5. the Situation in Namibia
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Episcopalciiuriimen
EPISCOPALCIIURIIMEN soUru VAFR[CA Room 1005 * 853 Broadway, New York, N . Y. 10003 • Phone : (212) 477-0066 , —For A free Southern Afilcu ' May 1982 MISSIONS MOVEMENTS NAMIBIA 'The U .S. 'overnment has become an agent in South Africa's "holy crusade" against Communism . ' - The Rev Dr Albertus Maasdorp, general secretary of the Council of Churches in Namibia, THE NEW YORK TIMES, 25 April 1982. It was a . mission of frustration and a harsh learning experience . Four Namibian churchmen made a month-long visit to Western nations to express their feelings about the unending, agonizing occupation of their country by the South African regime and the fruitless talks on a Namibian settlement which the .Western Contact Group - the USA, Britain, France ,West Germany and Canada - has staged for five long years . Anglican Bishop James Kauluma, presi- dent of the Council of Churches in Namibia ; Bishop Kleopas Du neni of the Evangelical Luth- eran Ovambokavango Church ; Pastor Albertus Maasdorp, general secretary of the CCN ;, and the, assistant to Bishop D,mmeni, Pastor Absalom Hasheela, were accompanied by a representative of the South African Council of Churches and the general secretary of the All Africa Coun- cil of Oburches which sponsored the trip . They visited France, Sweden, Britain and Canada, end terminated their journey in the United States . It was here that the Namibian pilgrims encountered the steely disregard for Namibian aspirations by functionaries of a major power mapped up in its geopolitical stratagems. They met with Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Chester .Crocker, whose time is primarily devoted to pursuing the mirage of a Pretorian agreement to the United Nations settlement plan for Namibia . -
Civil Supremacy of the Military in Namibia: an Evolutionary Perspective
~f Civil Supremacy of the Military in Namibia: An Evolutionary Perspective By Guy Lamb Department of Political Studies University of Cape Town December 1998 Town Cape of . ·-~\,1.~ l ~ -._/ I /- -....,,._,.,---, University r/ / ~ This dissertation is for the partial fulfillment for a Master of Social Sciences (International and Comparative Politics). The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University Town Cape of University Table of Contents Page Abstract i Maps ii Acknowledgements VI List of Acronyms viI Introduction 1 Civil Supremacy in Namibia: An Evolution? 1 Civil Supremacy and its Importance 2 Focus on Namibia 4 · Why Namibia? 5 Chapter 1: The Historical Evolution of Civil Supremacy: A 6 Conceptual Approach Town 1.1 Introducing the Problem 6 1.2 Civil-Military Relations: Survey of the Discipline and 7 Review of the Literature Cape 1.2.1 Civil-Military Relations as a Field of Study 7 1.2.2 Review of Civil Military Relationsof Literature 8 1.2.3 Focus on Civil Supremacy 11 1.3 What is Civil Supremacy? 12 1.3.1 An Overview of Civil Supremacy 12 1.3.2 A Question of Bias 13 1.4 Civil Military Traditions 14 1.4.1 Colonial 14 1.4.2 Revolutionary/Insurgent 15 1.4.2.1 The InfluenceUniversity of Mao Tse-tung -
Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections. -
IPPR Briefing Paper NO 44 Political Party Life in Namibia
Institute for Public Policy Research Political Party Life in Namibia: Dominant Party with Democratic Consolidation * Briefing Paper No. 44, February 2009 By André du Pisani and William A. Lindeke Abstract This paper assesses the established dominant-party system in Namibia since independence. Despite the proliferation of parties and changes in personalities at the top, three features have structured this system: 1) the extended independence honeymoon that benefits and is sustained by the ruling SWAPO Party of Namibia, 2) the relatively effective governance of Namibia by the ruling party, and 3) the policy choices and political behaviours of both the ruling and opposition politicians. The paper was funded in part by the Danish government through Wits University in an as yet unpublished form. This version will soon be published by Praeger Publishers in the USA under Series Editor Kay Lawson. “...an emergent literature on African party systems points to low levels of party institutionalization, high levels of electoral volatility, and the revival of dominant parties.” 1 Introduction Political reform, democracy, and governance are centre stage in Africa at present. African analysts frequently point to the foreign nature of modern party systems compared to the pre-colonial political cultures that partially survive in the traditional arenas especially of rural politics. However, over the past two decades multi-party elections became the clarion call by civil society (not to mention international forces) for the reintroduction of democratic political systems. This reinvigoration of reform peaked just as Namibia gained its independence under provisions of the UN Security Council Resolution 435 (1978) and the supervision of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). -
Multiparty Democracy and Elections in Namibia
MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ––––––––––––– ❑ ––––––––––––– Published with the assistance of NORAD and OSISA ISBN 1-920095-02-0 Debie LeBeau 9781920 095024 Edith Dima Order from: [email protected] EISA RESEARCH REPORT No 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 i MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ii EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 iii MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA BY DEBIE LEBEAU EDITH DIMA 2005 iv EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 Published by EISA 2nd Floor, The Atrium 41 Stanley Avenue, Auckland Park Johannesburg, South Africa 2006 P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: 27 11 482 5495 Fax: 27 11 482 6163 Email: [email protected] www.eisa.org.za ISBN: 1-920095-02-0 EISA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. First published 2005 EISA is a non-partisan organisation which seeks to promote democratic principles, free and fair elections, a strong civil society and good governance at all levels of Southern African society. –––––––––––– ❑ –––––––––––– Cover photograph: Yoruba Beaded Sashes Reproduced with the kind permission of Hamill Gallery of African Art, Boston, MA USA EISA Research Report, No. 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 v CONTENTS List of acronyms viii Acknowledgements x Preface xi 1. Background to multiparty democracy in Namibia 1 Historical background 1 The electoral system and its impact on gender 2 The ‘characters’ of the multiparty system 5 2. -
Namibia Presidential and National Assembly Elections
Namibia Presidential and National Assembly Elections 27 November 2019 MAP OF NAMIBIA ii CONTENTS ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................................................................. V EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................... IX CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 1 INVITATION .................................................................................. 1 TERMS OF REFERENCE ....................................................................... 1 ACTIVITIES .................................................................................. 1 CHAPTER 2 – POLITICAL BACKGROUND............................................................................................................ 3 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................. 3 BRIEF POLITICAL HISTORY ................................................................... 3 POLITICAL CONTEXT OF THE 2019 ELECTIONS ................................................ 4 POLITICAL PARTIES AND PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES CONTESTING THE 2019 ELECTIONS ....... 5 CHAPTER 3 – THE ELECTORAL FRAMEWORK AND ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ............................................... 6 THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR ELECTIONS ..................................................... 6 THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION -
Institute of Commonwealth Studies
University of London INSTITUTE OF COMMONWEALTH STUDIES COHP Transcript Mr RF ‘Pik’ Botha: APPENDIX ONE Content: Interview with Mr RF ‘Pik’ Botha conducted by Dr Sue Onslow in Akasia, Pretoria, South Africa on 15th July 2008. Collected as part of research for the Africa International Affairs Programme at the London School of Economics Centre for International Affairs, Diplomacy and Strategy (LSE IDEAS). Key: SO: Sue Onslow (Interviewer) RB: Mr RF ‘Pik’ Botha (Respondent) SO: How far did South Africa find itself isolated and beleaguered in the international community because of SA intervention in Angola in 1975? RB: Under the Alvor Agreement, the three signatories – MPLA, FNLA and UNITA – were to govern Angola together until 11 November 1975. This meant that virtually every ministry and department would have had 3 officials for every post. However, the Portuguese governor gave in – he was pro-communist and favoured the MPLA. This caused disruption inside Angola and brought Cuban intervention, as the MPLA position in the central part of the country was strengthened by large numbers of Cuban troops. Against that background, UNITA requested South African assistance. In the case of Mozambique, the Portuguese handed over power to FRELIMO, the only nationalist movement, in accordance with international law. Hence South Africa immediately recognised the new government and power was transferred regularly. However, we never recognised the new government in Angola because the MPLA had seized power. I was then Ambassador in Washington. The South African view was a fear: where would the Cubans stop? Would they cross into Ovamboland, in northern South West Africa/Namibia? Then there would be a war there, too. -
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United -
The US Brokered Settlement of the Namibian Dispute, 1988
THE US It ROKERIED SETTLEMENT OF THE NAMIBIAN DISPUTE, 1988 It Y RAVEI,E I RAMAIMANA A SHORT DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MAS'ER ®-4 AR S IN HISTORY IN THE Y AR S AT THE RAND A -.4RIKAANS JNIVERSITY SUPERVISOR o PROFESSOR H. J. VAN ASWEGEN 15 FEBRUARY 1999 TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION (i) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS (ii)-(iii) LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS (iv)-(v) SUMMARY 1 - 2 CHAPTER. 1 3 INTRODUCTION 3 - 8 1.1 NOTES 9 CHAPTER 2 10 BACKGROUND 10 - 14 2.1 NOTES 15 - 16 CHAPTER. 3 17 WHY THE US TOOK THE INITIATIVE TO MEDIATE THE ANGOLA - NAMIBIA CONFLICT IN 1988 17 3.1 INTRODUCTION 17 3.2 END OF REAGAN 'S PRESIDENCY 18 3.3 SOVIET UNION - UNITED STATES RELATIONS 18 - 20 3.4 SANCTIONS FRACAS 20 - 21 3.5 ECONOMIC INVESTMENTS 21 - 22 3.6 DESTABILIZATION 22 - 23 3.7 ANTI - APARTHEID ACTIVISM 23 - 25 Page 3.8 CONCLUSION 25 3.9 NOTES 26 - 28 CHAPTER. 4 29 WHY THE ACTORS IN THE ANGOLA - NAMIBIA CONFLICT ACCEDED TO US MEDIATION 29 4.1 INTRODUCTION 29 - 30 4.2 THE SOVIET UNION 30 - 33 4.3 CUBA 33 - 36 4.4 THE SOUTH AFRICAN GOVERNMENT 37 - 42 4.5 THE ANGOLAN GOVERNMENT 42 - 44 4.6 NOTES 45 - 49 CHAPTER. 5 50 THE EXCLUSION OF SWAPO FROM THE QUADRIPARTITE TALKS 50 - 54 5.1 CONCLUSION 54 5.2 NOTES 55 - 56 CHAPTER. 6 57 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF US MEDIATED TALKS 57 - 62 6.1 NOTES 63 - 64 CHAPTER 7 65 7.1 CONCLUSION 65 - 67 SOURCE MST 68 - 78 (1) DEDICATION Mailman!, Shonisani, Sedzesani, Dakalo and Zwonaka, this is yours. -
Distr. GENERAL S/L3120 26 February 1979 ORIGINAL: Englisii
Distr. GENERAL S/l3120 26 February 1979 ORIGINAL: ENGLISIi F&PORT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERALCONCERNING THR IMPLEp~m:rITATION OF SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS 435 (1978) and 439 (1978) ON THE QUESTION OF N&VIBIA 1. Pursuant to paragraph 7 of Security Council resolution 439 (1978) concerning the situation in Namibia, I held meetings in New York with the Secretary for Foreign Affairs of South Africa and the Foreign Minister of South Africa from 23 to 24 November (S/12938) and from 27 to 29 November, respectively (S/12950). The meetings focused on paragraph 5 of Security council resolution 435 (19781, by which the Security Council called on South Africa forthwith to co-operate with the Secretary-General in the implementation of that resolution; as well as on paragraphs 4 and 5 of Security Council resolution 439 (1978) by which the Security Council called upon South Africa immediately to cancel the elections it had planned in Namibia in December 1978; and demanded once again that South Africa co-operate with the Security Council and the Secretary-General in the implementation of its resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978) and 435 (1978). 2. In a letter dated 22 December 1978 (S/12983, Annex I), the Minister of Foreign Affairs of South Africa informed me that the Government of South Africa had decided to co-operate in the expeditious implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (19781, and invited me to arrange for my Special Representative to "proceed to South Africa and South West Africa" as soon as possible for the purpose of completing consultations on outstanding issues. -
The Cassinga Massacre of Namibian Exiles in 1978 and the Conflicts Between Survivors’ Memories and Testimonies
ENDURING SUFFERING: THE CASSINGA MASSACRE OF NAMIBIAN EXILES IN 1978 AND THE CONFLICTS BETWEEN SURVIVORS’ MEMORIES AND TESTIMONIES BY VILHO AMUKWAYA SHIGWEDHA A Dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History University of the Western Cape December 2011 Supervisor: Professor Patricia Hayes ABSTRACT During the peak of apartheid, the South African Defence Force (SADF) killed close to a thousand Namibian exiles at Cassinga in southern Angola. This happened on May 4 1978. In recent years, Namibia commemorates this day, nationwide, in remembrance of those killed and disappeared following the Cassinga attack. During each Cassinga anniversary, survivors are modelled into „living testimonies‟ of the Cassinga massacre. Customarily, at every occasion marking this event, a survivor is delegated to unpack, on behalf of other survivors, „memories of Cassinga‟ so that the inexperienced audience understands what happened on that day. Besides survivors‟ testimonies, edited video footage showing, among others, wrecks in the camp, wounded victims laying in hospital beds, an open mass grave with dead bodies, SADF paratroopers purportedly marching in Cassinga is also screened for the audience to witness the agony of that day. Interestingly, the way such presentations are constructed draw challenging questions. For example, how can the visual and oral presentations of the Cassinga violence epitomize actual memories of the Cassinga massacre? How is it possible that such presentations can generate a sense of remembrance against forgetfulness of those who did not experience that traumatic event? When I interviewed a number of survivors (2007 - 2010), they saw no analogy between testimony (visual or oral) and memory. They argued that memory unlike testimony is personal (solid, inexplicable and indescribable). -
Namibia Since Geneva
NAMIBIA SINCE GENEVA Andr6 du Pisani OCCASIONAL PAPER GELEEIUTHEIDSPUBUKASIE >-'''' •%?'"' DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT VAN INTERNASIONAIE AANGEIEENTHEDE THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Mr. Andre du Pisani is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of South Africa. He is an acknowledged authority on SWA/Namibia, with numerous publications to his credit. It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this article are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. NAMIBIA SINCE GENEVA Andre du Pisani Contents Introduction Page 1 Premises of the West f. 1 Geneva: Backfrop and Contextual Features ,,.... 2 The Reagan Initiative - Outline of a position ........... 6 Rome - a New Equation Emerges T... 7 May - Pik Botha visits Washington ,.. tT,. f 7 South Africa's Bedrock Bargaining Position on Namibia ... 8 Clark Visit 8 Unresolved issues and preconditions t.. 8 Nairobi - OAU Meeting , 9 Mudge and Kalangula.Visit the US 9 Ottawa Summit '. , 10 Crocker meets SWAPO t 10 The Contact Group meets in Paris , , 10 Operation Protea T T 12 Constructive Engagement. - Further Clarifications 13 Confidence-building - The Crocker Bush Safari , 15 Prospects ,, 16 ISBN: 0 - 909239 - 95 - 9 The South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 BRAAMFONTEIN 2017 South Africa November 1981 Introduction The purpose of this paper is to reflect on diplomatic efforts by the Western powers to reach a negotiated settlement of the Namibian saga. Understandably one can only reflect on the major features of what has become a lengthy diplomatic soap opera with many actors on the stage.