently housing the Hellenic Parliament, themed around the Greek War of Independence and the subsequent events. This great work was designed by German sculptor Ludwig Michael Schantahaler in 1840 and “transferred” to the walls of the hall by a group of Greek and German artists.
    [Show full text]
  • «Τα Εργα Των Ιταλων Ζωγραφων Lipparini Kai Marsigli Στα
    ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΕΙΟ ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗΣ ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΚΗ ΣΧΟΛΗ ΤΜΗΜΑ ΙΤΑΛΙΚΗΣ ΓΛΩΣΣΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΦΙΛΟΛΟΓΙΑΣ ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ ΜΕΤΑΠΤΥΧΙΑΚΩΝ ΣΠΟΥΔΩΝ ΚΑΤΕΥΘΥΝΣΗ ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΜΟΣ «ΤΑ ΕΡΓΑ ΤΩΝ ΙΤΑΛΩΝ ΖΩΓΡΑΦΩΝ LIPPARINI KAI MARSIGLI ΣΤΑ ΠΛΑΙΣΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΕΥΡΩΠΑΙΚΟΥ ΦΙΛΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ ΚΑΤΑ ΤΗΝ ΕΠΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΤΟΥ 1821» ΜΕΤΑΠΤΥΧΙΑΚΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ Στυλιανής Α. Μπίκα A.E.M. 12 ΕΠΙΒΛΕΠΟΥΣΑ: Ε. ΜΕΛΕΖΙΑΔΟΥ - ΔΟΜΠΟΥΛΑ Τριμελής Επιτροπή: E. Μελεζιάδου-Δομπούλα Eπίκουρη καθηγήτρια Α.Π.Θ. Β.Κ. Ιβάνοβιτς Αναπληρωτής καθηγητής Α.Π.Θ. G. Macrì Αναπληρώτρια καθηγήτρια Α.Π.Θ. ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗ 2012 0 Στην Άννα, στον Αλέξιο και στο Δανιήλ 1 ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΩΝ 1.Εισαγωγή σ. 4 2.Ο Ευρωπαϊκός φιλελληνισμός σ. 6 3.Ο φιλελληνισμός και η Ελληνική επανάσταση σ. 7 4.Οι πρώτες φιλελληνικές εκδηλώσεις σ. 9 5.Η φιλελληνική δραστηριότητα στη Γερμανία σ. 12 6.Ο φιλελληνισμός στη Γαλλία & η ίδρυση της πρώτης φιλελληνικής επιτροπής σ. 14 7.Η φιλελληνική κίνηση στη Μεγάλη Βρετανία σ. 18 7.1. H Mεγάλη Περιήγηση και η σχέση της με το φιλελληνικό κίνημα σ. 19 8.Ρώσοι φιλέλληνες κατά την επανάσταση του 1821 σ. 21 8.1. Ο Pushkin, οι Δεκεμβριστές και το Ελληνικό Ζήτημα σ. 24 9.Ο Ιταλικός φιλελληνισμός σ. 28 9.1. Ιταλοί φιλέλληνες και στελέχωση του τακτικού στρατού στην Ελλάδα. Συμμετοχή σε στρατιωτικές επιχειρήσεις. σ. 29 9.2. Συμμετοχή στην πολιτική συγκρότηση του νεοσύστατου κράτους σ. 32 9.3. Συμβολή στην έκδοση εφημερίδων σ. 33 9.4. Συμπαράσταση στην οργάνωση και διεύθυνση της ιατρικής, φαρμακευτικής και νοσοκομειακής περίθαλψης ασθενών και τραυματιών σ. 34 10.Ο πνευματικός κόσμος της Ιταλίας σ. 35 2 10.1. Λογοτέχνες και επαναστατικές ιδέες σ. 35 10.2. Πολιτικοί και επανάσταση σ.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolutionary Reckonings
    COMMENTARY had a fixation with the event. They declared their dictatorship to be a “national-salvationist revolu- tion” (ethnosotirios epanastasis) that would com- plete the work of its predecessor. In 1971, the 150th anniversary of the uprising, more than 300 books were published on the subject – an astonishing number dwarfing that of any year before or since. The nation’s classrooms rang with the exhortation: “Long live the revolution of 25 March 1821! Long live the revolution of 21 April 1967!” It was ironic to watch an authoritarian military Junta heroizing a bunch of unruly and quarrelsome chieftains who had been united by few things stronger than their loathing for the idea of a regular army. But the pre- dictable result of turning 1821 into fascist kitsch was that by the time the colonels fell from power in 1974, everyone was fed up with the subject. This explains why, amid the truly remarkable resurgence in historical studies in Greece that took place with the restoration of democracy, the subject of its independence struggle was initially neglected. An exception was the scholarly journal Mnimon, which consistently published high-calibre research on the subject. Just three years ago, it published not one but two important volumes of essays on the Greek revolution. These signalled an end to the neglect of the recent past and showcased a younger generation of historians that was finding new rea- sons for returning to 1821. One of these volumes is a collective tribute to the late historian Despoina Themeli-Katifori, who had contributed to the journal from the start.
    [Show full text]
  • Maria Christina Chatziioannou
    War, Crisis and sovereign Loans: The greek War of independenCe and BriTish eConomiC expansion in The 1820s* Maria Christina Chatziioannou abstract: This article focuses on the principal actors who undertook the financial intermediation of the greek loans of 1824 and 1825 and the agents who carried it out, the financial market, the stock market exchange and the joint-stock corporate organization. The main argument is that there was an asymmetric relationship between these principal actors and agents. my research hypothesis works on the convergence of two different crises at the same time: the systemic banking crisis of 1825 in London; and the severe internal crisis for the insurgent greeks. i argue that the causes for these “hapless loans” could be more complex, beyond the known moral critique. The two loans obtained by the greeks during the course of the greek War of independence, specifically in 1824 and 1825, are important because they essentially constitute the first international recognition of the greek state. Two daunting economic challenges marked that same period, on the one hand in greece, civil strife, financial hardship and the inability to sustain and equip the insurgency, and on the other in the City of London, the 1825 bank panic. additionally, the administration of the two loans, while the struggle against ottoman rule was still at a critical stage, opened up a very important chapter in anglo-greek relations at a time when Britain’s expansionist economy was taking off. during this period, British philhellenism and political liberalism would encounter the principles of free trade and the new entrepreneurial strategy developing in Britain in the 1820s.
    [Show full text]
  • Ahif Po L I C Y J O U R N
    AHIF P O L I C Y J O U R N A L Spring 2015 Kapodistrias and the Making of Modern Europe and Modern Greece Patrick Theros n 1998, Theodoros Pangalos, Greece’s Foreign Minister attended an EU Conference of I otherwise little note in Brussels. He was half asleep during the sessions until the then President of the Dutch Parliament rose to speak about the common European heritage. The Dutchman proclaimed that a common cultural history united Europe: beginning with feudalism, followed by the Renaissance, the Reformation, the Counter- reformation, the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. This history differentiated Europeans from non-Europeans, a category which the unctuous Dutchman obviously deemed unworthy of membership. Pangalos suddenly came awake and leaped to his feet to state, in his normal colorful fashion, that the Dutchman had just insulted Greece. Greece had indeed lived through feudalism. It had come to Greece in the form of the Fourth Crusade, the sacking of Constantinople, and the dismembering of the country that virtually depopulated Greece. Pangalos apparently went on to eviscerate the Dutchman. He described the Renaissance as created by Greek scholars who fled the Turkish conquest. As for the Reformation and Counter Reformation; those were internal civil wars of the Papacy. No one seems to have memorialized Pangalos’ comments on the Enlightenment and the French Revolution as his Greek diplomats cringed and mostly tried to quiet him down. Pangalos’ ranting was more or less on point and, in fact, historically quite accurate. But the EU officials present, locked into the notion that Western civilization (quite narrowly defined) provided the gold standard for the world to try to emulate while the history and culture of others rated only academic interest made fun of Pangalos to the other Greeks present.
    [Show full text]
  • Η Σφαγή Της Χίου, Ελαιογραφία Σε Καμβά, Αποδίδεται Στον G. Courbet (1819-1877), Αντίγραφο Έργου Του Eug
    Η Σφαγή της Χίου, ελαιογραφία σε καμβά, Αποδίδεται στον G. Courbet (1819-1877), αντίγραφο έργου του Eug. Delacroix (1798-1863) The Massacre of Chios, oil on canvas, attributed to G. Courbet (1819-1877), replica from the painting of Eug. Delacroix (1798-1863) Ίδρυμα Αρχιεπισκόπου Μακαρίου Γ΄ Πρεσβεία της Ελλάδος στην Κύπρο Χορηγός της Έκθεσης “Απ’ τα κόκκαλα βγαλμένη... 190 χρόνια από την Επανάσταση του 1821. Η συμμετοχή της Κύπρου” Αίθουσα Προσωρινών Εκθέσεων Βυζαντινού Μουσείου Ιδρύματος Αρχιεπισκόπου Μακαρίου Γ΄ 29 Μαρτίου - 30 Σεπτεμβρίου 2011 Επιμέλεια Έκθεσης - Καταλόγου: Δρ Ιωάννης Α. Ηλιάδης Λευκωσία 2011 Archbishop Makarios III Foundation Embassy of Greece in Cyprus Sponsor of the Exhibition “Risen from the sacred bones... 190 years from the Revolution of 1821. The contribution of Cyprus” Hall of Temporary Exhibitions of the Byzantine Museum of the Archbishop Makarios III Foundation 29 March - 30 September 2011 Curator of the Exhibition - catalogue: Dr Ioannis A. Eliades Lefkosia 2011 Ιερά Αρχιεπισκοπή Κύπρου Χαιρετισμός της Α.Μ. του Αρχιεπισκόπου Κύπρου κ.κ. Χρυσοστόμου Β΄ Θερμά συγχαίρουμε το Ίδρυμα Αρχιεπισκόπου Μακαρίου Γ΄, την Πρε- σβεία της Ελλάδος στην Κύπρο και την Τράπεζα Eurobank EIG Κύπρου για τη συνδιοργάνωση της Έκθεσης «Απ’ τα κόκκαλα βγαλμένη... 190 χρόνια από την Επανάσταση του 1821. Η συμμετοχή της Κύπρου». Η Έκθεση αποτελεί συμβολική απόδοση τιμής και ευγνωμοσύνης προς τους αθάνατους ήρωες της Εθνεγερσίας. Μέσα από τα εκθέματά της, διαγράφει, ακόμη, τη σημαντική συμβολή της νήσου μας στον αγώνα του 1821. Επιβεβαιώνει, ακόμη, η Έκθεση ότι είμαστε ένας λαός με ιστορική μνήμη και με συναίσθηση της σπουδαίας σύστασης του Πο- λύβιου: «μηδεμίαν ἑτοιμοτέραν εἶναι διόρθωσιν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τῆς τῶν προγεγενημένων πράξεων ἐπιστήμης».
    [Show full text]
  • An Ottoman Global Moment
    AN OTTOMAN GLOBAL MOMENT: WAR OF SECOND COALITION IN THE LEVANT A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History By Kahraman Sakul, M.A Washington, DC November, 18, 2009 Copyright 2009 by Kahraman Sakul All Rights Reserved ii AN OTTOMAN GLOBAL MOMENT: WAR OF SECOND COALITION IN THE LEVANT Kahraman Sakul, M.A. Dissertation Advisor: Gabor Agoston, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This dissertation aims to place the Ottoman Empire within its proper context in the Napoleonic Age and calls for a recognition of the crucial role of the Sublime Porte in the War of Second Coalition (1798-1802). The Ottoman-Russian joint naval expedition (1798-1800) to the Ionian Islands under the French occupation provides the framework for an examination of the Ottoman willingness to join the European system of alliance in the Napoleonic age which brought the victory against France in the Levant in the War of Second Coalition (1798-1802). Collections of the Ottoman Archives and Topkapı Palace Archives in Istanbul as well as various chronicles and treatises in Turkish supply most of the primary sources for this dissertation. Appendices, charts and maps are provided to make the findings on the expedition, finance and logistics more readable. The body of the dissertation is divided into nine chapters discussing in order the global setting and domestic situation prior to the forming of the second coalition, the Adriatic expedition, its financial and logistical aspects with the ensuing socio-economic problems in the Morea, the Sublime Porte’s relations with its protectorate – The Republic of Seven United Islands, and finally the post-war diplomacy.
    [Show full text]