SouthernCD Africa Vol.7 No.2 November 1991 (; p ts ?mCMtRaegn ,&fYAgffi Vol. 7 No. 2 REPORT November 1991 Contents

Editorial: Blowin' in the Windhoek .....

Namibia: A Class Act? ...... Land in Namibia: ...... 7 Rhetoric, Reform or Revolution, .... Police Story: A Tough Transition...... 10 ...... 14 Southern Africa Inkathagate Revisited ...... Mozambique: REPORT Impasse in the Peace Process is produced 5 times a year by a volunteer collective of the Toronto Healing Apartheid's Work Committee for the Liberation of I. Defining the Problem ...... 20 Southern Africa (TCLSAC) II. The Challenge of Change ...... 23 427 Bloor St. W. Toronto, M5S 1X7 Structural Adjustment for Africa: Tel. (416) 967-5562 Canada Jumps on the Bandwagon ...... 26 Submissions, suggestions and help in production are welcome and invited. Fighting Sexual Oppression: ISSN 0820-5582 Two-Way Solidarity ...... 28 SAR is a member of the Canadian Letters: Magazine Publishers Association. Our Readers Write ...... 31 Subscriptions The Theory Corner ...... 31 Keep on Truckin' ...... 32 Annual TCLSAC membership and Southern Africa Report subscription rates are as follows: SUBSCRIPTION: Individual (1 year) . ... $18.00 Individual (2 years) . ... $36.00 SAR Collective Institution ...... $40.00 Sue Baldwin, Jonathan Barker, Nancy Barker, MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) Lois Browne, Margie Bruun-Meyer, David Cooke, David Galbraith, Regular ...... $35.00 Dave Hatman, Lisa Horrocks, Carole Houlihan, Linzi Manicom, Unemployed Judith Marshall, Alberto Mourato, Colleen O'Manique, Student ...... $18.00 Richard Pathak, John S. Saul, Lauren Swenarchuk, Senior Joe Vise, Mary Vise, Barbara Willey, Chris Williams Sustainer ...... over $100.00 Overseas add $8.00 Cover design by Art Work ______a Second class mail registration No. 7844 Action Print Printed by Union Labour at Action Print Second class mail registration No. 7844 Blowin' in the Windhoek Expectations have been cruelly lowered in southern Africa, as a cold gust of the new realism contin ues to cut a swath across the region. Nowhere is this more true than in Nami bia, a territory that a year or two ago experienced its own brief flash of head lines in the world's press. But Nami bia has since disap peared into the nether-world of global indifference, its dramatic libera tion from South African over rule now, to many, not much more than a historical footnote. For the anti apartheid movement the reasons for a cer tain lack of interest in a "liberated Nami bia" are rather more complex than merely a short attention span, however. The fact that, in many particulars, the new SWAPO government has provided a pretty conventional "neo colonial" denouement to the long freedom strug gle waged by Namib ians, helps explain this response. Even at a point when dis tinctly lowered and "more realistic" ex pectations are the or der of the day, it is not easy to rational ize the very great gap that exists between

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 the socialist promise of SWAPO's the history of SWAPO's own evo possible tension, a context for "let 1976 Political Programme (cited in lution as a liberation movement is ting off steam," or instead designed of pro Chris Tapscott's lead article in this a checkered one, too often marked to facilitate the development issue) and the present, much greyer by the kind of authoritarian turns gressive policy innovations in this Nonetheless, the conference reality. that produced, most graphically, the sphere. cruel and well-documented atroci seems to have been a particularly There is, of course, much more ties in SWAPO's own Angolan bases impressive moment. to be said about Namibia's present in the 1980s. The swirl of revela Colin Leys focuses on a rather day reality than we attempt to cover tions around South Africa's Inkatha in the three lead articles (by Tap less salient sphere, but one no less gate scandal has recently produced emer scott, Brown and Leys) that provide important to the health of further evidence of the way in which the thematic centre-piece to the cur gent Namibian society than the res South Africa sought surreptitiously rent issue. But Tapscott's analysis olution of the "land question": the to tilt the balance against SWAPO is a sobering one, nonetheless, teas sphere of policing, where the grim in the elections leading up to inde ing out the signs that SWAPO lead legacy of the past combines with the pendence, one more index of the way ers are being drawn, willy-nilly, into contradictions of the present in a in which external forces have sought the small, self-referential world of a way that stretches the imaginations to conspire against the movement. deracialized privileged elite in their of policy-makers in particularly chal Quite probably, this was one way country, at the expense of their pre lenging ways. Moreover, it is on in which very conservative forces sumed vocation to advance the in just such apparently modest fronts within Namibian society have indeed terests of the much larger number of that many of the most important ad been strengthened. Namibian underprivileged. SWAPO vances willhave to be made in south leaders, queried recently on such At the same time, the fact ern Africa in the coming years. The matters by a member of SAR's ed that such machinations may have anti-apartheid movement, with its itorial working group, were quick helped keep SWAPO from gaining eyes turned to the "big picture" and to highlight the broader constraints a two-thirds majority in the pre the overall pattern of development in within which they have been forced independence election (and hence the region, must also take seriously, to define their independence project: a much freer hand in constitution as Leys does here, the complexity of the gale forces that have blown apart making) is not deeply to be re struggle in such spheres. the erstwhile "socialist bloc" and left gretted. For this, in turn, forced Complexity is the key then, in standing ever more firmly a rapa SWAPO to accept a much more Namibia as elsewhere in the region. cious "new world order" under west open political system than it might Certainly, the Inkathagate scandal ern capitalist auspices; the winds otherwise have been prepared to in South Africa was more compli of change in the region that pro consider. True, it is the right cated than most commentators, of duced for SWAPO a transitional (notably entrenched white interests) left and right, suggested when it process and a new constitutional dis that has, up to now, most effec first broke earlier this year; Gerhard pensation very far from that move tively taken advantage of this po Mar6 provides SAR readers with ment's heart's desire. Yet even when litical space for its own purposes. some much needed perspective on appropriate weight has been given Nonetheless, the possibility exists Inkathagate, and some fresh ques to such factors, the central ques that popular forces will begin to tions, in this issue. The peace pro tions posed by Tapscott's analysis emerge on this terrain that can, over cess in Mozambique? Not so very remain: has SWAPO much too read time, challenge Namibia's new elites straightforward a matter either, for ily trimmed its sails to catch the and pressure parties like SWAPO to reasons Rob Davies draws out in an prevailing breezes? have its lead be more honest to their stated left other article in this issue. Indeed it ers much too comfortably made a populist purposes. is precisely with these kinds of arti virtue of the "necessities" that un Not that the picture is entirely cles that SAR is attempting to fill doubtedly do crowd in upon them? bleak, even as it stands. As Su what we take to be our mandate. These are questions that can be san Brown documents in this issue, To work with others in the solidarity asked of other leaderships in the re the SWAPO-sponsored Land Con movement to sustain great expecta gion, of course, as the struggle con ference in June of this year provided tions, but to do so, as the present tinues to redefine "the art of the pos an innovative and scrupulously open challenging context of our work de sible" on the very difficult terrain forum within which the central is mands, on.the basis of the most rig that southern Africa has recently be sue of land was intelligently debated orous and realistic possible assess come. In the Namibian case there and a wide array of voices heard. Of ment of our circumstances, both in may be additional grounds for scep course, only time will tell whether southern Africa and closer to home. ticism about the present leadership's this conference was designed primar To beat against the wind if need be, progressive credentials. After all, ily to be a mere lightning rod for but not without a compass.

Africa REPORT november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT Namibia: A Class Act? BY CHRIS TAPSCOTT Chris Tapscott heads the Namibian In stitute of Social and Economic Re search (NISER) at the University in Windhoek, Namibia. The independence of Namibia in March of 1990 brought to an end more than a century of colonial ism. For the majority of Namib ians the history of colonial rule was characterized by dispossession, na tional oppression and poverty. The policies of this era served, more over, to reify racial and ethnic di visions within the society, to the ex tent that different communities were segregated geographically, econom ically and socially. As in South Africa, class and racial categories in Namibia overlapped, and the small white settler population (backed by Pretoria's military might) controlled the economy as well as the political order. The settler community, to gether with a tiny black elite which had emerged under the interim gov ernment, comprised just five per cent of the population but in 1989 were estimated to control 71% of the GDP. The bottom 55% of the pop ulation, in contrast, controlled just three per cent of the GDP. In the context of this structured inequality, most Namibians hoped that the ad vent of independence would lead to a more equitable and non-racial social order. In the post-independence era, the form of social stratification does appear to be changing, but not in the way that the dispossessed masses of Namibia might have wished. While it is not possible merely to read off class formation from a se ries of social indicators, there is ev idence of growing stratification in class terms that transcends previ ous racial and ethnic boundaries. Key to this is the emergence of a new elite, with members of the pre existing white settler elite now be ing joined by a new class of senior Worker in amethyst mine, Namibia

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 ______-~T~______

black administrators, politicians and ist movements, SWAPO's populism, is largely accounted for by four sec business people. This new elite in packaged in the rhetoric of social tors: mining and quarrying (32%), habits an economic and social world ism, became in significant part a general government (18%), whole largely divorced from that of the ma vehicle for the self-advancement of sale and retailing (13%), and agri jority of the urban and rural poor. specific interest groups within the culture and fishing (11%). A ten Small wonder that visitors to Wind movement. Although there is lit dency towards greater capital inten hoek comment with surprise at the tle evidence that individuals from sity in both the mining and com number of BMW and Mercedes Benz among the (extremely small) indige mercial agricultural sectors has in cars in what is, after all, a third nous elite joined SWAPO specifi creased the demand for skilled work world country. With the limited re cally to advance their own interests ers and, at the same time, has lim sources available to the country, crit (this only occurred, to a limited ex ited the potential for mass employ ics argue, sustaining the lifestyle of tent, towards the end of the liber ment generation. this elite must inevitably occur at ation war), it is the case that the the expense of development projects nationalist movement began to cre As a consequence of a distorted for the poor. ate its own elite, both amongst those economy and as a legacy of apart in exile and even amongst those who heid rule, there is thus, paradox While this trend is by no means remained at home. ically, both a critical shortage of unique among newly-independent skills (one exacerbated by the de Thus, beyond the consolidation countries in Africa, it is of spe parture of many South Africans) cial interest in a country ruled by in power of a cadre of political and military leaders who grew out of the and a severe problem of unemploy a political party that was, until re ment among the semi-skilled liberation struggle and who now oc and un cently, viewed by many western gov skilled. For those black Namibians cupy leading positions in the new ernments as Marxist in orientation. with skills, demand generally ex Furthermore, South Africa in part government, the primary determi ceeds supply and thus far there has justified its continued occupation of nant of social and economic stand been little competition for employ Namibia in terms of the need to stem ing in the post-independence era has ment. Moreover, the jobs they fill the spreading tide of communism, become educational attainment. Of tend to be in the urban areas (in and in this scenario SWAPO was the 40,000 to 50,000 Namibians who Windhoek in particular) where so went into portrayed as being the hand-servant exile, a relatively small cial services are relatively good and of Moscow. Nor was such a portrayal proportion (15% at most) under life is easier. The converse applies to entirely the went comprehensive post-secondary fictive creation of Total those who have limited skills. Com Strategy theorists seeking to drum training. The remainder were petition for employment up support for their notion trained as soldiers is fierce, of a "to or learnt rudi wages are low, and many are forced tal onslaught" against South Africa. mentary artisanal and agricultural to eke out a subsistence in the rural SWAPO had, in its 1976 Political skills in camps in Angola. And this areas where services are limited or Programme, firmly committed differential access to training itself contin non-existent. to the pursuit of scientific socialism ues to differentiate exiles, both in and the introduction of a classless their present employment opportu The decision to opt for a "mixed society on assumption of power. nities and in the diverse life-styles to economy" - in practice a capitalist which it accustomed them: although economy - was Nationalism and elite forma dictated in part by educated individuals by no means circumstance (Namibia's tion lived lives of dependent affluence in exile, their economic status, and the collapse expectations regarding The abandonment of socialist ide the good life of support from socialist countries post-independence were clearly in als in post-independence Namibia in particular). Once taken, how should not be seen merely as some fluenced by their years in Europe, ever, it too limits any very egalitar reflex the USA and elsewhere. of the global decline of the ian policy options that might be cho socialist order. True, certain seg sen by the new government. While ments of Limitations of the Economy SWAPO did embrace so SWAPO controls the political arena, cialist principles, while the party as While the demands of the liberation it does not control the economy that a whole was heavily dependent on struggle may have served to differ continues to be dominated by forces support from Eastern Bloc coun entiate its participants, the politi which vary, in terms of their sup tries. Nonetheless, SWAPO was first cal economy inherited by SWAPO port for SWAPO, from indifference and foremost a nationalist move has also reinforced tendencies to to outright hostility. Consequently, ment, composed of a broad spec wards elitism. Namibia's economy is in its efforts to promote the confi trum of social strata mobilized to both dependent and narrowly based, dence of the business sector (which wards national liberation. As has and despite its size, the land is not retains the ultimate sanction of dis been true of many other national- richly endowed. The country's GDP investment from Namibia), the gov-

november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT 0 0 Wn) A) 5-n-n) 1 n A- ______CLUJ 1..' ernment has moved extremely cau tiously on issues of affirmative ac tion, minimum wages and the ques tion of land redistribution. In fact, the SWAPO government has yet even to fully capture the state. As a further consequence of compromises agreed to in the pro cess of constitution-making, job se curity had to be guaranteed to the middle management of a public ser vice still extensively controlled by civil servants from the former colo nial administration. While some of these individuals have adapted to the new order, others appear insid iously to be obstructing efforts to build a more egalitarian and non racial society.

National reconciliation and re tention of the status quo Viewed from one angle, the new gov ernment's pursuit of a policy of na tional reconciliation was both polit ically astute and economically nec essary. Not only did it forestall the flight of much needed skills and cap ital, it also minimized the potential for political destabilization by disaf fected opponents. Nevertheless, the always have two reasons for doing has been interpreted to imply that policy of national reconciliation (me anything, a good reason and the real individuals employed by the colo a constitution which was diated by reason, springs constantly to mind. nial government would lose -none consen forged through inter-party It is true that most government poli of their existing employment bene much to reinforce the sus) has done cies can be rationalized as being in fits including generous housing, pen status quo and further to strengthen the interests of national reconcilia sion, medical aid and car allowances. amongst the trends towards elitism tion or as being determined by the The provision, in essence, presented indigenous population. inherent limitations of the constitu the SWAPO government with some Of course, defenders of the new tion or the economy. Nevertheless, thing of a dilemma: whether to order also point to the fact that sub it is equally clear that certain spe implement a differential system of terfuge on the part of the South cific segments of the population ben benefits for existing and in-coming African government and other oppo efit more directly than others from civil servants (many of whom were nents of SWAPO in the run up to the the chosen courses of action. This is SWAPO members) or whether to 1989 elections (a charge further sub nowhere more evident than in state equalize all employment packages. stantiated by recent revelations out policy towards conditions of service For various "good reasons" the de of South Africa), helped deny the in the public sector. cision was taken to maintain the ex party a two-thirds majority in the In that regard, Article 141 (1) isting system of benefits. The re reputed to Constituent Assembly. Such a ma of the Constitution served to rein sult: Namibia is now jority, it is argued, would have freed force the status quo by affirming have one of the highest civil service SWAPO of the necessity of negoti that "any person holding office un salary structures in sub-Saharan ating a constitution that entrenched der any law in force on the date Africa. However understandable at many of the existing privileges of the of Independence shall continue to one level, this decision does little to colonial administration. hold such office unless and until he redress one of the most glaring in equities of the colonial system, the However, in assessing the moti or she resigns or is retired, trans disproportionate spending of public vations of the new elites in govern ferred or removed from office in ac funds on a largely urban elite. ment, the aphorism that individuals cordance with law." This clause

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 a~Th~______

strongly viduals it is not the inequitable dis Inter-ethnic accommodation terness is perhaps most felt by the thousands of repatri tribution of land per se that is unsat On existing evidence, there is lit ated exiles who are struggling to re isfactory, but rather the size of their tle to suggest that elite formation enter the labour market and to fully own share in the system. Although is preceding primarily along ethnic reintegrate themselves into Namib the government has indicated that it lines, as many of SWAPO's oppo ian society. For these individu will take action against illegal fenc nents had predicted. A review of re als, the widening economic gap be ing, it appears to feel little urgency cent senior appointments to the civil tween themselves and their former to do so. as service does not indicate any undue comrades-in-arms is being most cru For many repatriated exiles, favouritism towards the Ovambo elly felt. well as many others who supported speaking population who form the The "land question," in partic SWAPO during the liberation strug are being learned backbone of SWAPO and who com ular, remains a vexed issued. Un gle, hard lessons total party, prise nearly 50 percent of the equal access to productive land and about the distinction between For those population. Although race and eth to water is a central feature of Nami government and state. nicity remain latent lines of stress, bia's colonial inheritance. In a con repatriated exiles schooled in the old appear to they do not, at present, text where both resources are abso Marxist tradition, the three entities be a limiting factor in the develop lutely scarce, the private ownership were supposed to be largely synony ment of a broader class identity. of some 45% of the total land area mous, or at least closely interactive. As for racial integration in the and 74% of the potentially arable SWAPO was, after all, the party of post-apartheid era, that has tended land by some 4,045, mainly white, the workers, of the students and of to take place almost exclusively in commercial farmers is a major fac the dispossessed. Yet in the name the upper echelons of the social or tor in determining inequality of in of "national reconciliation," the gov der. This process was set in mo comes and wealth. In attempting to ernment now chooses to portray it tion by the establishment of a gov redress these imbalances, however, self as the government of "all Namib ernment of national unity, whereby the government once again confronts ians." In so doing, it has not backed a number of opposition leaders were the challenge of matching increased the workers in some celebrated in brought into the Cabinet and white production (or at least maintaining stances of industrial dispute, for ex Namibians (not all of whom are existing levels of production) with ample, and has, in certain instances, SWAPO members) were appointed greater social equity, since much of pursued policies that favour minor to key portfolios in the Ministries Namibia is unsuitable for agricul ity groups rather than the masses. of Finance, Agriculture, Justice and ture. Whilst a measure of consen Although there are no serious Transport. But high incomes have sus on the issue of redistribution was signs of desertion from SWAPO also now ensured the purchase by reached during the National Land at present, there is unquestionably most senior black civil servants of Conference held in June 1991 (see growing disillusionment in many homes in the upmarket and formerly the article on this conference by Su quarters (particular in the populous exclusively white suburbs of Wind san Brown), the land question re Ovambo region - the party heart hoek. Not a single cabinet minister, mains far from resolved. land) with the pace and form of for instance, now lives in Katutura, The issue of social equity in the economic and administrative recon the African township formerly the countryside is not confined solely to struction. NANSO, the national bastion of political activism in Na imbalances in land ownership be student organization and formerly a mibia. Senior government officials, tween white and black Namibians, staunch SWAPO supporter, recently in part for language reasons, have however. In the post-independence disaffiliated itself from the party. also tended to send their children to era the most vocal and articulate Rumblings within the trade union formerly exclusively white schools, claims for land redistribution have movement indicate similar dissatis where the medium of instruction is come not from the land-scarce or factions, particularly with regard to English and where the standard of landless poor but from wealthier delays in the implementation of a education is generally higher than black farmers seeking to increase labour code and the introduction in predominantly black (but less ex their own access to land. Nor are of a policy on minimum wages. If pensive) schools. these claims confined to the com present trends continue, the party Growing dissatisfaction mercial farming areas. In a number might struggle to win a majority The government's caution in effect of the communal areas (in Ovambo, in the next election. Not that ing extensive changes within the po Kavango and Hereroland in particu great numbers of former support litical economy has led to charges lar), there is a growing trend among ers would necessarily vote against that national reconciliation is a one certain larger-scale African farmers SWAPO (traditional loyalties run sided process that is benefiting the to illegally fence rangelands, hith deep). But it is quite possible they white settler community far more erto recognized as communal pas would demonstrate disapproval by than the poor majority. Such bit- ture, for private use. For such indi- abstaining.

1t~YURT november 1991 Southern AficaAZrlca RPORT 0 7n-) P.) -nnn ChAi A. Land in Namibia: Rhetoric, Reform or Revolution?

BY SUSAN BROWN the question of land nationalization. position was that foreigners should not be allowed to own Namibian Susan Brown, a freelance journalist, By the terms of independence, na farmland, though they might lease lives in Windhoek, Namibia. tionalization of land was effectively impossible because they specified and develop it "in accordance with The National Conference on Land that no person was to be deprived Namibia's 'open door' policy to Reform and the Land Question of property save in the public inter wards foreign investment" SWAPO, ended in Windhoek on July 1st this est and subject to just compensation in fact, favoured blanket expropria year on an upsurge of goodwill and as determined by Parliament. tion of foreign-owned land, but this mutual congratulations by partici by the invest Most of the 500 delegates to the position was mitigated pants. A range of political par ment policy argument. According to Land Conference were hoping that ties congratulated the chairman, Na the predominantly white Namibian a way around this article would be mibia's Prime Minister Hage Gein Farmers Union, foreign landowners found. The majority of Namibians gob, on being a master of consen are a minute proportion of commer up to 80 per cent are still economi sus. Black farmers expressed strong cial farmers anyway. optimism; white farmers were sub cally rooted in the countryside - saw SWAPO also wanted abandoned dued but not hostile. In the exhil this question as the test of the gov and underutilized commercial land aration of the moment, it appeared ernment's political will to transform to be "reallocated and brought into the 24-point document adopted the ownership base of the country. that productive use." The commercial "The Consensus of the Confer The first eleven articles of the as farm lobby let this go by, both be would provide the foundations Conference's Consensus doc ence" Land cause there is little, if any, aban for a land reform policy with broad ument deal with commercial land. doned and unused commercial farm political support. The vast majority of commercial land, and because the task of defin land in central and southern Nami It was true the Prime Minister's ing underutilization can be expected bia is ranchland, stocking cattle and concluding speech stressed it was a to lead into a legal bog. "consultative conference," implying sheep. The densely-populated com Absentee landowners were also that government did not regard the munal areas along the northern bor to suffer expropriation, according to Consensus as binding, but optimism der combine subsistence cultivation the Consensus, but "there should be was the keynote. with stockfarming. The Consen sus articles conclude that the unjust a distinction, in respect of owners Now, three months later, an as colonial distribution of land must be who do not live on their farms, be tonishing range of people - from cab rectified, but they reject ancestral tween citizen and foreign landown inet ministers to ex-combatants and rights as a basis for land redistribu ers." But the problem is the same. returnees - are expressing cynicism, tion. A definition of what constitutes ab doubt or despair about prospects This marked one of three ma sentee landlords will run into le for land reform. The most opti jor defeats for the traditional lead gal problems. A substantial num mistic comment to be heard was ers' lobby which had argued that ber of the opposition MPs, black that substantive land reform will the government had a duty to re and white, are farmowners - and take at least a generation, and the store the status quo in acquiring, multiple farmowners at that, now legislative and executive framework controlling and utilizing land. They supposedly forbidden - but so are to make it possible won't be in also wanted to re-establish this his many members of the present Cab place for years. This slide into torical importance and standing in inet. Those holding land managed pessimism after a few brief months the community. The efforts of tradi for them in communal areas also also indicates the volatility of post tional leaders to recapture for them qualify as absentee landlords. independence expectations and the selves the massively powerful polit The consensus was that there lines along which, consciously or un ical and economic role of appropri should be a tax on commercial farm consciously, land lobbies are begin ation, management and redistribu land, a position supported by the ning to form. tion of commercial land had been an "progressive" farmers that dominate Content of the Consensus unrealistic hope from the beginning. the Namibia Agricultural Union. One of the major issues many hoped The issue of foreign ownership of They hope it will ensure the pro the Conference would deal with was land was also tackled. SWAPO's ductive use of land. However, con-

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 MEMOAM.0 0

sidering the wide (though contract ceding issues prompted the Confer farmers security of tenure while uni ing) range of subsidies enjoyed by ence to impose three-minute limits fying all land tenure under the ul commercial farmers to date, the tax on speakers. According to members timate ownership of the state. To breaks available to them are so com of the Conference's organizing com make this transition, the state may prehensive that the commercial agri mittee, when the draft of the Con assume the right of first option on cultural sector is a drain on gov sensus document was submitted to leasehold land coming onto the mar- ernment revenue. In rsponse to that criticism, commercial farmers are quick to point out the sector em ploys 20% of Namibians with jobs, if the dire serfdom in which most Namibian farm workers live can be called employment. Looking at what little progress has been made towards the re allocation of land illustrates why people are angry. To deal with the policies on land, the Consensus calls for a technical committee to study the facts regarding underuti lized land and absentee ownership, viable farm sizes in different regions of the country, multiple farm own ership and land taxation. Unfor tunately, the government has been tardy in carrying out this recom mendation and that has prompted a good deal of the doubt and cyn icism of the post- Conference back lash. A proposed list of members for the Committee will be presented to Parliament by the government at the forthcoming session. Meanwhile, the government ministries most likely to be concerned in devising the mea sures - Agriculture and Rural Devel opment; Land Resettlement and Re habilitation; Local Government and Housing; Finance - say they know nothing of such a committee, and one Minister says it was his belief that the notion had sunk without trace. The Prime Minister's well-known doubt as to the ability of some of his ministries to get things done, es pecially where shrewd negotiation is concerned (not to mention the kudos and power accruing to the politician Urazn storage baskets, Owambo, Namibia who spearheads land reform), may the Prime Minister, he sent them ket and incentives well be powerful-motivations for him should be estab back to amplify it, roughly following lished taking the issue onto his own over to encovrage farmers to con the SWAPO policy proposal. The crowded agenda. But delay and dis vert voluntarily. result was the position that land is No appointment may also exact politi one was happy with that a resource of the state and commer- cal penalties. proposal - neither the opposition cial farmland, now privately owned party nor the communal area farm The expansive and time on freehbld tenure, should be con- ers' unions. This would amount to consuming discussions of the pre- verted to leasehold which would give nationalization of land, and was un-

november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT 7n) S4 Mnn I[ToA A constitutional, it was argued. It did "all Namibian citizens have the right worry the government has almost no not represent the discussion of the to live where they choose within the structures to implement changes. In issue by the Conference. In the way national territory ... in seeking ac communal areas, with chiefs threat of things, established farms would cess to land, applicants should take ened by central or regional gov be the last to be converted and new account of the rights and customs of ernment's intention to usurp their black landowners would be entan the local communities living there." hereditary authority, they can and gled in red tape. It did not represent Priority should be given to the land probably will block efforts to deliver the discussion of the issue by the less and those without adequate land local reforms. Conference. It would paralyse trans for subsistence. While some traditional leaders fer of land to black co-operatives have lost legitimacy because of their which managed to mobilize finance. An amendment to the article dealing with the rights of women collaboration with South Africa, Did this mean the state was going to or their corruption, ineffectiveness, take over communal land? It would (and put forward by an urban lobby ist), was accepted without enthusi nepotism and poor management of end any prospect of job-creating in communal land, enough of them vestment in other sectors. It did not asm by the predominantly-male con ference. The amended version al still have substantial influence and represent the discussion of the issue loyal local followers. If chiefs are by the Conference ... lows women to own the land they cultivate and to inherit and be convinced that the government in With a snap, the chairperson tends to spurn them, they can be a Prime Minister called a recess, dur queath land. It provides for an af firmative action programme to help formidable obstacle to district level ing which he forcefully consulted the reform - as in many cases they have Attorney General, who shook his women through training and to pro vide low interest loans and other been in Zimbabwe. head gloomily. Unconstitutional. mechanisms to help them compete Thus Article 9, as adopted, read Article 20 resolves that all ille on equal terms with men, and it not that land should be owned by gal fencing and enclosure of commu calls for the end to all discrimi all Namibians as represented by the nal land must stop. This has been whether state but that "all Namibians should natory laws or practices, a major point of conflict because of statutory or customary, that disad have access ... " to the land. The the inequalities in wealth and politi vantage women. While likely to be cal leverage endemic to the commu technical committee to be set up ignored by traditional authorities, at will "evaldate the legal options con nal areas. But when in the wake least at first, this may boost the cerning possible forms of land tenure of the land conference, the Ministry efforts of the weak women's rights consistent with the Constitution." of Land, Resettlement and Rehabil lobby. In time, it may give some itation began to assemble evidence There was another defeat for tra leverage to a lot of women who to prosecute those who had fenced ditional leaders when the Confer might otherwise be bereft of every and enclosed, officials found that ence resolved that households should thing they have - widows or single many had done so with support from not be required to pay traditional parent families usually shoved aside legally-established structures. leaders for obtaining farmland un by competing neighbours in stock der communal tenure for their own farming areas, or widows in northern Can it be done? subsistence - required mainly in communal areas, who may be dis The major political pressure the the heavily crowded Ovambo region, possessed from land and homestead government is experiencing is from and to a lesser extent in Kavango, by their husbands' families, who tra returned exiles and ex-SWAPO com and again when widows or heirs take ditionally inherit. batants, who are becoming vocifer over land previously granted to a ous and hostile to politicians and of family head. If the land is for busi Article 18, on land allocation and ficials as their disappointment grows ness purposes, users will pay, but to administration, again cuts into tra over demobilization payouts, access the government, not to traditional ditional leaders' and chiefs' prerog to land and lack of jobs. chiefs. atives without satisfying those who The Conference also agreed that want such powers curtailed. It spec The great majority of them have communal areas, for the present, ifies that their role should be legally settled in northern Namibia where should be retained, developed and defined (rather than customary and they know the land and how to even expanded, where necessary. discretionary), and that the process farm it. The more arid stockfarm The Constitution says Namibians of land allocation and administra ing regions in the south and central may live and move where they tion should be institutionalized un areas of Namibia are different ex choose in the country, but by impli der the control of the state, but the cept in a few cases where land is ir cation that could threaten custom Consensus doesn't specify the pro rigated. Development Brigades, ad ary land tenure, which would be po cess. So although traditional leaders ministered mainly by the Ministry litically disastrous. Thus Article 13 see this as a major erosion of their of Land, have become discontented of the Consensus resolves that while powers, local farmers and NGOs at "working for nothing" and at the

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 no xa OO nL~hpL lack of food and resources. The Min may continue to be until regional communication between one another ister of Land and Resettlement was councils are elected next year. as well as resources and the ability to implement programmes on regional threatened with assault on a visit to The forthcoming session of Par and district level. Thus far, most one such project near Omega base, liament should see the delimitation expansion has been in central gov and a Ministry official was locked in of constituencies for regional elec a shed for two days. tions determined, if not the frame ernment. work for these elections. The new This Ministry, which bears the But pessimists to the contrary, Agricultural Finance Bill should also brunt of discontent over unfulfilled talk of land reform is not mere come before the assembly, diverting expectations, like many others lacks rhetoric. Nor, given the many limi a substantial proportion of cheap fi the practical capacity to success tations and obstacles - not least the fully implement programmes. Of six nance from white to black farmers. current fundamental changes in the farms the Ministry bought this year So some foundations may be laid. world system, and their effects on before the land conference, none has Meanwhile, the major govern political policies available to African been resettled, as far as is publicly ment ministries who must play a governments - is there likely to be a known. With the radically differing part in land reform - Land, Rehabil speedy revolution in land tenure and regional agricultural systems, com itation and Resettlement, Agricul black Namibians' options of owner munal and commercial, ultimately ture, Rural Development, Water, Fi ship. The conference itself is an district and regional solutions will be nance, Local Government and Hous indication that something is begin needed. Structures on this level are ing and of course the Prime Minis ning to shift, though the timescale to either incomplete or absent. They ter's office - must develop lines of watch is ten years rather than two. Police Story: A Tough Transition

BY COLIN LEYS It is true that Namibia has population. It used harassment, in a Colin Leys is a professor of political small population, estimated at timidation, arbitrary arrest and tor studies at Queen's University. He las about 1.5 million, but it is dispersed ture in an increasingly routine fash visited Namibiaseveral times and spent over a huge territory. Even with ion. Most accounts of brutality in six weeks there this summer. the assistance of 300 'student con Namibia during the war years fo stables' (new untrained recruits) and cus on incidents perpetrated by the If there has been a week since in 1,700 Special Constables (untrained dependence in Namibia when the military or by Koevoet ('Crowbar'), policemen, paid on a day to day ba the paramilitary police (NAMPOL) have not been counter-insurgency sis, and mainly doing guard duty, force developed in the news, it has no doubt been for the purpose of driving and the like), this was a com killing members ringed in red ink on the calen of SWAPO's mili pletely inadequate force. Besides, at tary force (PLAN) and their inter dar of NAMPOL's official spokesper the time of independence, those who son, Commissioner Sigi Eimbeck, nal helpers. What is less appreci remained in Namibia were disorga ated because the news has rarely been outside Namibia is the extent nized and disoriented, even if senior to which the regular police force had good. The problems of creating an officers who stayed included some efficient, non-violent police service, also become subordinated to South with a genuine commitment to build Africa's 'total strategy'. Even dur committed to 'policing by consent', a new kind of police service. in place of the former South West ing the transition to independence Africa Police (SWAPOL) force, have SWAPOL had also become so in 1989-90, lawyers working for the been enormous. discredited that no police service Legal Assistance Centre in Wind At independence, the 6,000 that might be seen as its reincar hoek discovered special 'interroga members of the U.N. peacekeeping nation had any chance of success. tion units' in more than one police force dispersed to their home coun At independence it had only 125 station, separated from the other of tries. Just over half of the 4,000 Ovambo officers (six per cent of the fices and equipped with torture in SWAPOL police officers packed total) and only one Ovambo inspec struments. their bags and mostly followed the tor, in a country where more than Black Namibians had no illu last of South Africa's soldiers back half the people are Ovambo. More sions. In the north or in any to the Republic. Only about 1,500 importantly, SWAPOL had become other major town, if you went to police officers remained and over the almost wholly dedicated to the re SWAPOL for help to recover stolen subsequent months, their numbers pression of SWAPO, which meant property or complain about an as dwindled further. the repression of most of the black sault, you were liable to be pulled in

november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT 0 0h yourself and assaulted by the police. dard, or Grade, Eight) to be trained these recruits did not have a true In a case brought before the O'Linn as police officers were also wanted equivalent of Standard Eight, espe Commission on Electoral Malprac by other employers. With the help cially English-language skills; this tices, two Ovambo men living in of Britain, Namibia began a difficult was even truer of the Protection Of Windhoek's black township of Katu process to try to blend the remnants ficers, who now made up 51% of tura went to the police station to of SWAPOL with personnel from NAMPOL. Training courses were set collect a radio belonging to one of PLAN and other returnees, and to up, again with British assistance, for them. They were systematically tor retrain and reorganize them into a all levels of the service, from basic tured for no apparent reason other new service dedicated to 'policing by training to 'management' training, than that they were suspected as consent'. to impart essential skills and the new being 'SWAPOs'. With the partial By mid-1991, the results were values needed to turn the police into exception of the sparsely-populated roughly as follows. There were some servants of the public and effective south of the country, the police were 2,250 regular police officers (which crime fighters.

Namibian boys joke & laugh at ex-l(A justifiably seen as one of the main included police women, a small but But it was an uphill struggle. Training can't accomplish miracles, threats to people's security, not its growing element) plus 2,400 Pro and there were and are severe ten main guarantors. tection Officers, the new name for avoidable inefficiency, But the new SWAPO govern Special Constables, now permanent sions, causing between the remaining ex-SWAPOL ment could not scrap SWAPOL. To staff rather than paid on a daily officers and the incoming person build a new police service would take basis. Most Protection Officers nel, even though the Inspector time, and the experience, infrastruc had been recruited from among ex remains an ex tures and equipment inherited from PLAN combatants, though a mi General of NAMPOL SWAPOL Afrikaner, Piet Fouche. SWAPOL were assets that could not nority were former SWAPOL Spe Some senior ex-SWAPOL officers be dispensed with. At the same cial Constables. About half the have adopted a negative, minimum time, while there were thousands of new regular police officers had been effort attitude, relishing the mis Namibians in need of jobs, including trained abroad (mostly in Tanza thousands of returning exiles, very nia) by SWAPO, or were new re takes made by the newcomers that effective leadership on their part few had police training. Those who cruits with Standard Eight or its could have prevented; while some had the necessary education (Stan- equivalent. In practice, many of

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 W& 7 o-I MhR' P1

Members of Koevoet counter insurgency unit u families at picnic at Ruacana, of the incoming officers probably do temporary force of Border Guards rise in crimes against property. And lack essential skills and aptitude for and the Presidential Guard Unit, it should be remembered that peo police work, even though others are recruited wholly from PLAN. Both ple are no longer being killed on a clearly well-trained and capable. were originally in NAMPOL, but daily basis as they were during the The result is that the police have since been hived off. war, even if violent crime is a seri are widely seen - at least for the As regards crime levels, the ev ous problem, especially for the res moment - as fundamentally use idence put forward is inconclusive. idents of Katutura. Moreover, and less. When notified of a crime, NAMPOL's own figures on the value this should not be underrated, while they seem slow to arrive, if they of property stolen do not actu NAMPOL may be seen as inefficient, come at all, and are then seen ally suggest a massive crime wave, it is no longer seen as an instrument as either unable or unwilling to although the media tends to im of terror. Some NAMPOL officers do anything effective. Constables ply otherwise. Insurance companies still use violence, especially in Wind in charge-offices at police stations have increased their premiums for hoek, but it is no longer the norm. too often lack the English-language insurance against theft, justifying it A balanced view is probably that skills and the training and experi by saying their losses are mount crime levels have settled down to a ence needed to prepare case-records ing. The impression that there is level 'appropriate' to a country with on which a prosecution can be suc more crime may be based, at least Namibia's social and economic prob cessfully based. There is a prevail in part, on other changes brought lems. The police, for some time to ing weakness in routine investigative by independence. Black Namibians come, will at best be able to de practices, inherited from SWAPOL, can now move freely in the centre ter and clear up most of the serious that makes follow-up work difficult. of the capital and its white sub crimes, like murder or treason. But NAMPOL is also too small a force urbs, where formerly they were apt although their inability to do more - and current budget projections to be arrested on sight after working than this is a problem, it is not (or hours. This gives imply it won't get much bigger rise to white anxi at least not yet) as serious as one ety and, perhaps, to for very extensive patrolling to de a more 'normal' might suppose. ter crime. Much of the patrolling geographic distribution of criminal is done by Protection Officers, who activities. But given current levels The point is this: if one took se were mostly trained as bush fighters of inequality and poverty, and espe riously the view promoted by most rather than as police. cially the very high unemployment police forces - that they are all that Given all this, the really interest in Windhoek - where at least three stands between society and anar ing fact is that there is no real evi quarters of all thefts (by value of chy - one would think that the sit dence of a 'policing crisis'. Much of goods stolen) are reported - it would uation in Namibia was desperate. NAMPOL's bad publicity involved a be surprising if there had not been a But what all research on policing

november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT nn Pin 700Aho) ft P.I consistently reveals is that the po For instance, in the rural 'con I- and effective force. Barring political lice, at best, reinforce what com munal' areas (non-settler far,m upheavals, this could happen; but munities do themselves to define areas), where the most serious crirrie for this really to mean a higher and control crimes. All the evi is stock theft, the real problem is n( t level of security for most Namibians, dence shows that increasing police the remoteness or inefficiency of tt.Le a wider set of changes, such as patrols has virtually no effect in re police, but the lack of any effectihre those affecting the court system ducing crime levels. As for investiga court system. People may identilry and reductions in unemployment tion, according to British sociologist stolen stock and even the thieve s, and inequality, will also be needed. Robert Reiner in his book The Pol but the traditional court system ht is As Commissioner Eimbeck puts its, itics of the Police, "if adequate in become corrupted. At one time, "the police must be the pivotal point formation is provided [by members the chief - who is also a judge - for all crime prevention activities, of the public] to pinpoint the cul was hereditary, and was trustetd but the public must be the main prit fairly accurately, the crime will to deal with most non-violent rur;al preventers of crime." If this is taken be solved; if not, it is almost cer crime and awarded compensation Ito seriously, and the public's security tain not to be." The tenacious police the victim rather than jail sentenc(Is needs in the widest sense are made detective beloved of detective nov or fines to the culprit. Under tt ie the focus of policy-making, Namibia els and television series, who solves South Africans, chiefs became poli t- could pioneer some radical advances crimes through painstaking method ical appointee and traditional courlts in policing. But this would call ical effort plus profound insight into are now increasingly untrustworth y. for a degree of empowerment and the criminal mind, is not frequently The magistrates' courts, meanwhil e, democratization at the community found on the case in real life. What are too far away, too slow, and rare]ly level which would challenge some counts is community concern. A award compensation. traditional interests and thinking, SWAPOL officer told a researcher in Conversely, in the urban towint- from those of chiefs to those of 1989, "policing in Ovamboland al ships where the biggest source of i:n- many policemen and bureaucrats, ways used to be easy; in nine cases security is robbery, often by gang-s, and no doubt some politicians. The out of ten, an officer called to the measures like the provision of stre,et issues involved go to the heart of scene of a crime would find all the lighting and more telephones in vt l- the relation between the state and witnesses waiting to see him, with nerable neighbourhoods seem to Ibe its citizens. It is a dimension the culprit." He may have thought an obvious and not very costly st4-p of post-independence development he was making a point about the forward. So far, however, these that deserves to be followed closely, simplicity of the Ovambo; in fact, needs have not been put at the top of not least for the lessons it may offer he was describing the essence of suc the agenda. In particular, the poli ce to South Africa. cessful police work everywhere. response to community based self-policing com So far, this reality about policing mittees has been luke with its implications for Namibia's warm, on the grounds new police service, has not been fully that the initiative to form appreciated. In the understandable them has generally come in South Atrica and anxiety to get a new police service from political (SWAPO) New s and analysis from correspondents in place quickly, and confronted by activists. But that has the region, and from key capitals abroad. so many other pressing policy issues, to be expected, given 'tUseful and very informative' -Zola Skweyiya, the SWAPO government has tended that the black townships ANC constitutional affairs department. to leave policing policy to be deter were divided, apartheid style, into separate 'eth Subscription costsUS$ 204 for organisations. mined mainly by policemen. NAM Concessions availablefor individual readers. POL has reached out to the public nic' neighbourhoods, and Mailed first class, available electronically. by forming a Police-Public Relations that SWAPO has been Council which has had some suc the main agency of polit cess in making the police service and ical mobilization for most some members of the public more Namibians for more than aware of each other's problems. A twenty years. local-level P-PR Committee has also SOUTHSCAN been functioning for the township The Minister of Home Weekly Bulletin of Southern African Affairs of Katutura. But many of the real Affairs, Lucas Pohamba, Published since 1986 a cautious but realistic London - Johannesburg determinants of people's security lie man, thinks that in fifteen n outside the scope of any body that is years the police service can Wrto fre sample isse w .. primarily concerned with the police become a fully professional as such.

I - Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 - 0 amt M22WE

Inkatha warriors, Thokoza township south-east of Johannesburg, 1990 Inkathagate Revisited

BY GERHARD MARE labour studies at the University of Na and the military, Adriaan Vlok and tal, is a long-time observer of Inkatha The Inkathagate scandal - sparked by Magnus Malan, were shuffled out revelations, earlier this year, regard politics and co-author (with Georgina of their portfolios. While these ing the South African state's secret Hamilton) of An Appetite for Power: events attracted enormous media at funding of Chief Buthelezi's nefarious Buthelezi's Inkatha and the Politics of tention both locally and internation Inkatha movement - has been inter "Loyal Resistance." ally, and undoubtedly have had an preted by many as weakening the cred The events that have become known impact on the nature of politics dur ibility of both the de Klerk government in South Africa as "Inkathagate" ing the present transitional period, and of Buthelezi himself - and provid have focused attention on secret the scandal has also tended to de ing the ANC with a golden opportu state funding to Chief Buthelezi's flect attention from other important nity to recover the initiative in South Inkatha movement, now the Inkatha issues. Africa. While this has proven partly Freedom Party, its trade union ad The revelations themselves and to be the case, Gerhard Mar6 argues junct, the United Workers Union their immediate effects have already below that the scandal has not been of SA (UWUSA), and some other been widely discussed. But an nearly so damaging to its perpetrators right-wing groups. In the imme other dimension of the affair has re as might have been hoped. Moreover, diate aftermath some minor play ceived less attention. Inkathagate he continues, the fall-out from Inkatha ers were sacrificed: Buthelezi's per points to important underlying fea gate also reveals the ANC as itself being sonal secretary resigned and the se tures of the relationship between the less than successful in dealing with the curity police officer who had directly state and conservative and tradition political contradictions thrown up by administered the funding was re alist forces in the black community. the remnants of the Bantustan system pudiated. More significantly, the This has significant political conse in South Africa. Mar6, who teaches ministers responsible for the police quences for the democratic opposi

14 november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT t V axn@& tion, which has not yet successfully accepting every power granted by leadership, were actively involved in formulated a response to Inkatha's the central state over its ethnically perpetrating murder and mayhem manipulation of ethnicity and eco divided people; in fact, it has served in their struggle for political con nomic conservatism. that central state loyally - even trol, especially in Natal. It thus came as little surprise when the state The events while claiming credit f&r the derisory level of services it was thus able to also admitted to having trained 150 Democratic Party MP Kobus Jor provide the people under its jurisdic Inkatha members between 1986 and daan first asked a question in par tion. 1989 (supposedly in "security and liament in February of this year to On July 19, the Weekly Mail re VIP protection") at Namibian mil police minister Adriaan Vlok about vealed that the SAP had indeed pro itary bases. It has been alleged possible funding for Inkatha "or a vided money to Inkatha to counter that members of this group partici certain trade union." The min support for the then-banned ANC, pated in hit-squad activity on behalf ister avoided the question, as did and to stem the downward slide in of Inkatha, paralleling similar accu state president F.W. de Klerk in re Inkatha's own support - these being sations made against those Inkatha ply to similar questions, which had the reasons for the funding explic members officially enrolled as "kit been expanded to include allegations itly stated in a secret security police skonstables" (instant constables) to about the SADF, the South African document. The state's bumbling re serve in the very communities in Na Police, SAP, and the National In sponse to this expos6 was to claim tal where Inkatha and the ANC were telligence Service, NIS. By May, a that the purpose had actually been at war. frustrated Jordaan, himself at one to counter sanctions. For that rea stage in the Department of Consti son, it was claimed, the funds came What have been the effects? tutional Planning and Development, through the Ministry of Foreign Af said that the SAP had aided Inkatha fairs, where minister Pik Botha had The revelations about funding cer through the Inkatha-spawned and an undisclosed sum to be employed tainly damaged Inkatha's media im supported UWUSA. In a subsequent every year in combating the sanc age both in SA and internation interview with the Vrye Weekblad tions campaign. And, of course, ally, while also giving further weight before the major revelations, Jor Buthelezi had always been a promi to a range of other reports link daan said that he was concerned nent anti-sanctions figure both on ing Inkatha to hit-squad activity. that the "playing field for all play overseas tours and within the coun The ANC's demand for an interim ers should be level." try. government was also strengthened Subsequent reports of far more since the De Klerk regime had now Of course, the playing field had been caught acting in more or less been anything but level. In recent extensive funding for UWUSA, set up in 1986 by Inkatha with the the same mode as previous National decades, the ANC had been banned Party governments: once again the and thousands of its members de express purpose of countering the Congress of South African Trade shallowness of the state's claim that tained and tried for as little as "sup it was merely a neutral body caught Unions (COSATU), underscored the porting the aims of a banned or between two warring black political ganization," while Inkatha contin fact that the real purpose of such funding was to prop up conserva forces were exposed. It will now be ued to operate. It could be ar very difficult for anybody to join or gued, as Buthelezi frequently does, tive organizations in their strug gle against more radical and demo support Inkatha with the same selec that this immunity from state ac tive blindness that sees Inkatha sim tion arose because the movement cratic movements. The bulk of the money in this case was directed to ply in terms of what it says about it chose the right strategy - of "chang the ex the field of labour: the formation self. However, in many ways ing the system from within." But merely confirmed what had of COSATU (in 1985) had consoli posures this begs the question as to what already been known, rather than re dated the advances made in organiz Inkatha did with the political space vealing anything new. that it then occupied. In its "lib ing workers since the strike in Dur erated zone," as the KwaZulu ban ban in 1973, just as the formation of Indeed, it would be wise not tustan was pretentiously labelled, the United Democratic Front (UDF) to exaggerate the impact of the Inkatha was able to operate with in 1983 had for the first time really Inkathagate revelations. Certainly, considerable latitude because its re challenged Inkatha on the ground in the revelations will not discourage sistance to some aspects of apart its claim to be a liberation move Inkatha from claiming a central posi heid unfolded well within the bound ment in the ANC mould. tion, one supposedly based on mass aries of an ethnically-divided and However, it was not only the support, in future negotiations - a unambiguously capitalist social or cause of conservatism that the state position, not simply as just another der. Its greatest "achievement," re was hoping to advance in this way contender, but as one of the "big ANC the fusing to accept apartheid "inde but, more concretely, organizations three" (alongside the and pendence," did not prevent it from whose members, including senior National Party). Inkatha's claim to

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 ovmthi mIdgm this position, however, rests not on popularity, which is in the region of four percent if a number of recent opinion polls give us any credible in dication, but on power, on the abil ity to mobilize in a manner that is independent of local or national ma jorities but that, in its very ruthless ness, cannot be ignored.t

Nor has Inkathagate deterred the white right, at least those who have not felt at home in the various offsprings of Afrikaner nationalism (such as the Afrikaner Weerstands beweging and the National Party), from signing on. A remarkable number of letters of support have appeared in the commercial press, some even offering funds to compen sate Inkatha for its decision to repay Foreign Affairs. A personal fund has been set up for Buthelezi by British zoo-millionaire Lord Aspinall, now Mangosuthu Buthelezi, Natal, South Africa, July made an honorary Zulu chief, and Australia's media-millionaire Kerry membership. The politics of ev firm what the opinion polls are sug Packer. eryday existence and survival for gesting. But free elections are still hundreds of thousands living in in Regional, and probably national an unclear distance. non-urban KwaZulu, largely isolated and international business interests, The rumoured death of apart from the symbols and issues cre have not shied away from contact heid and the future ated by the media (other than the with Inkatha and Buthelezi either. Zulu-language radio broadcasts by Unfortunately, other crucial ques A month after the scandal Buthelezi the SABC tions raised by the funding scan could address leading industrialists and the Inkatha-owned newspaper Ilanga), leave dal have not received much atten in Empangeni, calling for a "part them with more immediate concerns. tion. Inkatha and the class inter nership" with them, and offering to These are also ests it represents have always bene represent their views at future nego people who have been told that their unemployment fited from apartheid, even if its lead tiations: "We want what you want and poverty are ers did not support the racist cru ... We want to be able to go and the direct result of sanctions, the very measures dities and exclusions of the system negotiate on your behalf and re that, according to the and have opposed the dubious ad turn to you and say this is what Inkatha leadership, the secret state ditional benefits of "independence." we are doing, judge us and help funds were intended to combat. In deed, And so long as the us do better." A steady stream it was many such members bantustan for mat - or something that of politicians and business people who actually cheered when the gov replicates its regional and ethnic still visits Ulundi, where the lav ernment's funding was announced at "traditional ist" structures ish KwaZulu parliamentary build the Inkatha conference, held dur - continues to exist, Inkatha will continue to benefit ings dominate the thornveld and the ing the period when the revelations from the powers township. were first surfacing! This is not allocated to those who to say that under a different bal have chosen to participate in the sys Moreover, the scandal has prob ance of power such people might tem. ably had little effect on much not transfer their support elsewhere. of Inkatha's existing rank-and-file In this connection, a recent ar Free elections would probably con- ticle in the Weekly Mail bears not- Inkatha also claims for itself a meri- pendent confirmation of the accuracy in 1980, was nothing of the sort, and bership of some two million, includ- of its membership was given by An- that his "sole conclusion" was that it ing some 100,000 whites. This figure ton Harber, now the editor of, pre- was probably impossible to gauge accu has frequently been refuted by analysts, cisely, the Weekly Mail! Recently Har- rately the membership of Inkatha be while Inkatha has countered that inde- ber has written that his "confirmation," cause its records were in an almighty mess.

16 november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT ing. It lists some of the major out trial and an extension of "se Buthelezi then, not by a long shot. apartheid statutes still in existence, curity" legislation within Transkei. Certainly Inkatha has been a list that includes no fewer than Yet these are developments the ANC harmed by the revelations - no fu five acts relating to the bantustans regional structures simply refuse to ture supporter can claim innocence and to "tribal authorities." The im condemn. Not to do so, however, is of knowledge regarding Inkatha's pact of this brutal attempt at social to lend dangerous fuel to Buthelezi's true provenance (although there are engineering has been enormous, of fire. For it is against the supposed many who see its links with the course, both in terms of human lives "Xhosa-led" ANC, with a base in the state to be no "crime" in the first and in less tangible consequences. Transkei, that Buthelezi most fre place). But the fact remains that As is well known, these "homelands" quently defines the thrust of his own it is less the shock value of reve were the centre-piece of the policy of organization and the ethnic interests lations than the firm reality of a influx control: the dumping grounds it represents. The ANC's open sup counter-balancing expression of po for millions; a site of the most grind port for Transkei's General Bantu litical power, organized and demo ing poverty; a crucial element in the Holomisa and its defense of the in cratic, that will do most to con attempted fragmentation and deflec tegrity of Transkei thus does noth tain and ultimately to erase the tion of opposition. ing to undermine the credibility of damage that Inkatha and its poli Buthelezi's claims amongst his fol cies have done to this country. Why then have many opponents lowers. (And what of Holomisa's Some sign of the possibilities in this of apartheid been so quiet on the role in future negotiations or any respect has already been demon question of the bantustans? True, multi-party conference? If he at strated by COSATU's mobilization there have been calls for the dis tends for whom will he speak? If against firms supporting UWUSA. banding of these "national states," he represents Transkei, would that But the force of this strategy is but the fact is that these have been license Inkatha to claim two places undermined by the inability of the directed almost exclusively against for itself, as a political party and as ANC to effect a similar programme KwaZulu (and its repressive struc the representative of KwaZulu? The of mobilization. Its strength lies tures, including the KwaZulu po ANC itself has been noticeably silent in its prospective ability to attract lice) and BophuthaTswana ("inde on such questions.) votes, and the electoral context pendent" and home of Sun City). The future within which such strength could be But these calls are riddled with in turned most effectively to account consistencies, allowing Buthelezi to We must remind ourselves of the still lies out of sight. In the mean turn them back and claim they are support that Inkatha has been able time mass action is not being effec no more than ethnically-motivated to garner through its domination of tively evoked or focussed. And mil assaults on the "Zulu nation," its the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly: itarily the ANC has not been able "kingdom" and its chiefs. There is it has spent public money on such to prevent violence against its mem no doubt in my mind that such par party ventures as the Inkatha Insti bers. tial critiques have actually helped to tute, the Buthelezi Commission, and strengthen the boundaries defining the Natal/KwaZulu Indaba; it has For the violence does continue, the ethnic identities of those "Zulus" been able to use its control over gov preventing the formation of demo who feel beleaguered and insecure ernment funds to expand its mem cratic structures in many areas. amidst the rapid changes that are bership; and it has shaped the re More generally, it also threatens to taking place. And these are just the gional administration according to produce a milieu that will increas kind of people at whom Buthelezi its own agenda. ingly demand a violent political style aims his appeals. Taken together, such activities from all sides, a situation in which have meant that Inkatha has shaped there can be no innocent parties. In The inconsistencies and silences a regional power-base that is go such a milieu democracy can be only are most extreme when compared to ing to be a crucial piece in the Na an empty slogan. In addition, the the treatment accorded the Transkei tional Party and Inkatha's consti bantustans continue. Here, too, a bantustan by large sections of the tutional proposals, proposals likely democratic future demands a rup anti-apartheid movement. Here, an to be premised squarely on achiev ture. The popular movement in undemocratic military government ing a type of federalism that will South Africa must pay more than rules, having overthrown the SA strengthen conservative interests. lip-service to the realization that government's own preferred set of Indeed, the NP has just released any continuity in this sphere - any leaders. Widespread reports speak constitutional proposals for debate, preservation, that is, of bantustan of massive expenditure on gov in which it proposes that the coun structures - can serve only the pur ernment buildings (with helicopter try be divided into nine regions. Na poses of Inkatha and the state, and landing facilities on their roofs and tal (including KwaZulu) is obviously certainly not any more progressive the like) and of detention with one. We have not heard the last of purpose.

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 17 Mozambique: Impasse in the Peace Process

BY ROBERT DAVIES by South African special forces, with able and durable peace in Mozam Robert Davies is presently Co-Director its resultant (and well known) lack bique cannot be reduced merely to of the Centre for Southern African of political coherence. In a context the achievement of a ceasefire agree Studies at the University of the West where much of its professed politi ment between the current protag ern Cape. In writing this contribution cal clothing - such as a multi-party onists. An effective ceasefire is especially for SAR, Davies has drawn political system and private enter an essential first step, to be sure. on his longer paper, "Implications for prise economy - has effectively been But building peace will depend, sec Southern Africa of the Current Impasse donned by Frelimo, it is argued that ondly, on putting in place domes in the Peace Process in Mozambique," Renamo has simply been unable to tic political arrangements and socio published as Southern African Perspec produce a coherent response. A sec economic programmes capable of tives No. 9 by the Centre at UWC. ond hypothesis argues that, deriving creating a measure of "social peace." from its origins and nature, Renamo A necessary third element, particu The long delays and frequent inter has a well-founded lack of confidence larly important in this case, ruptions of the peace would talks being in its capacity to contest multi-party be the establishment of effective held in Rome between the Mozam elections and is holding out instead mechanisms to put an end to exter bican government and the Renamo for some sort of power-sharing agree nal involvement in violent conflict in contra movement have led much of ment with Frelimo. A third possi Mozambique. the rest of the world to look with ble interpretation suggests that Re growing indifference on events in The uncertainty about develop namo may be trying to force Fre Mozambique. What is occurring in ments in each of these three respects limo into multi-party elections with Mozambique, while universally rec implies that there are a number of out a ceasefire in the hope that, as ognized as a human tragedy of major possible scenarios for what might oc in the Nicaraguan case, it can then proportions, appears increasingly to cur in Mozambique in the near fu hold the electorate hostage by indi be seen as marginal to the main pro ture. cating that only a change of govern cesses shaping the future of southern ment will bring peace. Thus, the long delays experi Africa. enced in the Rome talks make even Renamo's Any such view is extremely political incoherence is the first step in the process an undoubted of build short-sighted. The way in which fact, but this alone is ing peace uncertain. It is by no probably insufficient to explain the events in Mozambique unfold could means current a foregone conclusion that a have significant repercussions for the impasse. The second and third hypotheses ceasefire will soon be agreed upon, entire southern African region. suggested above or if it is can also help that it will be effective. us to understand it. Without Thus, at the very least, even this outcome assured, the Ren the outlook Factors underlying the current amo leadership (and/or for Mozambique could its external be very bleak indeed. Then the impasse backers) show every sign of hold The impasse in the Mozambican ing out for a deal which gives the war would continue and further eco "peace process" is widely seen as de rebel group a privileged political sta nomic, social and political disinte riving in large measure from Ren tus in a transitional government. gration would be likely. Already amo's reluctance to enter into the Whether or not Renamo has the po there are signs that the modest up type of ceasefire based on a multi litical sophistication to try to create swing brought about by the injec party elections deal that is being a Nicaraguan-type situation is un tion of new funding associated with offered by the Mozambican govern clear, but it would certainly prefer the Economic Rehabilitation Pro ment. to deny President Chissano any elec gramme (PRE) has begun to dissi toral kudos that might follow pate. 1990 saw the lowest rates of Three major hypotheses have from his being growth since the introduction of the been seen as a peace-maker. advanced to account for this. PRE. Per-capita consumption in a The first focuses on Renamo's ori Necessary elements for building country where two thirds of the pop gins as a contra force, created by ulation are estimated to the Rhodesian peace: possible scenarios be exist Central Intelligence ing in a state of "absolute poverty," Organization (CIO) and taken over In any event, the building of a vi- declined by 2.5%. While a num-

november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT MONE 0 0cma, ber of factors contribute to these operation after apartheid. significant external involvement in Evi trends, the impact of the war is uni The second area of uncertainty, the violence in Mozambique. dence of such on-going support for or versally recognized as the major one. noted above, arises in connection Any continuation of the war will in with the type of political deal any involvement with Renamo from out - official, private and evitably see living standards falling ceasefire agreement might produce. side whether privatized further, leading to even greater dev As indicated earlier, Renamo ap unauthorized or officially astation and misery. pears to be reluctant to commit it - continues to emerge. The Nkomati Accord has been observed mainly At the political level, prolon self to competing in multi-party elec tions, demanding instead some form in the breach. Former members gation of the war could well lead No. 5 Recce Com poli of political power-sharing agree of the SADF's to a debasement of national spoken of of a sense of national ment. Acceding to this demand mando have, for example, tics and even involved are already signs would not only amount to denying members of that unit being identity. There up to that, as the possibility of a project the Mozambican people their demo in attacks into Mozambique middle of this year, and South reconstruction benefitting cratic right to choose their own po the of social Electricity Sup the majority has receded, an oppor litical representatives in multi-party Africa's para-statal ply Commission (ESKOM) is alleged for position within elections, it could also establish the tunistic jockeying to have supplied Renamo with uni the privileged minority has assumed precedent that violence and extreme brutality against ordinary civilians forms and ammunition as part of greater significance in national poli agree is a route to political power. a deal to secure Renamo's tics. Ethnicity, regionalism and per Cabora Bassa become ment not to attack sonal self-seeking have all Closely related is the uncertainty powerlines. Whether or not con political features of the Mozambican regarding the extent to which build support for Renamo from scene. A continued inability to pro tinuing ing a political peace - assuming South African territory is officially to the war could duce any solution that such a project is on course authorized, the fact remains that no exacerbate all of these trends. - is likely to be accompanied by strong sanction exists against such Moreover, the rest of south a programme of socio-economic re actions, which continue with relative ern Africa would not be immune construction. It has been esti impunity. No prosecution or even of from the negative effects of any fur mated that merely to re-integrate ficial investigation has followed any ther social disintegration in Mozam into productive activity the inter of the allegations made about such bique. The conflict has already nally and externally displaced pop support. Nor is it only across shown a high propensity to spill over ulation would cost over $100 mil the South African border that sup into neighbouring countries. One lion (with this figure, in turn, be port for the Renamo insurgency has and a half million Mozambicans ing based on the assumption, deriv passed. Security agreements with have sought sanctuary as refugees in ing from a UN High Commission for Malawi have not prevented a contin neighbouring countries; many more Refugees calculation, that this could uing flow through that country. Se have entered South Africa, Zimba be done at a cost of only $23 a head). nior officials in Kenya have been im bwe, Swaziland and Malawi as clan Certainly, without a programme ca plicated and "private" support net destine migrants. Further social dis pable of re-integrating the displaced works in the USA, Germany, Portu integration could see the numbers poor peasantry into viable economic gal and other countries continue to increase. In addition, the area of activity, fertile grounds will continue provide a measure of support and southern Mozambique bordering on to exist for violence or "social ban encouragement which undoubtedly Natal remains a sphere of Renamo ditry," whatever its political com encourages Renamo in sustaining its activity, with allegations emerging plexion. Yet there are already signs insurgency. about links between Renamo and of donor fatigue around Mozam warring factions inside South Africa. bique's existing emergency aid pro What needs to be done? The existence of a flow of arms from gramme. Only 86% of the $116.9 million "bare minimum" requested Some of the implications for the Mozambique into South Africa and Africa of not build Fur to support the 1990/91 emergency rest of southern Swaziland is well-documented. ing a durable peace in Mozambique in Mozambique aid appeal was pledged by donors, ther disintegration have already been referred to. The could well fuel additional contra and only 124,000 of the 200,000 tons of maize requested for free distribu possibility that continued instability type violence in South Africa, pro in Mozambique might impact nega ducing, in effect, a reverse flow tion to displaced persons had arrived by the end of the fiscal year in April tively on a transition to democracy of destabilization. Such outcomes in South Africa or on the building would, of course, have serious con 1991. Finally, there is the regional/ of regional cooperation in southern sequences both for a transition to Africa cannot be ignored. While and for external context; existing arrange democracy in South Africa this is a very real possibility, there plans and projects for regional co- ments have clearly not prevented

I -t Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 k is also a more optimistic scenario agreement. Renamo is probably cur a part of any meaningful cease-fire for Mozambique. The process of de rently under enough pressure to keep and cannot be expected to wait un mocratization - of which the holding it participating in the negotiation til the reaching of a comprehen of legitimate multi-party elections is process, but it is doubtful that it is sive post-apartheid regional security an essential part - could, whatever under sufficient pressure to compel agreement (although it might, of the outcome of elections, begin to it to reach an agreement. course, become part of a dynamic leading towards such an agreement). rebuild a sense of national unity. *Second, the call made by Nelson the United Na Accompanying this with an effec Mandela in February 1990 for leg It is possible that tions could play a helpful role in this tive programme of socio-economic islation "to make the provision of regard. reconstruction within a framework support to Renamo a punishable of of post-apartheid regional coopera fence" needs to be taken up. Ef .Fourth, a regional and inter tion could give new momentum to fective deprivation of support facili national campaign needs to be the inevitably protracted process of ties to continue its insurgency would mounted to secure support for economic recovery. In view of the send the clearest possible signal to a programme of social and eco high level of external involvement in Renamo that it should move rapidly nomic reconstruction in Mozam the conflict, actions by outside "in towards a ceasefire. bique. South Africa's historic re terested parties" have the potential *Third, the high level of outside sponsibility should oblige it to make to inject a new sense of urgency and involvement in the Renamo insur some contribution to this. But the purpose into the process. At the gency - whatever internal dynamic international community as a whole very least, attention urgently needs the organization may or may not also needs reminding that the end of to be paid to the following: have acquired - suggests the need the armed conflict should be a sig *First, ways must be found to pre to consider more effective long term nal for stepping up its aid and sup vail upon the historical or present guarantees against future external port rather than withdrawing fur external backers of Renamo to exert involvement in violent conflict in ther from providing emergency assis their influence on the organization Mozambique. Some move in this di tance to what is, in all probability, to move rapidly towards a ceasefire rection will necessarily have to be the poorest country in the world. Healing Apartheid's Work

heid has devastated the health of I. Defining th( Problem that majority, and provision made for addressing some of the more An Interview with Dr. Barry Kistnasamy structural and social aspects of present," says Kistnasamy, "we have apartheid's unhealthy legacy. (Of South African health activist, Dr. every 1,000 white babies born alive Barry Kistnasamy, spoke with SAR something like 600 African doc tors compared to 1,600 white doc each year 12 will die before they in the spring about some of the is the first year of life, compared in discussions tors; 7 African occupational thera reach sues being considered black ba and post-apartheid pists compared to 1,070 white; 180 to 94 to 124 per thousand about transitional 80% of the care planning and policy. Kist African dentists compared to 4,500 bies who will die). About health profile of black nasamy, an executive ex officio mem white; 61 African pharmacists com health and disease ber of NAMDA (the National Medi pared to 5,000 white; probably not South Africans is related to the lack cal and Dental Association of South one African speech pathologist yet of provision of water, housing and Africa) is a specialist in community in the country. And looking at spe sanitation, and to conditions of work medicine, presently studying occupa cialists, such as internists, gynaecol and environmental abuse. tional and environmental health pol ogists, paediatricians etc., there are Kistnasamy illustrated some of icy. about 48 Africans." these points: "Each year in the min One of the objectives of Kist But, as Kistnasamy argues, the ing industry 600 to 800 workers die nasamy's short visit to Canada and training of more black doctors and in industrial accidents, 30,000 are longer study visit in the United nurses and specialists alone, is not severely injured. In non-mining in States is research and evaluation of going to dramatically improve the dustry which includes textile, auto, appropriate models for the much health of the vast majority of the metal, but excludes the large cate needed technical training of human population. There has to be a gories of farm and domestic work resources for the health sector. "At broader understanding of how apart- ers, approximately 2,000 workers are

Africa REPORT november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT a a~l05 ntR

killed in accidents each year and Violent afflictions sequences for the black family unit. 300,000 are severely injured. Each One of the issues that is starting to The squalor of squatter camps, poor day 6 workers are permanently dis be looked at by health workers from shelter etc. has added to the psycho abled through some loss of a body the perspective of potential program social damage to children." part, an eye, a limb, etc. Apart interventions is the psycho-social ef Programs for dealing with chil heid's environmental toll can be fects of the endemic violence that dren and violence are still very much found in the effects of the mining in has characterized apartheid. This in discussion phase, and the focus on dustry, especially gold-mining where violence remains tragically ongoing, children is relatively recent. "The chromic acid waste and arsenic left its effects particularly acute in re problem," according to Kistnasamy, in mine dumps is now leeching into lation to children. "Approximately "is that it is not being looked at the ground water sources. Acid rain 50% of the African population is be in a concrete fashion. There is in the Transvaal highveld where we low 21. Some of us involved in psy a program with UNICEF and the have all our coal power generators is chological and social health issues South African Council of Churches said to be two to three times that are very worried about the gener has done some work. We know we of the former GDR. White farmers ation that we have lost post-1976, need to intervene but how to do and agribusiness have been heavily militant youth who have been car so with so much violence in soci using herbicides and pesticides over rying the struggle forward (as have ety, so many homeless children, chil time which has led to a high phos those on the factory floor) but of dren basically on the street, children phate content of the rivers. Last ten without the necessary political in the bushes? At the height of year we discovered the dumping of education and discipline. The re the war (that is, early- to mid-1990) toxic mercury waste in Pietermar sult is a fairly ravaged population in there were something like 500,000 itzburg (in Natal province). And terms of the rebuilding of civil soci people displaced in Natal. We are remember that this is the country ety in South Africa. The migrant now thinking in terms of bringing which did the first heart transplant labour system, and the system of in child psychologists and psychia in the world! All of these factors im domestic labour where black women trists, and the development of a pro pairing the health of the population work in the white suburbs, are fur gram is on the agenda of several up have to be looked at if there is to be ther instances of structural violence. coming meetings." Various pieces of real change." Both of these have had negative con- research have been undertaken that

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 confirm the experience of trauma in "We need interventive programs this issue quite carefully. We have children as a result of political vio with full-time paid workers in all begun talks about the transfer of lence, detentions, etc., but how this these areas. And this implies enor skills with the pharmaceutical indus issue might be tackled is not yet mous resources, infrastructure and try and with the Chemical Workers' clear. "But we need to look at these human resources. Volunteerism is Industrial Union, but again, we have issues very quickly and very drasti becoming a swear-word in the pro to concretize these discussions. As cally. The program we are looking gressive movement ..." the regime has accommodated itself at has a wider perspective; we are more and more to privatization, the Considering health services looking at how to build up trust and public health system has virtually confidence in children." "South Africa presently has a dual collapsed." health system, one which is highly Arresting Kistnasamy stressed that any AIDS privatized with a semblance of a post-apartheid health care system Another program area that has been public health system. 80% of white put on the agenda of the progressive South Africans plus 7% blacks are on would have to be realistically health movement is that of AIDS. pre-paid health insurance schemes planned, in the context of the enor As a recent article in SAR (vol. 6, and tend to go to the highly en mous debt that the future South no. 3, Dec. 1990) showed, the trans trenched private health system. The African government was going to in mission of HIV and the treatment rest of the population goes to the herit, relations with the World Bank of AIDS is receiving far too little public health system with 150% bed and IMF, and the new global eco and rather inappropriate attention occupancy rate like Baragwanath nomic order. The critical debates in from the current government. "By hospital in Soweto and King Ed the health care system must follow the end of 1991 we project 300,000 ward in Durban, while whites go on the debates about the economy in people will have tested HIV posi to hospitals that run at 40% bed the future South Africa. NAMDA's tive with a doubling time of 8 plus occupancy like the Johannesburg view is that there should be strong months. We have developed a na General or Durban's Addington." interventions in the areas of health, tional AIDS advisory group which is When Health Minister Venter an education, housing, welfare and so looking at intervention and outreach nounced in May last year that all cial services. But what form of programs, and at the moment funds hospitals were to be open to all health services will be achieved will are being raised. But we're running races, the statement had little real depend on the balance of power at out of time. Social conditions for meaning given the racial zoning and the moment. the tiansmission of the AIDS virus geographic access of the cities. "The Reorienting health science edu are very prevalent: the high prison people who go to Baragwanath are cation. population, the low status of women, not going to go two hours cross town Besides the restructuring of the especially black women, the 'contra to the Jo'burg General in Parktown professional health workers' bodies, war,' and youth saying 'if I am go North when they have a stabbed Kistnasamy talked about the chal ing to be wiped out by a vigilante chest." lenges facing the training of much hit-squad tomorrow, why should I But how to bring about change needed medical personnel. "How use a condom tonight?' There are is, as Dr Kistnasamy stressed, a do you take a kid from Crossroad's five harbours in South Africa - with complex issue. While arguing for squatters camp and give that child Durban being the busiest harbour in NAMDA's position on a National the world view to become a neu Africa - and commercial sex work Health Service (see article by de rosurgeon? And then there is the ers are not recognised or protected Beer in this issue) he cautioned that serious problem of the brain drain by the government." "we cannot afford to be romantic of trained medical personnel from The empowerment of women is about the possibilities of a fully South Africa. 60% of white doc especially important in relation to nationalized health system. There tors graduating from the University programs against the transmission are so many players in the field." of the Witwatersrand and the Uni of AIDS which, in the black commu He drew attention to the role of versity of Cape Town leave the coun nity in South Africa, is mainly het the multinational drug and medical try, even before they do their intern erosexual. With the unequal power equipment industries. 90% of the ship. 20 radio therapists were re relations between men and women primary product of the 150 to 200 cruited from the Durban region last in most South African communities, multinational pharmaceutical com year by the Ontario Cancer Centre, it is difficult for women to insist on panies is imported, so the industry and apparently Canada is looking the use of condoms against the will is very vulnerable in terms of any at importing another 400 radiogra of the men. But the issue of gender form of nationalization. Two com phers from South Africa. No coun relations, according to Kistnasamy, panies control the health industry try can afford such a brain drain. is coming up in debates about how in South Africa - Afrox and Rem The expectant mass population is to propagate safe sex. brandt. "We have to talk through not just going to want community

november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT IRLiMMAi

and village health workers. They knowledge how many years of service providing a bit of housing here and will not be happy with the develop in rural community practice, urban there. It's also about creating in ment of a two-tiered system where communities, and upgrading vari people's minds - the doctors, the whites and middle class blacks get ous other programs. And all these nurses, the pharmaceutical workers, heart transplants and dialysis and things should be taken into account etc. - the issues of humanism in the rural and peri-urban squatters when you are considered for a res medicine, and how we can serve the get barefoot doctors." idency post. The same with aca community better as opposed to how Kistnasamy had some strong demic advancement: perhaps this we can line our pockets better." feelings about the loss of trained should be based on 50% service The progressive health move medical personnel from South Africa to the community, 30% publish-or ment in South Africa feels that there at this time. "You get the Cana perish and 20% involvement in hu is much it can learn from experiences dian government, for instance, say man rights work, trade union or in other parts of the world around ing they are clearly on the side of ganizing, health worker education." health care provision. "The techni social change in South Africa and At present, as Kistnasamy pointed cal corps needed to move things for yet they accept all our trained peo out, much academic advancement in ward in South Africa is very small ple. We are saying: Close the doors! the medical field in South Africa so we are appealing to progressive Likewise the United States and Aus is predicated on the exploitation of people in the international commu tralia. Close the doors to the skills black disease for research purposes. nity to come and work with us drain from South Africa. Alterna The white population is clearly too now, even at this point of tran tively, if you want to drain peo small to support the large number of sition. We are looking at place ple from South Africa, there are multi-national pharmaceutical com ments and exchanges, for our peo people in the peri-urban squatter panies there. Their presence has to ple to be in relevant programs inter camps who would happily improve be due to the perceived experimen nationally. We also want to learn the quality of their lives and would tal population on which to carry out a lot more about workers' health, probably want to come to Canada. drug research. South Africa is a and different health systems, such unique country in They should be offered immigra its having both as that in Ontario. NAMDA is the high-tech laboratory tion." capacity to looking to build south-south linkages "Another possible way of con conduct drug experimentation, and with other groups similar to ours in an uninformed, trolling the problem is the withhold low-literacy mass Brazil, El Salvador, Palestine, the ing of passports. There is also the base that is not going to question the Philippines etc. so that we can un question of when you grant degree doctors who are administering and derstand oppression on a much more testing various drugs." certificates. Maybe we should with international basis. Violence in so hold the degree until after six years "These are critical issues when ciety, and repression-related health of service following the six years of you are talking about transforma work crosses all barriers and bound training. Maybe there should be tion. It's not just about sorting out aries and we need to share and ex some point system where you ac- Soweto and the Northern suburbs, change ideas." II. The Challenge of Change

BY CEDRIC DE BEER Congress (SAHWCO), and by in a single, co-ordinated and truly na This article was prepared for SAR by creasing numbers of academics and tional Department of Health. This South African health activist Cedric de health care providers. means doing away with segregation and integrating all the homeland Beer, of the Centre for Health Policy, There are two major reasons The University of the Witwatersrand, and "own affairs" Departments of given for demand for a NHS. The Health into one department. Johannesburg. first involves the need to overcome The campaign for changes in health the effects of apartheid. The second Politically, this integration will services has been spearheaded by is the need to deal with the inequal follow inevitably from the process of demands for a National Health ities and inappropriate health care constitutional reform. However, ad Service (NHS). This demand has priorities that arise from the size and ministratively, and in terms of the been made over the last decade by influence of the private sector. actual provision of integrated, com the progressive health organizations prehensive care, this may not be so such as the National Medical and Overcoming the effects of simple. For example, each of the Dental Association (NAMDA) and apartheid "homelands" has its own, ethnically the South African Health Workers The first challenge involves creating defined nursing association. Each

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 remote village in South Africa has its own head office, its own treat are generally far poorer than those fessional groups. We will have to ment protocols for particular dis in white areas. Simply desegregat work hard to create a management eases, and its own way cf organizing ing existing services will not solve system which encourages creativity school health services, clinic services this problem. Additional resources rather than suppressing it, and that and so on. will have to be put into developing makes the best use of the skills and To integrate all of this into a sin services in areas that are presently experiences of health professionals gle, well-functioning department, is deprived. This will be a difficult rather than defining their roles in going to mean that a lot of people problem given the limited resources narrow bureaucratic terms, as hap will have to accept a lot of changes. that will be available for health care pens at present, especially to nurses. In particular, there are many senior during the period of post-apartheid officials who will find their status reconstruction. But until this chal Dealing with the private sector and personal empires being under lenge has been met, the stain of Implicit in the call for a national mined as administrative procedures apartheid will continue to mark the health service is a recognition that are rationalized and integrated. (Af health service of a democratic South private sector health care in South ter all, what will happen to the Africa. Africa has three powerful drawbacks fourteen ministers of health and the The political culture of South to an equitable health care sys fourteen secretaries of health and Africa has been repressive, hierarchi tem. Private sector health care the fourteen chief nursing officers cal, authoritarian and racist. This is an important cause of inequali from each department?) It is to be culture is reflected in the health ties in health care for the general expected that there will be a lot of service by the rigid bureaucracy, population; it focuses on individ resistance from mid-level managers the oppressive relationships between ual curative care at the expense of to many of the changes that will doctors and nurses and the racial community-oriented comprehensive have to be made. and gender division of labour in care, and it is very expensive. In Another major challenge con which the majority of nurses are deed, private health care wastes re fronting national health service black women and the majority of sources by providing more service policy-makers will be to achieve doctors are still white males. than is necessary and more expen greater equality of health service sive service than is necessary. provision between different regions A post-apartheid health service of the country. Services in the will face a major challenge in en Therefore, the call for a national "homelands" and in areas that have couraging genuinely cooperative re health service has often meant call been designated as black living areas lationships between the various pro- ing for the elimination of the private

november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT Maoon th sector, or its incorporation into the less profitable, leading to the rapid it will introduce all the changes in public sector. At least it has meant decline of private health care as it health care that we would like to substantially reducing the size of the became increasingly expensive. see. The final section of this article private sector and so also reducing discusses the role of the progressive its influence. A second approach would be health movement in ensuring a thor to bring together the many private However, as the democratic ough transformation of the health health insurance funds into a single care system. movement finds itself facing the national health insurance fund un transition from opposition to the der the control of the Department The role of the progressive prospect of power, so it also finds of Health. Everyone in health movement itself confronted formal em with an uncom ployment would have to contribute fortable reality; the question is not Health care is quite low down on the to such a fund and the government agenda of all the major political ac "what would we like to do with the would pay for the unemployed. This private sector?" Rather we face the tors in South Africa at present. Rad would put all the money for health ical changes in the health service will problem of "what can we do about care into the hands of the state, the private sector?" only occur if there is sufficient pres which would then buy health care sure for change, and if those who The difficulty is that there is no for everyone in either the public or provide care can be convinced that infinite range of choices. The pri private sector. it is in their interests to change. vate sector consumes about 50% of This defines quite clearly the health care expenditure. About 50% Those who favour such a scheme suggest that by controlling the tasks of the progressive health move of doctors work in private practice. ment at this time. A significant and increasing propor money, the Department of Health would be able to prevent private Firstly, we need to keep up pres tion of hospital beds are owned or sure on the present state to disman managed by the private sector. providers of care from supplying ex pensive or unnecessary care. The tle all forms of apartheid and segre Only by nationalizing private private sector could also be encour gation in the health services. Sec health care institutions, and by aged to provide more preventive ondly, we need to make sure that making laws that would force private care, and to provide care in areas the progressive political movement doctors to work for the state, could where previously there had been no takes on a health policy grounded a democratic government rapidly at market. in a commitment to equity, rather tain the goal of a state-run, state than based purely on the interests of owned and state-financed health ser It is suggested that this national health insurance system would draw health care providers and the politi vice. However, almost everyone cal elite. Thirdly, we need to encour agrees that the political and eco the private sector into a single na tional system in which health age community and other organi nomic cost to any government of care is provided by a mix of public zations to demand adequate health such a drastic step would be enor and private providers, who would com care as a right. Finally, we need mous. Firstly, the government sud pete with each other, thus improv to take every opportunity to con denly would have to pay twice as ing the efficiency of the system. This vince the large bulk of conserva many doctors. Secondly, national would lay the basis for a tive health care professionals that ization without compensation would single sys tem that guarantees all citizens ac a radical change in the health ser not be possible in the present polit cess to a uniform range of services vice would be in the best interests ical and economic climate. If the that would be free, or nearly free, at of everybody, including the health state were to pay for all the pri the time of using the service. Those care providers; that the new South vate hospitals, it would cost a lot of who could afford it would be permit Africa will provide exciting oppor money, and the government would ted to buy additional care not cov tunities and not just a threat to the end up owning many hospitals that ered by the basic national insurance status quo. it did not actually want or need. package. There is no doubt that within the So the question remains: what to progressive health movement there do about the private sector? The debate about different pos is both the infrastructure and the sible options is still in Currently, two alternatives are progress. A commitment for carrying out these being explored. The first approach new government will implement pol tasks. The challenge that we face icy on the basis suggests leaving the of the options it has is to define them adequately, and private sector in front of it, and in the light alone, but taxing it more heavily and of the to develop the appropriate strategies making it pay for the political and economic realities that that take into account the changing cost of training it will have to deal with. doctors and nurses who work in the political terrain in South Africa. private sector. This would generate For this very reason, it is impor There is an urgent need to guar more funds for the public sector and tant not to sit and wait for a new antee real changes in health care cause the private sector to become government, in the expectation that while the opportunity still exists.

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 0

tawa, with a strategy akin to that Structural Adjustment for Africa: imposed by the World Bank and IMF on many developing countries Jumps on the Bandwagon and clearly influenced by market Canada oriented recipes applied in the BY CHRISTOPHER NEAL World Bank and IMF in accepting U.S. and Britain. Deregulation, pri and applying the Bretton Woods ap vatization, cuts in social programs, Christopher Neal is an Ottawa-based proach - both at home and in deal tax reform shifting the burden from writer and communications consultant ing with debt-distressed nations in rich to middle-income groups, a free specializing in international develop the South. trade agreement with the U.S. and ment and aid policy. "Structural adjustment" refers the GST, have been the principal On a bone-chilling Ottawa day in to a package of economic policies themes of Tory economic policy at December 1989, Bill Blaikie, then that developing - and other - coun home. Domestic and international New Democratic Party External tries must adopt in order to get business lobbies, as well as U.S. ad Affairs critic, glowered at Marcel credit from the International Mon ministrations under both Reagan Mass6, head of Canada's foreign aid etary Fund and World Bank, as well and Bush have held heavy sway with bureaucracy, seated at the parlia as other financial institutions and Mulroney and his ministers, many of mentary committee witness table. individual aid donors. The pack whom come from corporate board Mass6, a onetime IMF technocrat age typically includes currency de rooms. named president of the Canadian valuation, import-export liberaliza Under Monique Landry, a for International Development Agency tion, cutbacks in government spend mer wine importer from suburban (CIDA) only months earlier, had fin ing, especially in the social area, pri Montreal, Canada's aid has been ished a strong defence of structural vatization of parastatals and empha increasingly conditional on adjust adjustment in the Third World. sis on foieign-exchange-earning ex ment policies. Recipients of Cana "We ports. have two alternatives set dian assistance are pressed to get out for us by Mr. Mass6," Blaikie their economies into harmony with said. "Structural adjustment, in Adjustment a pillar of Cana global market forces. Although which, as we know, children die; and dian policy CIDA insiders say the agency's de no structural adjustment, in which, Structural adjustment has been a cision to skew support in favour according to Mr. Mass6, more chil pillar of Canada's aid policy since of countries undergoing adjustment dren die. For God's sake, is there the mid-1980s. In a major aid policy programs not some way in which we can get was made by officials, not statement in 1987, Prime Minister beyond the way the world works and politicians, it has been enthusiasti- Mulroney cited "struc have a program where children do tural adjustment policies not bloody well die to satisfy the that take into account economic assumptions and doctrines their human impact on of the international marketplace?" the people they are de A hush fell over the hear signed to assist" as a ing on international debt and ad guideline for Canadian justment. The spectacled, mild development assistance. mannered Mass6 seemed momentar Other publicly-vaunted ily cowed. "I can only agree with touchstones for Ottawa's the ultimate objective," he replied. aid include helping the "I have children too ... I guess my world's poorest people, motives are as pure as those of any women and development, body else. However ... I have to food security and envi work with what I have. I am a prag ronmentally sustainable matic man who has to deal with the development. policies I have there." Canada has been un That orthodox structural ad dergoing its own struc justment has become the economic tural adjustment since medicine of choice among Canadian the Conservative govern aid and finance policymakers was ment was first elected underlined by Mass6's appointment. in 1984. Deficit and Canada, like other Western donors, debt reduction are the has been deeply influenced by the orders of the day in Ot-

november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT cally endorsed by Landry, Wilson aid should normally be provided tries. In 1989, African finance min and other ministers. within the framework of an agreed isters unanimously endorsed a plan Mass6, Landry's deputy, is a IMF/World Bank-supported adjust to shift African economic output formidable defender of adjustment. ment program," and that "CIDA from its current focus on primary He has a didactic style, an appetite aid flowing in support of adjust exports to producing more for do for public debate and a shrewd un ment should ideally be conditional mestic and regional African mar derstanding of Canadian and inter upon the existence and achievement kets. The proposal, developed by national bureaucracies. He knows of IMF/World Bank conditions." the UN Economic Commission for CIDA intimately, having been its Canada has implemented the Africa and entitled the "African Al president in the early 1980s, and policy since the mid- 1980s, by devot ternative Framework to Structural lunches regularly with IMF Man ing around ten percent of bilateral Adjustment Programmes for Socio aging Director Michel Camdessus. aid to direct support of structural economic Recovery and Transforma Since he returned in 1989 after four adjustment programs. This is in ad tion," challenges IMF-World Bank years as Canadian Executive Direc dition to the large portion of Cana assumptions that African countries tor of the IMF, Mass6 has been tire dian financing to the World Bank, can take advantage of liberalized less in preaching the structural ad UN organizations, regional develop markets. justment gospel. ment banks and NGOs that goes to "In the African situation," the It is a switch for Canadian structural adjustment support. report says, "the simple truth is that aid philosophy and, apparently, for In Anglophone Africa, over 20 many countries have moved towards Mass6 himself who, as CIDA pres percent of Canada's bilateral aid is freer markets without being in a po ident in 1981, defended an earlier in quick-disbursing lines of credit or sition to take full advantage of avail Canadian aid emphasis on education social sector support directly con able market opportunities because and health. "A key part of what ditional upon adjustment programs. of the low capacity to adjust their we have learned," he wrote in the In some countries, such as Ghana, fragile production structures." As a 1981 CIDA annual report, "is that nearly half of Canadian assistance is result, "the main burden of adjust we must respect the right of others tied to an adjustment program. ment has been borne by drastic re to choose their own path." ductions in domestic expenditures." Canada has turned balance of At the time, Canadian aid was payments support on and off to aimed at helping to foster economic African countries according to NGOs sceptical of CIDA claims growth in developing countries, "in whether or not they meet commit While CIDA claims to alleviate neg a way that will produce a wide dis ments to the IMF. Said one CIDA ative effects of adjustment on the tribution of the benefits of develop official: "If negotiations between a poor, many are sceptical. Govern ment among the populations of these country and the IMF break down, ment promises to "put poor people countries..." This followed an ambi we pull back on aid." Zambia, for first" in distributing Canadian aid tious strategy in the 1970s emphasiz example, had its aid from Canada are undermined by the parallel com ing social justice, participation and (along with other donors) severely mitment "basic needs". to orthodox adjustment, reduced when it abandoned its IMF critics say. Chris Bryant, former di "Taking a leap of faith" program in 1987. It has since rector of CUSO, told the parliamen Now, Mass6 said in a speech soon been re-established, as Zambia re tary subcommittee on Third World after returning to CIDA, the agency turned to an IMF-approved program debt that "Canada's support for cur has embraced structural adjustment, in 1990. As if to underline condi rent structural adjustment has re which he compared to "taking (a) tions for Canadian aid, CIDA dis sulted in more poverty for millions," leap of faith, while also walking patched a senior Bank of Canada of and that "compensation for the so ficial, Jacques through a maze, blindfolded." He Bussi6res, to Zambia called new poor, victims of adjust is also pressing for "more macroe in 1990 to be governor of the coun ment programs Canada supports, is conomists" at CIDA, a shift likely try's central bank and architect of not really aid at all." its adjustment program. to occur during a major downsizing Tim Brodhead, director of the restructuring that is expected to "There's a fairly broad consensus Canadian Council for International transform CIDA this winter. that the issue is not whether struc Cooperation and Canada's repre CIDA, according to an internal tural adjustment is good or bad," sentative on the NGO Working agency document, accepts the IMF said one CIDA official. "Everyone Group on the World Bank, de World Bank "definitions and leader-. agrees that it is good. The question scribes CIDA's adherence to ortho ship on (structural adjustment) as is how to make it work better." dox structural adjustment as part of the only sensible way to proceed." That consensus, in fact, is largely The same paper says "Canadian limited to Northern donor coun- continued on page 33

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 Fighting Sexual Oppression: Two-Way Solidarity BY JULIE C. BLACK I do unpaid work at the Sex in South Africa, and yet barely a Julie C. Black is an anti-rape activist, ual Assault Support Centre of Ot word is spoken, hardly an action and an AIDS worker at a community tawa, a feminist crisis centre of is taken, within the general libera based organization in Ottawa. She is fering counselling and advocacy to tion movement, to counter the spe currently conducting a study visit of women who have been raped as cific war against women which is South African AIDS educators. adults and/or as children, and edu also raging. With little support, cation/outreach to our community. women activists are hard at work in Recent issues of SAR have featured In response to an invitation from South Africa, uncovering the layers and sparked some of the contem Rape Crisis Cape Town, my col of silence in which sexual violence porary debate about what forms of league Caroline Ford and I recently thrives, organizing and conscientiz solidarity work best suit the cur spent two months meeting and work ing women, and pressing the polit rent situation in southern Africa. ing with like-minded organizations ical and moral leaders to do pub The debate has focused on a central in Namibia, Zimbabwe, and South lic education campaigns and to cre dilemma - how much of our energy Africa. ate structures within all organiza should we expend in supporting lo tions to stop male violence against cal non-governmental organizations Rape Crisis has served for years women. (NGOs) and how much needs to as an anti-sexist, non-racial organiz As in Canada, the widespread be given directly to the main lib ing space, and, as an internationally and systemic nature of male eration organizations? The argu funded social service violence NGO, was able against women is only ments for supporting NGOs, par to remain somewhat active during painfully be ing uncovered. For obvious rea ticularly those that advocate for the years of heaviest government re sons, rape by stranger people further oppressed by gen pression. or acquain The political credibility tance is generally der, class, sexual orientation, and of Rape Crisis, the first type of plus its impressive male violence against women to be so on, centre on their role in mak links within the mass-based libera addressed by anti-rape ing/keeping the main liberation or tion struggle, meant for us that we activists. In ganizations democratic and progres were able to meet with a variety South Africa, state security forces sive. Others contend that groups of groups within South Africa and have often chosen rape to torture women like the ANC, SWAPO, and FRE from as far away as Zambia. Rape and some men in detention, LIMO need all of our support now, Crisis' political acumen also meant and in the terror campaigns against if they are to survive this critical, that we were able to see who was activists. The vulnerability and iso violent time. Contained within this missing from the network, to un lation of women working as domes debate is the broader question of the derstand how women have been di tics and as farm labourers have of relationshipand power dynamics be vided from one another by state re ten been sufficient excuse for male tween Western solidaritygroups and pression and by (male) party lines, employers to sexually assault them, the front-line organizations we have and to witness the ongoing strate and we can expect similar revela chosen to support. At our best, sol gies to pull women together. Rape tions to come out of the investiga idarity groups create a partnership Crisis was one of the central orga tions into the slave trade of Mozam with front-line organizations, which nizers of the November 1990 Stop bican refugees. And, as a final exam means that we have respect enough Violence Against Women march, the ple, male gang-members in the bru to offer not only our support but also first ever held in South Africa, and talized minimal- and sub-economic our honest criticisms; at our worst, has been heavily involved in the districts often rape women mem the relationshipranges from solidar now-disbanded Federation of South bers of the opposing gang as a way ity groups imposing our own doc African Women (FedSAW) and the of humiliating the opposing men, trines and agendas, to supporting newly developing National Women's with the degradation of the women anti-democratic forces, to patroniz Alliance, which meets July 7th in caught in the middle only a happy ingly "toeing the party line." I have the Western Cape. coincidence. Clearly, the rampant written this piece on the work that existence of rape serves to bolster The war against women my organization does in support of the power of men over women, white the liberation of southern Africa to It has become a truism to talk over black, rich over poor, and to at further what I consider to be a very about the "culture of violence" that tack the very capacity the victimized important discussion. the state has managed to create have to struggle for their own rights.

november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT In this context, it is difficult to see how the struggle against rape is any thing but a crucial element of the overall liberation struggle. Confronting the violence men commit against their own family members is an even more complex and agonizing task, because it is "our men" battering "our women" and often "our children" too. Ac tivists who educate that a punch in the face is a punch in the face and it is wrong no matter who the per petrator is, are often accused of "di viding the movement." Rarely do we hear that men who beat women, who refuse to let them attend meetings, are dividing the movement, and en suring that it can have only limited success. The work of activists in "devel oping" countries, and the work of First Nations, Inuit, immigrant, and rural organizers in Canada and the US, have been instrumental in the current global re-examination of the shelter strategy as the main response to male violence against their fami lies. A major problem with shelters worldwide is that as soon as they're open, they're full, and no one has been able to obtain the resources needed to set up enough shelters. The demand on shelters is further compounded in regions like South Africa where the housing crisis is so severe it can take women years to ob tain alternate housing. Further to these practical problems is the cul tural specificity of the shelter strat egy. For women who belong to co hesive communities, going to a shel ter can take them away from their traditional support systems, such as extended families, neighbours, and church groups. It has only been through the sharing of women's experiences worldwide, challenging the hegemony of white middle-class women within the movement, that such a reexamination of strategy is coming about. South African activists are incor porating these experiences into their daily work and into their plans for Women's candlelit 'Reclaim the Night' march, Hillbrow, Johannesburg, 1991 the future. Canadian organizers can

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 0 0 0 0 & learn from the Rape Crisis initia as "blame the victim," "blame the cause of the dominant belief that tives which have led to the formation mother," and "mental illness" ap apartheid is virtually over and be of small "satellite" groups of women proaches). Intellectual exports are cause of a shift in funding priorities offering counselling to the women one of the most destructive ele toward Eastern Europe. in their community, to counter the ments the West forces on "develop Working to secure funding is, of economic, transportation, and cul ing" countries, particularly to the course, only an interim measure in tural barriers which have kept many progressive community work which the broader campaign to achieve a women from the Rape Crisis of is essential to a truly democratic and truly equitable sharing of resources fices. We can anticipate that ac just nation. I want to make clear among "developed" and "develop tivists will be negotiating for le that I do not consider an exchange of ing" nations, men and women, rich gal reforms which will result in the ideas between progressive/feminist and poor. While it is vital to main abuser being taken out of the home groups in the West and in the "de tain our campaigns for just foreign and not the woman and children, veloping" world to be the same sort policy initiatives, we must not for and for massive public education of intellectual colonialism; in fact, get that many of the impacts on campaigns to address the years of vi the most effective response we can southern Africa directly stem from olence, with violence against women make to this colonialism is to talk the corrupt and violent systems we and children at the forefront. with one another more and not less. live in here at home, which are our Another form of male violence responsibility to change. Many of against their "families" occurs when A dual form of solidarity work the activists we met were well aware men in the liberation struggle sex Our trip and ongoing networking that our solidarity work must not ually harass or rape their women have been as much of a boost to stop at the rape crisis movement, colleagues. While it is wholly ac the Canadian anti-rape movement the broader movements to liberate cepted that racism and racially as they have been to the movement southern Africa, or even the global motivated violence severely under in southern Africa. Activists within women's liberation movement. we mine the struggle, there is no par South Africa have an understanding also have to be a part of a broader allel recognition of the destructive of and a belief in a democracy and movement here in Canada for our ness of sexism and sexual violence. a philosophy of accountability which own democratic and progressive rev Nor is there a widespread recogni Canadians do well to learn from. olution. We met many activists, tion of how racism and sexual vio And we have much to teach one an particularly in South Africa, who lence are linked, and how we have other about our shared challenges: were demonstrating with their lives to root out not simply the forms of how to build political allegiances how to work both inside and outside domination but also the will to dom across class/race/cultural lines, how the general liberation movement at inate. This seems to me to be the to move through the conflicting ele the same time. ultimate response to those who be ments of the numerous kinds of op Obviously I believe there is a lieve that violence against women is pressiori, how not to get demoralized strong case to be made for sup a "social problem" that can wait un in a brutally violent world. None of porting progressive/women's NGOs til "after the revolution." us had concrete answers to any of within southern Africa, now and "af Perhaps the most devastating these issues, and were conscious of ter the revolution." The rape cri form of male violence is the sex the radically different contexts from sis movements of southern Africa ual abuse of children, and women which we spoke, but we had lots clearly believe that now is the within southern Africa are begin to teach one another about seeing time for mutual exchange with sis things differently and anew. ning to confront it. The Canadian ter movements around the world, rape crisis movement has been work Even as I characterize our re so that together we can increase ing with adult survivors of childhood lationship as mutually beneficial, I the likelihood that more women in sexual assault for over ten years, and recognize that the significant mate southern Africa will survive to see we have been able to offer a wealth rial advantages that Western groups the days of true national liberation. of experience and analysis for our have compared to the groups in the I would argue strongly for solidar colleagues in southern Africa to use "developing" world give us extra re ity groups to create networks with as they see fit. Over the course of sponsibilities. While most of us are Canadian grassroots organizations our trip, it also became clear that not in the position to fund south to provide this support. The intense we have many common enemies, in ern African organizations, we are in level of political activism happening cluding the "experts" from the psy a position to monitor and lobby the in all of southern Africa means that chiatric system from the West who international funding groups. Many activists there are fighting on many are being invited to southern Africa of the women's organizations we met fronts at the same time, and it chal to teach the most regressive methods with feared that they would soon lenges those of us wanting to act in and analyses of incest work (such lose their international funding, be- solidarity to do the same.

november 1991 30 november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT R1

socialist transformation" Cokorinos Readers' Forum.... feels, she much too glibly juxtaposes "state" and "society" in doing so. In particular, he feels, the notion of Our Readers Write "civil society" must be treated much We're always happy to hear from less uncritically than she does. For our readers, especially when some he sees its widespread currency as one has a well-reasoned argument to some article we've published. problematic, the concept suscepti ble to misuse as part of a disturb During the past few months ing general tendency in the discus we've also received a lot of off-hand sion of Africa. "Under the appealing comments on SAR from subscribers guise of the language of democratic in many parts of the world that show pluralism" (Cokorinos here para just how far the magazine travels. phrases the Ugandan author, Mah We've been gratified to get such pos mood Mamdani) there may lie "the itive feed-back to our efforts and ideological camouflage behind which we'd like to share some our readers' politics are being transformed in the reactions with you. The Theory Corner age of Structural Adjustment"! George Manz of the prairie mag- We've f4)und that the exchange on To begin with, "the broadening azine, Briarpatch, tells us "SAR is "civil so ciety" we highlighted in sev of 'civil society' in both pre- and a joy to read!" From Winnipeg, eral prei ious issues of SAR (see "On post-apartheid South Africa is not Wendy Boyd writes "This past year Civil So ciety: Moses Mayekiso In simply a question of the relation especially we have really appreciated terviewe d" and Mala Singh, "De ship between party-political forma the solid analysis and thoughtful de- construc ting Civil Society" in vol tions like the ANC and SACP on the bates that Southern Africa Report ume 6, numbers 1 and 3 respec one hand, and grass-roots organiza True, Cokori provides." Two former Mozambique tively) h1as struck some real sparks. tions on the other." cooperantes, Kathie Sheldon and We've h ad good verbal feedback but nos argues, it is "of paramount im Steve Tarzynski, now in the U.S.A., also an extensive commentary on portance to be implicitly reminded dropped us a line to say how much the prey 'ious contributions from Lee (as Singh does ... ) of the repressive "we really appreciate Stalinist and, more rele your articles in Cokorin os, a sometime contributor records of regimes." But a SAR. The latest on grass roots resis- to SAR (see his article on Zimba vantly, nationalist tance [in Mozambique] was particu- bwe in SAR, vol. 6, no. 1) now re mere opting for "pluralism" is not larly informative and thought pro- siding ir Botswana. Too long and a an adequate response to this dan voking ... " That sentiment is shared bit too unapologetically theoretical ger. For "civil society" can also by some inside Mozambique. We readilyI to fit our SAR format, some throw up a whole range of quite reactionary expres heard from Dr. George Povey, a of the rriain points Cokorinos makes conservative and sions - including, in South Africa, all Maputo based doctor who offers "a seem woorth summarizing here, for vote of confidence in your position their ov vn merits but also to help kinds of demands for "group rights" regarding Mozambique as reflected keep alive a debate we think worth and the like that threaten to un in recent SARs. We can be most pursuinjg. We've encouraged Lee to dermine the possibility of concerted useful to people here as critics - publish some version of the origi post-apartheid governmental action they've had their share of roman- nal elseiwhere but we'll be happy to to confront "acute socio-economic tics, ' he suggests, concluding that forward a copy (in a plain brown crisis, underdevelopment or external "I hope you continue to write good envelop e) to anyone who sends us destabilization." stuff." three biucks" to cover photocopying Indeed, Antonio Gramsci (the And from Austin, Texas, Se- and ma iling costs. Note: what fol Italian Marxist so often quoted in biletso Matabane writes that "Your lows is SAR's summary, not Cokori defense of the concept of "civil soci journal is one of the very best in nos' owln. Caveat emptor. ety") argued cogently that a strong North America which addresses the Cokc)rinos likes the debate political centre ( e.g., a political South African problem squarely. It "this ex tremely rare encounter be party) is necessary to give effective is always a delight to pass it on to tween a philosopher and an activist political focus even to the most pro friends." could or fly take place in an activist gressive of grass-roots workers' or - uneasy ganizations. And Marx and Engels Thanks to all of you. Don't hes- journal] ike SAR" but he is igh's argument nonetheless. themselves kept the concept of "civil itate to write us anytime you've a with Sir of the society" at arms length, Cokorinos comment to make - good or bad. While Singh does "raise some nd political complexities of reminds us, precisely because it gave We'll be glad to hear from you. social ai

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991 a "foggy, diffuse, 'decentered' rep ements of civil society, but by [the will ignore (these dangers) at their resentation of power that tends to nature of] their involvement in and peril. In the constitutional round ta hide, rather than expose, the real active intervention in party life." ble shaping up, the workers will have ity of class power." Hence Cokori In short, Cokorinos suspects that a very small place setting indeed, if nos' suspicion that "the social forces the term "civil society" is just too any at all. How they respond will outside the intellectual community ideologically-charged - and in too determine, more than any other fac which are in part driving these de negative a way - to be of much use tor, the character of South African bates [about such issues as 'civil so to those who seek to point the way politics over the next decade. Strip ciety'] have bigger fish to fry: they forward: "to give a deconstruction ping the situation in South Africa of are attempting to abort an anti ist or radical pluralist twist to main its social class elements is a recipe, if capitalist revolution in South Africa, stream political theory's fetish of the not for disaster, at least for a certain and are spending a great deal of distinctions between state and social type of [negative] outcome we [have money doing it." power doesn't bring us a millime seen] emerge elsewhere in Africa." (the) concrete In effect, Singh is branded by tre closer to assessing correlation of forces" that will pro Cokorinos with giving (however t unwittingly) duce "either socialism or a form of Cokorinos contrasts the debate about aid and comfort to civil society with the "wide-rangingdis this kind of counter-revolutionary neo-colonial capitalism in the post era" !t cussion (some years ago) of the difficul project, for the various "essential apartheid building ties, contradictions and benefits flow blocks of civil society" she Cokorinos is even suspicious of ing from the COSATU/ANC/SACP al identifies ("gender, class, race, the use of the concept polit of "civil so liance." Since then (Cokorinos regrets ical creed, etc.") cannot ever exist ciety" in the hands in of a Moses Ma to note), "discussion of the specifics of abstract, completely yekiso, though he concedes that "the "autonomous" class, political and nationalinterests in or independent form: "like it or thrust of Mayekiso's article (and cer South Africa, not, they operate in a conflict-ridden tainly his practice) does take cog and how they are related, and the recognition that these interests medium of heavily institutionalized nizance of the class-divided nature and identities in South Africa are social and political power" of what others might choose to de an and take tagonistic and often mutually exclusive much of their meaning fine more restrictively as 'civil soci from how rather than simply overlapping, seems they relate to this structure of ety'. To address the anti-democratic to be taking a back power. Even more and anti-socialist chill winds that seat to the 'dis important than course' of civil society." His conclu the mere fact of the "autonomy" of are blowing from this reality he pro sion: "It is time to return to and deepen these "building blocks" (this being poses a strategy of building con those debates rather the limited preoccupation of the plu crete, worker-based organizational than fall into step ralist) is how they are linked safeguards through mobilization with the intellectual project Mamdani up into ...warns us against." the rather than, as Singh demands, broader struggle to define soci 'ground ety's direction, a struggle that nec rules' for 'sustaining distinc essarily implicates political parties tions'." and the state as well as the compo "The demobilization nents of "civil society." and Keep on Truckin' 'expert'-ization accompanying the In short, says Cokorinos, for transition process is already well ad 9 July 1991 many of the most important pur vanced in South Africa, and Ma Thank you for your copy of poses a simple, "dualistic 'state yekiso is right to mark it out [Southern Africa] REPORT July society' framework" is singularly un for concern." But what, substan 1991 which, as ever, was read with helpful. The fact is that "both tively, is the chief implication of great interest. In it you state: the state and civil society are shot the fact that doors may be closing. "... beyond the US, whether the through with cross-cutting social an [Note: Cokorinos advanced these international anti-apartheid move tagonisms" - especially class an arguments before the ANC's own ment still has the gumption to mon tagonisms. The big question July Congress and the "Inkatha itor activities of financiers - as was which class interests will be re gate" scandal, events that might done so well in the mid- to late pressed, which empowered, in post have altered his emphasis some 1980's - is not clear." Fear not. apartheid South Africa - is blurred what.] The answer is to be found in ELTSA (End Loans to South Africa) if mere "autonomy" is taken as the the dangers posed by the surfacing is in its eighteenth year research touchstone of freedom in political of "class divisions" not only within ing and campaigning on loans to debate about South Africa: "trans South African society as a whole South Africa and on oil and gold formation in a socialist direction will but "in the liberation movement in sanctions. Campaign successes in not be guaranteed by the 'auton particular." Cokorinos' conclusion: clude the Barclays Boycott, forc omy' of the socialist or popular el- "People in Mayekiso's position ... ing South African gold out of the

november 1991 Southern Africa REPORT R9® shops of Ratners, the biggest jew The next ICABA (International It is now very widely recognised ellery retailer in the UK, and other Campaign Against Banking on that financial sanctions were and work on gold, banking and oil sanc Apartheid) Newsletter, which we continue to be an important lever for tions. Our most recent campaign produce jointly with the World change. As the ANC has made clear, ing has concentrated on seeking an Council of Churches, will include co-ordinated international pressure assurance from UK banks that they campaigning articles from Germany, continues to be a vital component if will not make new loans until there Switzerland, US and France as well the transition to a non-racial democ is profound and irreversible change. as an article from South Africa. racy in South Africa is to be suc We recently achieved success when ELTSA recently wrote to over 150 cessful. How are campaigns going Standard Chartered Bank followed top international banks to seek an against banks in Canada? the lead of High Street UK banks assurance on no new loans. In many Yours sincerely, in giving a categorical assurance on countries vital campaign work is be no new loans under present circum ing sustained in often difficult polit David Craine stances. Details are available in the ical circumstances. End Loans to South Africa June 1991 ELTSA Newsletter. 56 Camberwell Road London, SE5 OEN

Structural Adjustment the Canadian government gave a the subcommittee's 19 recommenda damn (about debt-distressed devel tions. Among them was a recom continued from page 27 oping countries) when they sup mendation that Canada press for a a trend affecting all official Western ported structural adjustment lend global conference on debt and ad aid agencies. It has emerged, he ing. They just wanted to support justment policies; that a high-level says, from the World Bank's new the U.S., who only wanted to help task force be set up including NGOs, found "intellectual dominance of de the banks get their debts serviced." government, business, academic and velopment thinking" over the UN Third World representatives to ad development agencies who once set Parliamentary committee chal vise the government on debt pol the agenda for international cooper lenge icy; and that Canadian banks be re quired to write ation. This approach faced a challenge off or reduce debts owed them by poor from the parliamentary committee countries in re While the World Bank's dis turn for tax relief. course has evolved to include Mass6 tried so hard to win over "poverty alleviation policies" among to World Bank/IMF analyses and The tone in the government's conditions for loans to develop prescriptions. The Commons all response reflects little of the sub ing countries, its reliance on "mar party external affairs subcommittee committee's urgency; it also shows ket forces" as the primary engine on international debt recommended scant willingness to act indepen of growth is undiminished. The in June 1990 that "Canada use its dently as the subcommittee urged. U.S. and U.K. lead the charge at position to advocate major changes The response, as such, infuriated in the way the World Bank in favour of mar that the international several MPs on the subcommittee, ket forces, say most observers. Some financial institutions (such as the prompting them to issue an unprece dissidence expressed by an emphasis World Bank) respond to the debt dented "reply to the government re on the social impact of adjustment crisis of developing countries." sponse" inMarch. In their reply, the comes from the Nordic countries, the Its report expresses the view that six subcommittee members - includ Netherlands and France. structural adjustment "has been ing three Conservatives - describe Morris Miller, Canada's direc tried and found wanting ... it is not the government report as "far from tor at the World Bank in the working." The subcommittee urged meeting our expectations ...(and) "a fresh approach" to policy-based early 1980s, says the U.S. mus dispiriting in approach, especially in cle is flexed not by exercising its adjustment and conditionality that what it has evaded or managed not 18.93 percent of the vote, but is "human-centred, democratic and to say ... " sustainable." by holding up general capital in Canada, it concludes, The subcommittee's reply calls "should creases. "Everyone has to pretend be an advocate for reform on the government to "revisit" in the international financial institu favour free markets and its earlier recommendations and to that they tions, including at monetarism," Miller said in an inter the highest level." move ahead with a promised semi view. "There's always this pressure In a response tabled in Par nar on debt, with involvement of the to placate the Americans." Can liament by then-External Affairs public. To date, there has been no ada, he added, typically succumbs Minister Joe Clark last November, official reaction to the subcommit to this pressure. "I don't think the government rejected most of tee's reply.

Southern Africa REPORT november 1991