DOCSLIB.ORG

Los Legados De La Lusitania Autor(Es): Baúl, A. Publicado Por: Imprensa Da

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Los Legados De La Lusitania Autor(Es): Baúl, A. Publicado Por: Imprensa Da Los legados de la Lusitania Autor(es): Baúl, A. Publicado por: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra URL persistente: http://hdl.handle.net/10316.2/45930 DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8657_4_4 Accessed : 23-Sep-2021 20:09:50 A navegação consulta e descarregamento dos títulos inseridos nas Bibliotecas Digitais UC Digitalis, UC Pombalina e UC Impactum, pressupõem a aceitação plena e sem reservas dos Termos e Condições de Uso destas Bibliotecas Digitais, disponíveis em https://digitalis.uc.pt/pt-pt/termos. Conforme exposto nos referidos Termos e Condições de Uso, o descarregamento de títulos de acesso restrito requer uma licença válida de autorização devendo o utilizador aceder ao(s) documento(s) a partir de um endereço de IP da instituição detentora da supramencionada licença. Ao utilizador é apenas permitido o descarregamento para uso pessoal, pelo que o emprego do(s) título(s) descarregado(s) para outro fim, designadamente comercial, carece de autorização do respetivo autor ou editor da obra. Na medida em que todas as obras da UC Digitalis se encontram protegidas pelo Código do Direito de Autor e Direitos Conexos e demais legislação aplicável, toda a cópia, parcial ou total, deste documento, nos casos em que é legalmente admitida, deverá conter ou fazer-se acompanhar por este aviso. impactum.uc.pt digitalis.uc.pt LOS LEGADOS DE LA LUSITANIA Con este trabajo concluye la serie de estudios realizados anterior­ mente con el propósito de reconstruir los fastos de las provincias his­ pánicas durante el Imperio romano (1). Bibliográficamente la Lusitania ocupa un lugar privilegiado puesto que aparte el anticuado estudio de Liebenam (2), las referencias de Marquardt (3), de Hübner (4), de Ursin (5) y de M. Marchetti (6) el presente siglo ha producido, aparte el centón de Lothrop que es pre­ ferible silenciar (7) una memoria dirigida por Heuten (8) y los estudios de S. Lambrino sobre L. Fulcinius Trio (9) y C. Arruntius Catellius Celer (10) que, en el primero de ellos, nos ha dado a conocer el nombre del primer legado conocido hasta ahora. Aun así el numero de legados conocido no es excepcional. Ha aumentado ciertamente desde que Hübner catalogó nueve legados o praesides pero distamos mucho de disponer de una lista que pueda considerarse muy completa o tan numerosa como la de los legados de Pannonia Superior y los proconsules de Asia. (1) Cfr. Balil, Zephyrus, XIII, 1962 (publ. 1963), 75 ss. (proconsules de la Bética); Emérita, XXXII, 1964, 19 ss. (legados de la Citerior). (2) Die Legaten in den romischen Provinzen , 1888, 251 ss.. (3) Romische Staatsverwaltung, Ie, passim. (4) CIL, n, suppl., p. LXXXVII. (5) De Lusitania provincia romana, 1884, passim. (6) Diz. Ep., III, 910 ss.. (7) Revue Hispanique, I, 1928, 412 ss.. (8) Latomus, II, 1938, 256, ss.. Agradezco al profesor M. Renard haberme facilitado una reproducción de este trabajo cuando no era asequible en las bibliotecas de Madrid. (9) Arch. Port., n. s., I, 1951, 151 ss. (resumen en CRAI, 1952, 472 ss.). (10) Revista da Faculdade de Letras (de Lisboa), XXI, 1955 (sep.). 1 44 A. B alil Esta escasez de datos es también la que hallamos en la Citerior o en la Baetica. Resulta sorprendente que se pudiese escribir, y en un momento en que los datos eran menos que ahora, que «L’epigraphie nous fournit, pour la Citérieure, la plus belle série connue de gouver- neurs et de légats durant trois siècles, et il est à regretter que Ton n’ait pas encore, à l’aide de ces documents, rédigé les Fastes de cette pro­ vince» (11). Efectivamente si los datos disponibles para la Citerior se consideran como un optimum pudieran suscribirse las palabras de Lothrop, «it will be seen that Baetica and Lusitania are nearly as for­ tunate» (12) aunque mejor fuera a nuestro juicio decir «infortunate». Hubiéramos querido tratar aquí del problema de la creación de Lusitania como provincia independiente. A fines del pasado siglo y principios del presente se debatió bastante la discusión de una fecha augustea o una fecha tiberiana pero desde la publicación de la memoria de Albertini sobre las provincias de Espana (13) el problema se ha silenciado (14) pero no resuelto. Desgraciadamente tal exposición resulta sumamente extensa y hemos preferido dejarla como trabajo aparte. Toda solución definitiva procederá de los nombres de los governadores pero por ahora continuamos sin conocer quienes pudieron ser los legados anteriores a Tiberio (15). L. Fulcinius Trio. Gracias a los estudios de Scarlat Lambrino ( CRAI, 1952, 472 ss.; Arch. Port., n. s. I, 1953, 000 ss.) sobre la inscripción de Juromenha ( AE, 1953, 88) sabemos que este es el nombre del governador anónimo en la inscripción mutiladaCIL VI, 93. (11) Revue de Philologie de Litterature et d'Histoire anciennes, XXXIV, 1910, 302 ss.). (12) O. c., 412. Dudo bastante que Mispoulet hubiese podido considerar unos fasti de Hispania la heterogénea mezcla de legati, iuridici , proconsules, procura­ tores y subprocuratores que caracterizan el trabajo de Lothrop. (13) Les Divisions administratives de VEspagne romaine , 1923. (14) Sin embargo lo advierte, con su habitual perspicacia, Syme, The Roman Revolution, 1939, 395, n. 1. (15) En este trabajo me limito exclusivamente a los leg. Aug. pr. pr. sin entrar en los problemas de administración y del personal subalterno tratados, para el con­ junto de las provincias hispánicas en un trabajo en prensa. 2 Los legados de la Lusitania 45 Su carrera (PIR, II, n.° 349; RE, VII, col. 212; De Laet, De Samenstelling van den romeinschen Senaat gederunde de eerste eeuw van het principaat, 1941, n.° 465) ha sido ahora completada con los estudios de Lambrino. Acusador de Scribonius Libo el a. 16 (Tac., An., II, 27-32) su actuación le valió el ingreso en el senado en opinión de Lambrino, la praetura extra ordinem (Tac., An., II, 32) en opinión de De Laet. El a. 20 actuó como acusador contra Calpurnio Pisón por su administración en la Citerior {An., Ill, 10-19) y que le abrió el camino de todas las distinciones. Lambrino le supone quaestor el a. 21. Es posible que esto favoreciese a su familia si, como supone Groag {PIR2 , III, n. ??) es hermano de C. Fulcinius Trio el praet peregrinus del a. 24 {CIL I2, 71; De Laet, Samenstelling, n.° 627). Hacia el 27/28, según Lambrino, obtuvo, ya pretor, el cargo de leg. Aug. pr. pr. en Lusitania pero quizá esta fecha pueda remon­ tarse algo pues después del a. 26, ya en Capri, Tiberio se preocupó poco de los nuevos nombramientos en provincias continuando en su cargo los governadores de las provincias imperiales y gover­ nando mediente legados los de las provincias senatoriales (Suet., 776., XLI). Con el favor imperial y su habilidad de pescador en aguas revueltas Fulcinius Trio pudo alcanzar pronto la pretura y, como «experto» en asuntos hispánicos desde el proceso de Cal­ purnius Piso ser leg. Aug. pr. pr. de Lusitania el 26/27. El 22 de enero del a. 31 continuaba en el cargo. Esto, cier­ tamente, supone una notable duración, precisada gracias a la tabula patronatus de Juromenha, en el cargo en relación con la habitual de los leg. Aug. pr. pr. en tiempos de Augusto, dos o tres anos a lo sumo, pero bajo Tiberio C. Poppaeus Sabinus fue leg. Moesiae durante venticuatro anos (Tac., Ann., I, 80; VI, 39,; Dio, LVIII, 25, 4) el tio de Seneca fue praef. Aegypti durante dieci­ seis (Sen. dial., XII, 19, 6) y Poncio Pilatos gobernó Judea durante diez (Jos., an. Jud., XVIII, 4, 2) lo cual muestra que la continuidad de Fulcinius Trio no es excepcional. El a. 31 fue nombrado cos. designatus {CIL, VI, 93) e eos. suff. en 1 de Julio del a. 31. Desde el 1 de octubre de aquel año Fulcinius Trio, amigo de Seiano, vivió la conjura que acarreo la muerte del omnipotente favorito y la represión contra sus partidarios, familiares y amigos. 3 46 A. B alil Este episodio, estudiado por Lambrino, es un modelo de intrigas políticas y de cambios de partido. Fulcinius Trio consiguió superar el momento crítico pero no su posición. Su carrera se truncó con el consulado del a. 31 y, ya que no un perseguido quedó, triste postura para el eterno acusador de todos los procesos polí­ ticos, como un sospechoso habitual hasta decidir darse muerte el a. 35. El origen de L. Fulcinius Trio no es conocido. El y su posible hermano C. son los unicos Fulcinii del senado romano durante los julioclaudios. Lambrino ha avanzado la interessante hipó­ tesis de su posible origen hispánico comparando su carrera con la de los Annaei Senecae pero falta por el momento la documen­ tación que permita justificarla. El nombre es itálico y nada ten­ dría de particular su origen hispánico o hispaniense vista la colo­ nización itálica de las tierras hispánicas durante la Republica (cfr. Balil, Hispania, 1964, en prensa) (16). C. Ummidius Durmius Quadratus. Natural de Casinum. Inició su carrera como Xvir stlitibus iudicandis, quaestor divi Augusti et Ti. Caesaris Augusti (a. 14), edil curul, praetor aerarii, curator tabularum publicarum, praef. frumenti dandi ex s.c., proconsul Cypri en los primeros años del reinado de Tiberio pero probable­ mente antes de L. Auxius Naso procos, el a. 29 (IGR, III, 933) y quiza alrededor del 27 fecha a partir de la cual Tiberio dejó de preocuparse de la renovación de governadores (Suet., Tib., XLI). Como a este cargo siguió el de leg. Ti. Caesaris Augusti pr. pr. Lusitaniae (CIL, X, 5180-62; I2, p. 74) hubiera podido pensarse en él como predecesor de Fulcinius Trio pero sabemos por el iusiurandum Aritensium {CIL, II, 1, 72) que era legatus el a.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 295 Emanuela Borgia (Rome) CILICIA and the ROMAN EMPIRE
    EMANUELA BORGIA, CILICIA AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE STUDIA EUROPAEA GNESNENSIA 16/2017 ISSN 2082-5951 DOI 10.14746/seg.2017.16.15 Emanuela Borgia (Rome) CILICIA AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE: REFLECTIONS ON PROVINCIA CILICIA AND ITS ROMANISATION Abstract This paper aims at the study of the Roman province of Cilicia, whose formation process was quite long (from the 1st century BC to 72 AD) and complicated by various events. Firstly, it will focus on a more precise determination of the geographic limits of the region, which are not clear and quite ambiguous in the ancient sources. Secondly, the author will thoroughly analyze the formation of the province itself and its progressive Romanization. Finally, political organization of Cilicia within the Roman empire in its different forms throughout time will be taken into account. Key words Cilicia, provincia Cilicia, Roman empire, Romanization, client kings 295 STUDIA EUROPAEA GNESNENSIA 16/2017 · ROME AND THE PROVINCES Quos timuit superat, quos superavit amat (Rut. Nam., De Reditu suo, I, 72) This paper attempts a systematic approach to the study of the Roman province of Cilicia, whose formation process was quite long and characterized by a complicated sequence of historical and political events. The main question is formulated drawing on – though in a different geographic context – the words of G. Alföldy1: can we consider Cilicia a „typical” province of the Roman empire and how can we determine the peculiarities of this province? Moreover, always recalling a point emphasized by G. Alföldy, we have to take into account that, in order to understand the characteristics of a province, it is fundamental to appreciate its level of Romanization and its importance within the empire from the economic, political, military and cultural points of view2.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ancient Roman Empire and the British Empire in India the Diffusion of Roman and English Law Throughout the World
    The Ancient Roman Empire and the British Empire in India The Diffusion of Roman and English Law throughout the World TWO HISTORICAL STUDIES JAMES BRYCE Author of "The Holy Roman Empire," "The American Commonwealth," etc HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON. EDINBURGH, GLASGOW. NEW YORK TORONTO, MELBOURNE, BOMBAY 1914 PREFACE THESEtwo Essays appeared, along with a number of others bearing upon cognate historical and legal topics, in two volumes entitled Studies i~ History and Juris- prudence which I published some years ago. As it is now thought that they may have an interest for some readers, and especially for students of Indian history, who may not care to procure those volumes, they are now issued separately. Co$yrrght, 1914 Both Essays have been revised throughout and brought BY OXFORDUNIVERSITY PRESS up to date by the insertion of the figures of the latest AMERICAN BRANCH census of India and by references to recent legislation. They do not, however, touch upon any questions of cur- rent Indian or English politics, for a discussion of these must needs involve matter of a controversial nature and might distract the reader's attention from those broad concl~~sionsupon which historical students and impartial observers of India as it stands to-day are pretty gener- ally agreed. It is a pleasure to me to acknowledge and express my gratitude for the help which I have received in the work of revision from one of my oldest and most valued friends, Sir Courtenay Ilbert, G.C.B., formerly Legal Menlber of the Viceroy's Council in India and now Clerk of the House of Commons.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Dual Office of Procurator and Prefect Richard Carrier, Ph.D
    On the Dual Office of Procurator and Prefect Richard Carrier, Ph.D. © 2012 This brief paper summarizes the evidence and scholarship backing my analysis in Herod the Procurator, pp. 34-35 (in context, pp. 29-36), which shows that from the time of Pontius Pilate to the time of Tacitus, equestrian governors of Roman provinces were both prefects and procurators. The common practice throughout the early Roman Empire was not to defy estab- lished constitutional offices by creating new ones or radically changing their pow- ers, but by accumulating offices and thus accumulating the powers already consti- tutionally provided. This is how the principate (the office of “emperor”) was cre- ated: in terms of legal authority it was not a new office, but an accumulation of ex- isting offices (tribune, censor, consul, proconsul, princeps senatus, various priest- hoods, and so forth), which traditionally were not held by the same one person. (And then these offices were subject to minor tweaks over time that just stretched the constitution ever more slightly.) Likewise all other changes in legal authority under the empire were accom- plished by using constitutional offices in similarly novel ways. This is why procu- rators were empowered not by just “giving them” constitutional powers, but by ap- pointing them to offices that already held those constitutional powers. This is how emperors avoided the appearance of being a dictator just “tossing out” the constitu- tion, but could claim instead to be someone who respects and thus is preserving the constitution and is just using it to its maximum potential “for the good of the em- pire.” This is precisely why Augustus did not simply claim supreme power (a per- petual dictatorship) as Julius Caesar did, but instead gave himself supreme power constitutionally by stacking up offices upon himself.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of Local Magistrates in the Roman Empire
    The end of local magistrates in the Roman Empire Leonard A. CURCHIN University of Waterloo, Canadá [email protected] Recibido: 15 de julio de 2013 Aceptado: 10 de diciembre de 2013 ABSTRACT Previous studies of the status of local magistrates in the Late Empire are unsatisfying and fail to explain when and why local magistracies ended. With the aid of legal, epigraphic, papyrological and literary sources, the author re-examines the functions and chronology of both regular and quasi-magistrates, among them the curator, defensor and pater civitatis. He finds that the expense of office-holding was only part of the reason for the extinction of regular magistracies. More critical was the failure of local magistrates to control finances and protect the plebeians. Key words: Cursus honorum. Late Roman Empire. Roman administration. Roman cities. Roman gov- ernment. Roman magistrates. El fin de los magistrados locales en el Imperio romano RESUMEN Los estudios previos relativos a la condición de los magistrados locales durante el Bajo Imperio son poco satisfactorios, porque dejan sin aclarar cuándo y cómo se extinguieron las magistraturas locales. Con ayuda de fuentes jurídicas, epigráficas, papirológicas y literarias, el autor examina de nuevo las funciones y la cronología de magistrados regulares y cuasi-magistrados, como el curator, el defensor y el pater civitatis. Se considera que los gastos aparejados a los cargos públicos explican sólo en parte la extinción de las magistraturas regulares; más crucial fue, en este sentido, el hecho de que los magistra- dos locales de este período fallasen a la hora de restringir los gastos o de proteger a los plebeyos.
    [Show full text]
  • The Epitome De Caesaribus and the Thirty Tyrants
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ELTE Digital Institutional Repository (EDIT) THE EPITOME DE CAESARIBUS AND THE THIRTY TYRANTS MÁRK SÓLYOM The Epitome de Caesaribus is a short, summarizing Latin historical work known as a breviarium or epitomé. This brief summary was written in the late 4th or early 5th century and summarizes the history of the Roman Empire from the time of Augustus to the time of Theodosius the Great in 48 chapters. Between chapters 32 and 35, the Epitome tells the story of the Empire under Gallienus, Claudius Gothicus, Quintillus, and Aurelian. This was the most anarchic time of the soldier-emperor era; the imperatores had to face not only the German and Sassanid attacks, but also the economic crisis, the plague and the counter-emperors, as well. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae calls these counter-emperors the “thirty tyrants” and lists 32 usurpers, although there are some fictive imperatores in that list too. The Epitome knows only 9 tyrants, mostly the Gallic and Western usurpers. The goal of my paper is to analyse the Epitome’s chapters about Gallienus’, Claudius Gothicus’ and Aurelian’s counter-emperors with the help of the ancient sources and modern works. The Epitome de Caesaribus is a short, summarizing Latin historical work known as a breviarium or epitomé (ἐπιτομή). During the late Roman Empire, long historical works (for example the books of Livy, Tacitus, Suetonius, Cassius Dio etc.) fell out of favour, as the imperial court preferred to read shorter summaries. Consequently, the genre of abbreviated history became well-recognised.1 The word epitomé comes from the Greek word epitemnein (ἐπιτέμνειν), which means “to cut short”.2 The most famous late antique abbreviated histories are Aurelius Victor’s Liber de Caesaribus (written in the 360s),3 Eutropius’ Breviarium ab Urbe condita4 and Festus’ Breviarium rerum gestarum populi Romani.5 Both Eutropius’ and Festus’ works were created during the reign of Emperor Valens between 364 and 378.
    [Show full text]
  • 8. the Didascalus Annas: a Jewish Political and Intellectual Figure from the West
    Cambridge Semitic Languages and Cultures McDowell, Naiweld, Ezra (eds) Diversity and Rabbinisation Jewish Texts and Societies Between 400 and 1,000 CE Diversity and Rabbinization Gavin McDowell, Ron Naiweld, and Daniel Stökl Ben Ezra (eds) Jewish Texts and Societies Between 400 and 1,000 CE This volume is dedicated to the cultural and religious diversity in Jewish communi� es EDITED BY GAVIN MCDOWELL, RON NAIWELD, from Late An� quity to the Early Middle Age and the growing infl uence of the rabbis within these communi� es during the same period. Drawing on available textual AND DANIEL STÖKL BEN EZRA and material evidence, the fourteen essays presented here, wri� en by leading experts in their fi elds, span a signifi cant chronological and geographical range and cover material that has not yet received suffi cient a� en� on in scholarship. The volume is divided into four parts. The fi rst focuses on the vantage point of the Diversity and Rabbinization synagogue; the second and third on non-rabbinic Judaism in, respec� vely, the Near East and Europe; the fi nal part turns from diversity within Judaism to the process of ”rabbiniza� on” as represented in some unusual rabbinic texts. Diversity and Rabbinizati on is a welcome contribu� on to the historical study of Judaism in all its complexity. It presents fresh perspec� ves on cri� cal ques� ons and allows us to rethink the tension between mul� plicity and unity in Judaism during the fi rst millennium CE. This is the author-approved edi� on of this Open Access � tle. As with all Open Book publica� ons, this en� re book is available to read for free on the publisher’s website.
    [Show full text]
  • The Britons in Late Antiquity: Power, Identity And
    THE BRITONS IN LATE ANTIQUITY: POWER, IDENTITY AND ETHNICITY EDWIN R. HUSTWIT Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Bangor University 2014 Summary This study focuses on the creation of both British ethnic or ‘national’ identity and Brittonic regional/dynastic identities in the Roman and early medieval periods. It is divided into two interrelated sections which deal with a broad range of textual and archaeological evidence. Its starting point is an examination of Roman views of the inhabitants of the island of Britain and how ethnographic images were created in order to define the population of Britain as 1 barbarians who required the civilising influence of imperial conquest. The discussion here seeks to elucidate, as far as possible, the extent to which the Britons were incorporated into the provincial framework and subsequently ordered and defined themselves as an imperial people. This first section culminates with discussion of Gildas’s De Excidio Britanniae. It seeks to illuminate how Gildas attempted to create a new identity for his contemporaries which, though to a certain extent based on the foundations of Roman-period Britishness, situated his gens uniquely amongst the peoples of late antique Europe as God’s familia. The second section of the thesis examines the creation of regional and dynastic identities and the emergence of kingship amongst the Britons in the late and immediately post-Roman periods. It is largely concerned to show how interaction with the Roman state played a key role in the creation of early kingships in northern and western Britain. The argument stresses that while there were claims of continuity in group identities in the late antique period, the socio-political units which emerged in the fifth and sixth centuries were new entities.
    [Show full text]
  • Epigraphic Evidence for Boundary Disputes in the Roman Empire
    EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE FOR BOUNDARY DISPUTES IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE by Thomas Elliott A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2004 Approved by _____________________________________ Advisor: Professor Richard Talbert _____________________________________ Reader: Professor Jerzy Linderski _____________________________________ Reader: Professor Mary Boatwright _____________________________________ Reader: Professor George Houston _____________________________________ Reader: Professor Melissa Bullard ii This page intentionally left blank. iii © 2004 Thomas Elliott ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iv This page intentionally left blank. v ABSTRACT THOMAS ELLIOTT: Epigraphic Evidence for Boundary Disputes in the Roman Empire (Under the direction of Richard Talbert) This dissertation presents all published Greek and Latin epigraphic documents relating to internal boundary disputes of the Roman empire. In date, it spans the period from 2 BC to the third century AD. Spatially, the documents derive from 12 provinces ( Achaia, Africa, Asia, Baetica, Cilicia, Creta et Cyrene, Dalmatia, Iudaea, Lusitania, Macedonia, Moesia and Syria ), plus Italy. The presentation of each includes a text, English translation, bibliography and commentary. Analytical chapters expand upon recent published work by G. Burton and B. Campbell. Terminological analysis permits classification of epigraphic and literary evidence into five categories: boundary disputes, restoration of public and sacred lands, other land disputes, the assignment of boundaries and other authoritative demarcations involving Roman officials. The analysis also provides a more focused definition of several Latin and Greek words that indicate the delivery of a verdict by a Roman official ( decretum, sententia, iudicium, ἀποφάσις, κρίσις, ἐπικρίμα ).
    [Show full text]
  • Martyrs and Saints: the Transformation of Christianity in the Balkans During the Late Roman Empire‟
    Mataya, N. (2014) „Martyrs and Saints: The Transformation of Christianity in the Balkans During the Late Roman Empire‟ Rosetta 15.5: 29 – 39 http://www.rosetta.bham.ac.uk/issue15supp/mataya.pdf Martyrs and Saints: The Transformation of Christianity in the Balkans During the Late Roman Empire Nicholas Mataya Late Antiquity was a time in which much of the accepted political, cultural, and social order was being transformed into something new: a Christian Mediterranean. One can see evidence of this transformation in the religious writings that have survived to today. In the Balkans, these religious writings normally take the form of martyr acts and hagiographies that follow the actions of a holy man. Three of these stories are the Passio Iuli Veterani, the Passio Sancti Irenaei Episcopi Sirmiensis, and Eugippius‟ Vita Severini. By examining the holy man‟s adversaries, their ideas of sin, and the power wielded by the holy man to influence the surrounding powers, one can see in these stories evidence for the transformation of Christianity in the Balkans. Before delving into the martyr stories and hagiographies that will be examined in this paper, it is important to discuss the history of this field. From the late eighteenth century until the 1970s, the ideas of Edward Gibbon dominated discussion of martyrs, saints, and hagiography. Gibbon saw the entire idea of saint cults as a symptom of Rome‟s and civilization‟s decline and the victory of superstition. It was simply a profanation of a simple philosophy into something that could drag down the entirety of civilization, culture, and progress.1 Beginning in the 1970s, however, Peter Brown‟s ideas have dominated the field.
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt Under Roman Rule: the Legacy of Ancient Egypt I ROBERT K
    THE CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF EGYPT VOLUME I Islamic Egypt, 640- I 5 I 7 EDITED BY CARL F. PETRY CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE CONTENTS The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 IRP, United Kingdom CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge, CB2 2Ru, United Kingdom http://www.cup.cam.ac.uk 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY roorr-42rr, USA http://www.cup.org ro Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3 r66, Australia © Cambridge University Press r998 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published r998 Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge List of illustrations to chapter I 3 ix List of contributors x Typeset in Sabon 9.5/r2 pt [CE] Preface xm A cataloguerecord for this book is available from the British Library Note on transliteration xv Maps xvi ISBN o 5 2r 4 7r 3 7 o hardback r Egypt under Roman rule: the legacy of Ancient Egypt I ROBERT K. RITNER 2 Egypt on the eve of the Muslim conquest 34 WALTER E. KAEGI 3 Egypt as a province in the Islamic caliphate, 641-868 62 HUGH KENNEDY 4 Autonomous Egypt from Ibn Tuliin to Kafiir, 868-969 86 THIERRY BIANQUIS 5 The Isma'ili Da'wa and the Fatimid caliphate I20 PAUL E. WALKER 6 The Fatimid state, 969-rr7r IJ I PAULA A.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Brill.Com10/01/2021 03:57:54AM Via Free Access  Chapter Four
    chapter four HIGH-RANKING MILITARY OFFICERS: SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS VERSUS GALLIENUS Discussed so far have been changes in power and status of the emperors, the senatorial elite and high equestrians. This chapter examines the mil- itary officers, among whom both senators and equestrians played a role. Toillustrate the developments in the power and status of military officers during the third century, two cases will be analyzed and compared: the set of high-ranking military officers under Septimius Severus and those operating under Gallienus. Admittedly, confining oneself to test cases can be tricky, since this could paint too fragmentary a picture. There are, however, several rea- sons why such an approach is justified. First of all, the overwhelming number of military events in the third century combined with the grad- ually declining quantity and quality of the evidence precludes mapping out the positions of all third-century military officers. A thorough study of these two cases, separated by about sixty years, will probably create a view of equal, or even better, standing. Second, these cases are both rela- tively well documented and they correspond in that both at the beginning of Severus’ reign and during most of the rule of Gallienus, the Empire experienced crisis, a situation which displays common structures most clearly.1 Apart from these parallels which allow for comparison, there are also distinctions which indicate changes and developments in the composition, power and status of the Empire’s high-ranking military officers over the course of the third century. Yet the divergent nature and quality of the source material of the two cases, prevents two pre- cisely parallel discussions.
    [Show full text]
  • Villas, Taxes and Trade in Fourth Century Hispania Kim Bowes
    VILLAS, TAXES AND TRADE IN FOURTH CENTURY HISPANIA Kim Bowes Abstract Many current models of the Roman economy are predicated on a bleak Late Antiquity, including Hopkins’ “taxes and trade” model. These models have yet to reckon with an uptick in economic matrices in the early 4th. This article addresses one piece of this puzzle, namely, expansion of villa con- struction in Hispania. The articles argues that this expansion was tied to increased imperial presence and intensified taxation, and produced a band of social opportunism of which villas are the detritus. Introduction Most recent models for the Roman economy would predict, and are in many cases predicated around, a bleak Late Antiquity.1 For K. Hopkins’s taxes and trade model, the integrated Roman world-system was frag- mented by the debasement of silver coinage in the 3rd c.2 Debasement led to taxes in kind, which in turn curtailed the free-flow of money, sti- fled long-distance trade, and fragmented once integrated markets into regional economies. For more current scholarship interested in the prob- lem of Roman growth (the so-called maximalists), the troubles of the 3rd c. were also irrecoverable. The allegedly integrated, largely free markets of the ‘High Empire’ were destroyed by the ‘big state’ of Diocletian and Con- stantine, and high taxes; the high levels of monetisation and credit that encouraged trade and production ended with the various debasements of the Severans. Any economic integration was likewise destroyed by infla- tion and replaced by fragmented, regional economies, while presumed demographic collapse in the 3rd c.
    [Show full text]