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Perspectives on Paradise: Reconsidering the Development of Tourism in Southeast Asia through the Case of Nusa Lembongan, Indonesia JONATHAN FAARBORG LEHMANN & ASMUS RUNGBY Based on ethnographic fieldwork on the island of Nusa Lembongan, this paper explores how the emergence of tourist industries influences the local population. Although this kind of development can be found in most of Southeast Asia, this paper analyses ethnographic material from the small island of Nusa Lembongan to argue that the power relationship between foreign guests and local hosts is asymmetrical because it takes place within an unequal, capitalist world ASIA IN FOCUS system. The morality, globality, and inequality of tourism is at the centre of attention. In this paper, then, we contribute to the ongoing debate on tourism and development by ethnographically situating global tourism in the context of Nusa Lembongan and by showing how the relationship between tourists and locals can be challenging for both sides. The paper argues against reductive econocentric accounts of the impact of tourism as conducive to economic growth and in favour of a more nuanced conceptual model which accounts for interpersonal misrecognition, inequality, and global economic structures. Keywords: Tourism, inequality, World System, Southeast Asia, Nusa Lembongan 18 ccording to mainstream economics, the Wallerstein’s World System Analysis (1974), and last- development of tourism on an island like ly Michael Herzfeld’s concept of inchoate intimacies ANusa Lembongan should be beneficient, of power (2015). In applying this theoretical frame- as the inflow of capital from other parts of the world work to ethnographic findings, we show how tour- leads to better standards of living for Lembongans. ism on Nusa Lembongan reflects the inequalities of In this perspective, tourism is believed to create global economic structures. better roads, better schools and in general builds We make use of an ethnographic case ob- an infrastructure that would never have been built served during fieldwork on Nusa Lembongan from otherwise. A superficial glance at Nusa Lembongan September 2015 until January 2016. Bent Flyvbjerg would seem to support this. The roads are indeed argues that case studies can effectively illustrate better. Electricity is more reliable. Roofs are no lon- broader social dynamics (2006, pp. 26–27). Ac- ger thatched but made of solid ceramics. But this cordingly, we analyse a conflict between Ratih, a is only part of the picture. To really understand the homestay owner, and a Spanish tourist to illustrate impact of tourism, we also have to look at how the and exemplify social processes between guest and benefits from it are distributed. The new houses host in an environment of a recently established made from concrete, for instance, are for tourists tourism industry. The conflict is particularly ap- ISSUE 4 not locals. The only cars using the roads, indeed propriate as an illustration of the impact of tourism the only cars on the island, are trucks transporting on Nusa Lembongan because the dynamics under tourists to and fro. The boats that bring in tour- which it unfolds relate directly to the structural con- ists to the island disturb the local wildlife and ruin ditions under which tourism operates. Furthermore, the conditions for fishing and seaweed farming on combining ethnography with theoretical perspec- which many Lembongans rely for subsistence. Con- tives creates precisely the kind of knowledge need- sequently, most of the people living on Nusa Lem- ed in order to push the debate on tourism and de- bongan have turned to tourism in order to sustain velopment beyond schematic economic accounts. themselves and in this way tourism has fundamen- tally changed the conditions of life on Nusa Lem- Bali’s little brother – changes and bongan. challenges To fully grasp the impact of tourism, a critical Bali is, perhaps, the most studied island in anthro- perspective on the inherent power relationship be- pology – at least in Indonesia. The Hindu island in tween the guests and hosts must be presented (for a Muslim sea, Bali differentiates itself in terms of re- a general discussion of the relationship between ligion and cultural practises (Hobart, Ramseyer, & hosts and guests see Smith, 1978). We argue that Leemann, 2001, p. 32). Though it lies only a few kilo- for a broader, more nuanced understanding of the metres to the east, Nusa Lembongan has not been relationship between guest and host, the power studied in the same way. In fact, only a few ethno- structures underlying this encounter must be taken graphic studies exist (see for example C. Kossmann, into account. Analysing these structures, we rely on 2015, 2015; C. M. Kossmann, Behagel, & Bailey, 2016; theoretical insights formed by Axel Honneth’s ideas Long & Wall, 1996). However, Nusa Lembongan is about morality and recognition (1994), Immanuel significant because of the fast pace of the rising 19 tourist industry and the small size of the island. tourism introduces new economic possibilities The island covers only approximately eight square (Oakes & Minca, 2004, p. 282). As a consequence kilometres and has a population of around 4,000 of the island’s emerging tourist industry, more than people who are divided into two villages, Desa Lem- half of the Lembongans today rely on arriving tour- bongan and Desa Jungutbatu. Nusa Lembongan’s ists. Accordingly, tourism is the main driver of the combination of a rapidly developing tourism indus- Lembongan economy. try and its small size makes it particularly well suited Our analysis interrogates the new social hier- to understand the changes and challenges which archy between tourists and Lembongans to gain emerge from rapid restructuring of local conditions a deeper understanding of this development. This to fit the global tourism industry. hierarchy is apparent in the words of Dewa as he Before the advent of tourism in the early 1990’s, elaborated on the privileges of tourists, “Tourist ar- Lembongans relied on fishing and the production en’t privileged because they can come here and en- of salt in barter exchanges with Bali and the two joy life, they are privileged because they can leave” neighbouring islands, Nusa Penida and Nusa Cen- (emphasis added). Here, Dewa points out the un- ningan. Some 30 years ago, however, the industry of equal relationship between himself and the tourists. seaweed farming was introduced and gradually be- While the tourists always have the economic means came the main occupation on the island. The money to leave whenever they want, he has no choice but earned from exporting seaweed to the globalised to stay and provide service for the arriving tourists. world drastically changed the living conditions and Tourist privilege, for Dewa, consists of the ability to the island saw an influx of modern technology. This opt out of tourism service relationships. Overlook- process was reinforced by a decree from the inde- ing this difference between Dewa and the tourists pendent Balinese administration which prohibited whose patronage he relies on obscures the social certain fishing practises in order to enhance the experiences of tourism on Nusa Lembongan. The ASIA IN FOCUS environmental conditions for the tourist industry. asymmetry of the relationship between guest and Since the 1990’s, as more and more tourists flock to host is a fundamental aspect of life on Nusa Lem- this little oasis, the demand for accommodation has bongan as our ensuing ethnographic example illus- increased. Thus, many Lembongan families seize trates. the economic benefits of turning their homes into homestays or attempt to access the new tourist The conflict industry in other ways. Today, 10 large resorts and Ratih and Made Swandana, both native-born Lem- some 80 smaller homestays are spread out across bongans, have recently turned part of their home the two villages. into a homestay for visiting tourists. Like Dewa, they have transitioned from producing seaweed into tak- Privileged tourists ing part in the tourist industry. The entire house- “Without tourism I would still be farming seaweed hold, the couple and Made’s parents, take part in like my parents did and I am happy that I don’t”, the general management of the homestay. They Dewa, a surfing instructor in his early twenties living often lamented the unfairness involved in the rela- on Nusa Lembongan replied when asked about the tionship between tourists and Lembongans. Yet, as current development of Nusa Lembongan. Typical many Lembongan families now rely on this very live- of Lembongan youth, Dewa has foregone former lihood strategy, the competition for tourist patron- Lembongan livelihoods of fishing or seaweed farm- age is fierce and the Swandanas took out loans to ing to work in tourism. rebuild their home according to tourist sensibilities. As on many similar islands in Southeast Asia, Consequently, they had little choice but to host as 20 many tourists as possible or default on their loans. ing heat and his lack of sleep is a vicious cocktail, The conflict in question took place between and he reacts by making insulting remarks about Ratih and a Spanish tourist on an unusually hot the homestay, the island, and what he perceives to morning in the homestay’s verdant garden. Like be Ratih’s lack of professionalism. The unfairness of any respectable Lembongan family, the Swandana’s having his few days in paradise ruined by an un- family shrine takes up most of the space in their professional homestay owner is simply too much for garden and the actual conflict played out in sight of him and he runs off to find the local police officer. this Holy ground. The Spanish tourist was looking Meanwhile, tears of frustration and humiliation for time to relax and recharge his batteries. As such, run down Ratih’s cheeks. She feels disempowered he booked his stay at the Swandanas’ homestay by the humiliation and embarrassed about not be- through the Airbnb app on his phone, which has ing able to master the app.

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