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Militias, Martial Arts and Masculinities in Timor Leste

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Militias, Martial Arts and Masculinities in Timor Leste HISTORIES OF VIOLENCE, STATES OF DENIAL – MILITIAS, MARTIAL ARTS AND MASCULINITIES IN TIMOR-LESTE Henri Myrttinen A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Conflict Resolution & Peace Studies UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL Supervisor: Prof. Geoff Harris Co-Supervisor: Prof. Robert Morrell 2010 DECLARATION I …Henri Myrttinen…………………………………………………declare that (i) The research reported in this dissertation/thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original research. (ii) This dissertation/thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. (iii) This dissertation/thesis does not contain other persons’ data, pictures, graphs or other information, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other persons. (iv) This dissertation/thesis does not contain other persons’ writing, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other written sources have been quoted, then: a) their words have been re-written but the general information attributed to them has been referenced: b) where their exact words have been used, their writing has been placed inside quotation marks, and referenced. (v) This dissertation/thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the Internet, unless specifically acknowledged, and the source being detailed in the dissertation/thesis and in the References sections. Signature: Henri Myrttinen 4 Dedicated to the memory of Sharon Kaur Jinnil (1981 – 2008) 5 Acknowledgements As solitary as writing a doctoral thesis often may seem to be, it is an impossible task without the support given in so many forms by people, organisations and institutions. The people I owe my greatest gratitude to are my parents, Riitta and Martti, who not only nurtured, encouraged and generously supported me and my siblings throughout our life but also importantly opened our lives early on to appreciate other cultures and societies. My sister and my brother, Sanna and Anssi, also deserve to be named here for all the support and motivation they have given me, and which I have feel I have all too often not shown my gratitude for properly. I also owe deep gratitude to my supervisors, Prof. Geoff Harris and Prof. Robert Morrell, who have been extremely supportive, accessible and understanding, in spite of personal hardships, distances, time zone differences and multiple delays on my part. I also thank Francisco and Natalina and the rest of the staff at SCCP in Dili and beyond for all their input and support and Iman Nugroho for his help and input in West Timor. I have then decided to opt for a communal, but nonetheless very personal and heartfelt thank you to all the dozens of friends and colleagues who have helped me along the way, be it by giving emotional support, critical input, raising questions or just being there and giving inspiration. I hope to convey these thanks to you in person sooner rather than later and to celebrate the completion of this project. Special thanks however go to three people who have given me an exceptional amount of emotional support: Irena, Wawan and Toiko. And last, but by no means least as I would not have completed this thesis without it, I am indebted to the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies at the University of Copenhagen for accepting me as a SUPRA-scholarship fellow in 2009 to complete my thesis. To all of you, from all my heart, obrigadu barak! Manokwari, 15.07.2010 6 Abstract This thesis examines the complex interplay between violence and concepts of masculinity using the case study examples of former members of pro-Indonesian militia groups and current members of gangs, martial arts and ritual arts groups in Timor-Leste. Thirty-eight former and current members of these groups were interviewed in both Timor-Leste and Indonesian West Timor. While the members of these groups and their violent acts are often cast in relatively simplistic terms as being the work of misguided, socio-economically marginalised, violent young men, the thesis argues that the phenomena of these groups are far more complex and are intricately intertwined with local East Timorese and imported concepts of what it means to be a man. In addition to being political and economic projects, membership in these groups gives the men new, albeit often violent, ways of defining their masculine identity and defining their place in post-colonial, post-conflict East Timorese society. The violent enactments of masculinity displayed by the young men involved in the various groups examined in this thesis have been formed by the violent history of Timor-Leste but simultaneously the young men have also been personally involved in forming this history of violence. Both on the personal and on the level of the East Timorese state, these histories of violence are dealt with strategies of denial when it comes to taking personal responsibility for violence, leading to impunity and denial of justice to the victims. For the perpetrators, though, denial of responsibility and justifications of violence are used in an attempt to regain masculine honour and respectability in the eyes of broader society. Violence continues to be one of the tools they are willing to resort to for addressing real and perceived grievances, both on the personal and public level. Given the disruptive and deadly ways in which the activities of these young men have affected Timor-Leste, a central challenge for building a peaceful, just and equitable society will be to overcome the ways in which masculinities are defined through violence – a task which requires the involvement of East Timorese boys and men, but also their mothers, aunts, sisters, daughters, wives and lovers. 7 Table of Contents Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................... 6 Table of Contents ....................................................................................................................... 8 List of Abbreviations Used ...................................................................................................... 11 List of Indonesian (I), Makassae (M), Portuguese (P) and Tetum (T) terms used................... 14 1. Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 17 2. Timor-Leste – Histories of Violence.................................................................................... 21 2.1. An abridged history of Timor until 1974 ...................................................................... 23 2.2. Decolonisation, civil war and Indonesian occupation, 1974-1975 ............................... 25 2.3. Occupation, insurgency, counter-insurgency, modernisation: 1976-1998.................... 27 2.3.1. Military resistance .................................................................................................. 27 2.3.2. Civilian resistance .................................................................................................. 28 2.3.3. Counter-insurgency ................................................................................................ 29 2.4. Winds of change, Seas of Flame: 1998-1999................................................................ 31 2.5. UN interregnum 1999-2002 .......................................................................................... 34 2.6. Independence and turbulence 2002-2006...................................................................... 37 2.6.1. Instability and pervasive fear ................................................................................. 38 2.6.2. Insecurities in the security sector ........................................................................... 39 2.7. Malcontents, mutinies and martial arts, 2006 – 2008 ................................................... 40 2.7.1. Ethnic conflict? ...................................................................................................... 40 2.7.2. The appearance of the gangs, MAGs and RAGs.................................................... 42 2.8. Unity, Justice and Peace? .............................................................................................. 46 2.9. Conclusions ................................................................................................................... 49 3. The social, cultural and economic setting of Timor-Leste................................................... 50 3.1. Overview of East Timorese society .............................................................................. 50 3.1.1. Ethno-linguistic groups .......................................................................................... 52 3.1.2. Religion and tradition............................................................................................. 53 3.1.3. Social structure....................................................................................................... 56 3.2. Socio-economic setting ................................................................................................. 57 3.3. Dili – from a colonial backwater to a semi-urban sprawl ............................................. 60 3.3.1. The Bairos – The peri-urban fringe........................................................................ 62 3.3.2. The IDP camps ....................................................................................................... 64 3.3.3. Locating violence
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