Declarative Intonation Patterns in Multiple Varieties of Spanish

)ject in Dominican Spanish. Journal of Declarative Intonation Patterns in Multiple Varieties of :ociation 14: 59-67. ! Spanish . i 'ol en Santo Domingo. Buenos Aires: '. mcricana. Julia Tevis McGory 2nce Languages, ed. Martin Harris and The Ohio State University

Mas dato.1· sabre el espaiiol en la Manuel Diaz-Campos go: Ediciones Intec. Indiana University . i ,sitional accusative in Sardinian: its I ,. ·., 1 sions. In Linguistic Theory and the 1 I 1 -Jes Smith and Martin Maiden, 37-75. !.'· ::: 1. Introduction sh personal infinit ive. In New analyses vanner and Douglas Kibbee, 201-20. Recent efforts have sought lo capture the intonational structure of declaratives in Latin American and Peninsular varieties of Spanish using an :!W York: Longman. llnbiguation in Puerto Rican Spanish. autose.gmental-metrical (AM) model of intonation (Ladd 1996), like that proposed for English by Pierrehumhcrl ( 1980). These include a description by cl cspafiol dominicano: Implicaciones Sosa (1999) of multiple Latin and Peninsular varieties, and also more specific ! Caribe, ed. Orlando Alba, 301-318. descriptions of Castilian Spanish by Face (in press}, of Mexican Spanish by e y Maestra. Prieto and colleagues (Prieto, van Santen & Hirschberg 1995, Prieto, Shih, & ;tting parametric limits on dialectal Nibert 1996, Prieto 1998), and of northern Peninsular and Venezuelan Spanish 141. by participants at the first Spanish ToBI workshop (Mendoza-Denton, McGory, nal uses of the accusative a. Hispania & Dfaz-Campos 1999; Hualde 2000). The gross shape of the intonation pattern of declaratives has been described : accusative a. Hispania 74: 146-156. similarly among these researchers. In a prototypical declarative produced without any particular lexical emphasis, there is a pitch accent on each content word, and every accent after the first is downstepped relative to the preceding accent peak. Also, there is a fall to a low pitch at the sentence boundary, after the last pitch accent. This gives an overall impression of a gradually declining backdrop pitch range, a series of smaller and smaller peaks ending with a final fall in pitch at the end of the utterance. There is less agreement as to the analysis and number of pitch accent types, about the potential for some content words to be produced without pitch accents, and the number and types of boundary pitch movements. The potential inventory of pitch accents, their location within declaratives, and the inventory of boundary tones is the subject of the current investigation.