Polish Shades of Green
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Poland | Freedom House
Poland | Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2012/poland About Us DONATE Blog Contact Us REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD Poland Poland Freedom in the World 2012 OVERVIEW: 2012 Parliamentary elections in October 2011 yielded an unprecedented SCORES second term for Prime Minister Donald Tusk of the center-right Civic Platform party. The Palikot Movement, an outspoken liberal party STATUS founded in 2010, won a surprising 10 percent of the popular vote, bringing homosexual and transgender candidates into the lower house of Free parliament for the first time. FREEDOM RATING After being dismantled by neighboring empires in a series of 18th-century 1.0 partitions, Poland enjoyed a window of independence from 1918 to 1939, only CIVIL LIBERTIES to be invaded by Germany and the Soviet Union at the opening of World War II. The country then endured decades of exploitation as a Soviet satellite state 1 until the Solidarity trade union movement forced the government to accept democratic elections in 1989. POLITICAL RIGHTS Fundamental democratic and free-market reforms were introduced between 1989 and 1991, and additional changes came as Poland prepared its bid for 1 European Union (EU) membership. In the 1990s, power shifted between political parties rooted in the Solidarity movement and those with communist origins. Former communist party member Alexander Kwaśniewski of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) replaced Solidarity’s Lech Wałęsa as president in 1995 and was reelected by a large margin in 2000. A government led by the SLD oversaw Poland’s final reforms ahead of EU accession, which took place in 2004. -
Raport Odpowiedzialny Biznes W Polsce. Dobre Praktyki
Koordynatorka wydania: Ewa Albińska Nadzór merytoryczny: Mirella Panek-Owsiańska Redakcja: Ewa Albińska Magdalena Andrejczuk Agnieszka Gajek Marcin Grzybek Tysiące pracodawców Agnieszka Siarkiewicz Współpraca: z całej Europy Natalia Ćwik Justyna Januszewska Marta Krawcewicz podpisało już Kartę! Renata Putkowska Piotr Sobolewski Dołącz do tego grona! Karolina Szlasa Tłumaczenie: Promuj różnorodność Biuro tłumaczeń KONTEKST Redakcja i korekta: w swoim miejscu pracy! Beata Stadryniak-Saracyn Monitoring rynku: Podpisz Kartę Różnorodności! zespół Forum Odpowiedzialnego Biznesu Monitoring mediów: na podstawie materiałów dostarczonych przez Źródło materiałów: materiały własne firm Kalendarium: na bazie informacji z portali odpowiedzialnybiznes.pl kampaniespoleczne.pl Publikacja udostępniona jest na licencji: Uznanie autorstwa-Użycie niekomercyjne 3.0 Polska (CC BY-NC 3.0 PL). Prawa do zdjęć, grafiki i logo są zastrzeżone. Treść licencji jest dostępna Więcej: na stronie: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ www.kartaroznorodnosci.pl by-nc-sa/3.0/pl Wydawca: Forum Odpowiedzialnego Biznesu ul. Szpitalna 5/5, 00-031 Warszawa koordynator karty różnorodności w polsce tel.: +48 22 627 18 71, fax: +48 22 627 18 72 e-mail: [email protected] www.odpowiedzialnybiznes.pl Opracowanie graficzne i skład: Olga Figurska, www.lunatikot.pl patronat honorowy Druk: Libra Print, www.libra-print.pl Inicjatywa promowana przez Komisję Europejską Fotokod, zamieszczony na okładce, został wygenerowany na stronie Podpisanie Karty w Polsce jest bezpłatne i dobrowolne www.koddlaciebie.pl należącej do SUPERMEDIA Interactive. SPIS TREŚCI Słowo wstępne Mirella Panek- Owsiańska . 3 Koniec świata odwołany Natalia Ćwik . 4 oo Konferencja Rio+20 Beata Jaczewska . 6 ACTA Jarosław Lipszyc, Marcin Drabek . 7 Nieistniejące słowo roku Krzysztof Grabowski . 8 Efektywność zarządzania różnorodnością Maria Hegarty . 9 Równe traktowanie standardem dobrego rządzenia Agnieszka Kozłowska-Rajewicz . -
Opposition Behaviour Against the Third Wave of Autocratisation: Hungary and Poland Compared
European Political Science https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-021-00325-x SYMPOSIUM Opposition behaviour against the third wave of autocratisation: Hungary and Poland compared Gabriella Ilonszki1 · Agnieszka Dudzińska2 Accepted: 4 February 2021 © The Author(s) 2021 Abstract Hungary and Poland are often placed in the same analytical framework from the period of their ‘negotiated revolutions’ to their autocratic turn. This article aims to look behind this apparent similarity focusing on opposition behaviour. The analysis demonstrates that the executive–parliament power structure, the vigour of the extra- parliamentary actors, and the opposition party frame have the strongest infuence on opposition behaviour, and they provide the sources of diference between the two country cases: in Hungary an enforced power game and in Poland a political game constrain opposition opportunities and opposition strategic behaviour. Keywords Autocratisation · Extra-parliamentary arena · Hungary · Opposition · Parliament · Party system · Poland Introduction What can this study add? Hungary and Poland are often packed together in political analyses on the grounds that they constitute cases of democratic decline. The parties in governments appear infamous on the international, particularly on the EU, scene. Fidesz1 in Hungary has been on the verge of leaving or being forced to leave the People’s Party group due to repeated abuses of democratic norms, and PiS in Poland2 is a member of 1 The party’s full name now reads Fidesz—Hungarian Civic Alliance. 2 Abbreviation of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). * Gabriella Ilonszki [email protected] Agnieszka Dudzińska [email protected] 1 Department of Political Science, Corvinus University of Budapest, 8 Fővám tér, Budapest 1093, Hungary 2 Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw, Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28, 00-927 Warsaw, Poland Vol.:(0123456789) G. -
New Axes of Political Cleavages in Poland After 2005
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Klaipeda University Open Journal Systems TOMASZ BOJAROWICZ NEW AXES OF POLITICAL CLEAVAGES IN POLAND AFTER 2005 NEW AXES OF POLITICAL CLEAVAGES IN POLAND AFTER 2005 Tomasz Bojarowicz1 University of Warmia and Mazury (Poland) ABSTRACT The aim of the study is to analyse new axes of cleavages which came into existence in Poland after 2005. The analysis is presented in the context of generally accepted notions and concepts of political cleavages. The methods used for the analysis are: comparative method and historical method. Findings of the research are presented in the following way. First, the author determines that clea- vages in Poland only partially correspond to classical cleavages, then identifies and analyses new stimulators of political cleavages in Poland, which appeared after 2005. A significant role in the consolidation of cleavages played political parties, which instead of translating the existing social conflicts to the level of authority, became the creators of cleavages. KEYWORDS: socio-political cleavage, political parties, transition in Poland. JEL CODES: D7 DOI: Introduction This study analyses the issue of political cleavages. The notion of a cleavage was first introduced by Sey- mour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, however, it was not precisely defined (Lipset, Rokkan, 1967: 6). Poli- tical cleavage is a category which reflects socio-political diversification in the most complete way (Lijphart, 1981). It should be treated as a combination of diversification in both the social and the political system. Such a concept assumes the existence of mutual dependence between the social and political sphere (Bartolini, Mair, 1990). -
Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament. -
Rap2012 ANG.Indd
Copyright by Forum Odpowiedzialnego Biznesu, Warszawa 2012. Responsible Business Forum ul. Szpitalna 5/5 00-031 Warszawa tel. +48 (22) 627 18 71 tel/fax: +48 (22) 627 18 72 [email protected] www.responsiblebusiness.pl For more information about Report mail us at: [email protected] “Responsible business in Poland 2012. Good practices” Report is a summary of the activities undertaken by companies, institutions and non-governmental organizations in the domain of corporate social responsibility and sustainable development. Report is an abstract of all the events that took place last year in Poland, in regard to these issues. A core element of the publication are corporate good practices – this year Report contains 262 good practices from areas in according to ISO 26000 standard: Organizational governance, Human rights, Labour practices, The environment, Fair operating practices, Consumer issues, Community involvement and development. They are inspiring examples of principles of responsibility application in all sections of business – in the workplace, towards market, society, and environment. In addition, the Report contains articles and experts’ statements, analysis, opinions and review of last year events, research results review, and press publications overview. CONTENTS Foreword Mirella Panek- Owsiańska ............................................. 3 End of the world cancelled Natalia Ćwik ......................................................... 4 oo Rio+20 Beata Jaczewska ...................................................... 6 ACTA Jarosław -
Studia Politica 32014
www.ssoar.info The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland Sula, Piotr Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Sula, P. (2014). The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 14(3), 395-406. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-445354 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de The 2014 European Elections The Case of Poland PIOTR SULA Introduction This article presents the conduct and consequence of the election to the European Parliament held in Poland on 25 May 2014. It is a commonly accepted view that elections are inherent in the democratic order. Members of the European Parliament are elected following a similar procedure to that governing the elections to national Parliaments. Probably as widespread is the opinion that, since they do not result in the election of the executive branch of government, European elections are of less significance to the competing parties – which appear to prioritise their participation in the future government – than the competition for seats in the national parliament. As a consequence, the lesser impact of the decisions made at the ballot box is also translated into a less intense interest in the European elections expressed by the electorate. -
How to Choose a Political Party
FastFACTS How to Choose a Political Party When you sign up to vote, you can join a political party. A political party is a group of people who share the same ideas about how the government should be run and what it should do. They work together to win elections. You can also choose not to join any of the political parties and still be a voter. There is no cost to join a party. How to choose a political party: • Choose a political party that has the same general views you do. For example, some political parties think that government should No Party Preference do more for people. Others feel that government should make it If you do not want to register easier for people to do things for themselves. with a political party (you • If you do not want to join a political party, mark that box on your want to be “independent” voter registration form. This is called “no party preference.” Know of any political party), mark that if you do, you may have limited choices for party candidates in “I do not want to register Presidential primary elections. with a political party” on the registration form. In • You can change your political party registration at any time. Just fill California, you can still out a new voter registration form and check a different party box. vote for any candidate in The deadline to change your party is 15 days before the election. a primary election, except If you are not registered with a political party and for Presidential candidates. -
Poland's 2019 Parliamentary Election
— SPECIAL REPORT — 11/05/2019 POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Warsaw Institute POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Held on October 13, 2019, Poland’s general election is first and foremost a success of democracy, as exemplified by crowds rushing to polling stations and a massive rise in voter turnout. Those that claimed victory were the govern- ment groups that attracted a considerable electorate, winning in more constitu- encies across the country they ruled for the past four years. Opposition parties have earned a majority in the Senate, the upper house of the Polish parliament. A fierce political clash turned into deep chasms throughout the country, and Poland’s political stage reveals polarization between voters that lend support to the incumbent government and those that question the authorities by manifest- ing either left-liberal or far-right sentiments. Election results Poland’s parliamentary election in 2019 attrac- try’s 100-seat Senate, the upper house of the ted the attention of Polish voters both at home parliament, it is the Sejm where the incum- and abroad while drawing media interest all bents have earned a majority of five that has over the world. At stake were the next four a pivotal role in enacting legislation and years in power for Poland’s ruling coalition forming the country’s government2. United Right, led by the Law and Justice party (PiS)1. The ruling coalition won the election, The electoral success of the United Right taking 235 seats in Poland’s 460-seat Sejm, the consisted in mobilizing its supporters to a lower house of the parliament. -
Przegląd -Cz-4 Net-Indd.Indd
pejzaże kultury Urszula Chowaniec Feminism Today, or Re-visiting Polish Feminist Literary Scholarship Since 1990s Almost every time the gendered perspective on a particular issue (so often called oblique- ly the woman’s voice) appears in the media, it is immediately confronted by the almost for- mulaic expression “feminism today,” which suggests instantaneously that feminism is, in fact, a matter of the past, and that if one needs to return to this phenomenon, then it requires some explanation. Such interconnections between gender, women and feminism are a con- stant simplifi cation. The article seeks to elaborate this problem of generalization expressed by such formulas as “feminism today.”1 “Feminism today” is a particular notion, which indeed refers to the long political, social, economic and cultural struggles and transformations for equality between the sexes, but also implies the need for its up-dating. Feminism seems to be constantly asked to supply footnotes as to why the contemporary world might still need it, as though equality had been undeniably achieved. This is the common experience of all researchers and activists who deal with the ques- tioning of the traditional order. Even though the order examined by feminism for over 200 years has been changed almost all over the world to various extents, the level of equal- ity achieved is debatable and may still be improved in all countries. Nevertheless, the word feminism has become an uncomfortable word; hence its usage always requires some justi- fi cation. During the past few years in Britain, attempts to re-defi ne feminism may be noted in various media. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Professionalization of Green Parties?
Professionalization of Green parties? Analyzing and explaining changes in the external political approach of the Dutch political party GroenLinks Lotte Melenhorst (0712019) Supervisor: Dr. A. S. Zaslove 5 September 2012 Abstract There is a relatively small body of research regarding the ideological and organizational changes of Green parties. What has been lacking so far is an analysis of the way Green parties present them- selves to the outside world, which is especially interesting because it can be expected to strongly influence the image of these parties. The project shows that the Dutch Green party ‘GroenLinks’ has become more professional regarding their ‘external political approach’ – regarding ideological, or- ganizational as well as strategic presentation – during their 20 years of existence. This research pro- ject challenges the core idea of the so-called ‘threshold-approach’, that major organizational changes appear when a party is getting into government. What turns out to be at least as interesting is the ‘anticipatory’ adaptations parties go through once they have formulated government participation as an important party goal. Until now, scholars have felt that Green parties are transforming, but they have not been able to point at the core of the changes that have taken place. Organizational and ideological changes have been investigated separately, whereas in the case of Green parties organi- zation and ideology are closely interrelated. In this thesis it is argued that the external political ap- proach of GroenLinks, which used to be a typical New Left Green party but that lacks governmental experience, has become more professional, due to initiatives of various within-party actors who of- ten responded to developments outside the party.