A History of the British Labour Party Followed, with Labour Forming Minority Governments in 1924 and 1929

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A History of the British Labour Party Followed, with Labour Forming Minority Governments in 1924 and 1929 Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–40982–9 © Andrew Thorpe 1997, 2001, 2008, 2015 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6– 10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identifi ed as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2015 by PALGRAVE Palgrave in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of 4 Crinan Street, London, N1 9XW. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave is a global imprint of the above companies and is represented throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978–1– 137– 40983– 6 hardback ISBN 978–1– 137– 40982–9 paperback This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. Typeset by MPS Limited, Chennai, India. Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–40982–9 Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–40982–9 Contents Acknowledgements viii Abbreviations ix Introduction 1 1 Creation and Early Years, 1900– 14 8 2 The Surge to Second- Party Status, 1914– 22 36 3 Progress and Collapse, 1922– 31 59 4 Remaking the Party? 1931– 39 83 5 The Impact of the Second World War, 1939– 45 103 6 The Attlee Governments, 1945– 51 119 7 Searching for a New Direction, 1951– 64 141 8 Wilson in Power, 1964– 70 162 9 Labour in Crisis? 1970– 79 185 10 Down and Out? 1979– 87 209 11 Modernization and New Labour, 1987– 97 230 12 New Labour in Power, 1997– 2007 257 13 Moving beyond Blair, 2007– 15 285 Conclusion 304 Appendix 1: Seats and Percentage of Votes Won at General Elections, 1900– 2010 319 Appendix 2: Labour Party Leaders 321 Appendix 3: Labour Cabinets 322 Notes 336 Bibliography 367 Index 391 vii Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–40982–9 Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–40982–9 Introduction When the Labour Party was formed (as the Labour Representation Committee, LRC) in 1900, its prospects were unclear. Yet it sur- vived, and, by the early 1920s, it had eclipsed the Liberal Party as the main opposition to the Conservatives. Periods in government followed, but they were often punctuated by long periods in oppo- sition, and even – in the 1930s, 1950s and 1980s – predictions of demise. Such predictions proved unfounded, however, and 1997 marked the first of three successive general election victories. Even defeat in 2010 was met with a sense that the circumstances had been exceptional and that it had taken a Conservative– Liberal Democrat Coalition to put Labour out of office. And although Labour’s experience of government at national level was episodic for much of its first 110 years, its dominance of the British left since the early 1920s has been close to total. Rivals have come and gone, but no organization has been able to mount anything like a credible and sustained threat to Labour’s pre- eminent position on the progressive side of British politics. By studying it, we can learn a lot, not just about the party itself but also about British politics, and indeed society, more generally. Before 1945, Labour was unable to win a parliamentary major- ity. The LRC elected two MPs at the general election of 1900, and 29 at that of 1906, after which it changed its name. Although the party continued to develop down to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, it was still not a major party; indeed, the Irish Nationalists won about twice as many seats as Labour at the two general elections of 1910. Labour participated in wartime Coalition governments from 1915 onwards, but in 1918 adopted a new constitution which made it more independent of the Liberals and, having withdrawn from the Lloyd George Coalition, won 57 seats at that year’s post- war general election. In 1922 it became the main Opposition party, with 142 seats, and Ramsay MacDonald was elected the party’s first ‘leader’. Rapid progress 1 Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–40982–9 Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–40982–9 2 A History of the British Labour Party followed, with Labour forming minority governments in 1924 and 1929. However, the first lasted only nine months, while the second, battered by economic slump and political difficulties, collapsed in August 1931. MacDonald formed a ‘National’ gov- ernment with Conservative and Liberal support, which went on to trounce Labour at the polls. During the 1930s there was lim- ited recovery, but a further election was lost in 1935, and Labour would almost certainly have been defeated at the next election as well had not the Second World War intervened. In 1940, however, the National government fell and was replaced by a Coalition under Winston Churchill, in which Labour had more than a fair share of ministerial posts. As in 1914– 18, war suited Labour very well, and the party’s fortunes improved markedly in the next few years. At the first post- war election in 1945, Clement Attlee led Labour to a landslide victory, and his government went on to implement significant reforms. In 1951, however, Labour was defeated, and, after further defeats in 1955 and 1959, was even- tually out of office for 13 years, leading to considerable debate as to whether Labour would ever win again. However, it returned to power under Harold Wilson in 1964 and was re- elected by a very healthy margin in 1966. By 1970, though, Wilson’s government was widely perceived to have failed, and Labour was consigned once again to opposition. Rather fortuitously, perhaps, Labour returned as a minority government in February 1974, and that October was re- elected with a tiny overall majority. A difficult term in office, first under Wilson and then under James Callaghan, ended in defeat, and the victory of the Conservatives under Margaret Thatcher in 1979 ushered in a long period of opposition. The general election of 1979 was to prove the first in a sequence of four successive general election defeats for Labour. In opposition, it tried various strategies, but Michael Foot’s efforts ended in heavy defeat in 1983, while Neil Kinnock was defeated conclusively in 1987 and more narrowly in 1992. By the latter year, which saw Kinnock’s retirement, a major programme of party reform was under way; under John Smith (1992– 94) reform continued, and the Conservative government floundered. When Tony Blair succeeded Smith in 1994, he accelerated the pace of reform, rebranded the party ‘New Labour’, and went on to win a Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–40982–9 Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–40982–9 Introduction 3 sweeping victory in 1997. Labour won a further landslide in 2001, and even in 2005, after eight years in office and tarnished by an increasingly unpopular war in Iraq, Blair was able to lead his party to another comfortable majority. When Gordon Brown suc- ceeded Blair in June 2007, it seemed that he could look forward to the future with confidence. However, such confidence proved misplaced, and his inability to lead Labour to victory at the 2010 general election led to the formation of a Conservative– Liberal Coalition under David Cameron. In opposition for the first time in well over a decade, Labour turned to Ed Miliband, although at the time of writing it remained unclear whether he would be able to lead it to victory in 2015. Naturally, these vicissitudes of electoral and political fortune have led to some wildly varying prognostications as to the party’s likely future. In early 1997, the party could point to only five peri- ods in government, totalling fewer than 20 years. Ten years later, it seemed to be ensconced in power, perhaps for years to come. But, of course, there had been hubristic statements about future domi- nation earlier. In the aftermath of Labour’s 1929 victory, Herbert Morrison claimed that Labour was ‘the miracle of politics’ which was looking forward to rolling back the remaining ‘bastions of reaction’.1 In April 1946, backed by a huge Labour majority and with the Conservative opposition under Churchill in disarray, the Labour minister Sir Hartley Shawcross claimed that ‘we are the masters at the moment – and not only for the moment, but for a very long time to come’.2 And Wilson claimed, more than once, that Labour had become ‘a natural party of government’.3 On the other hand, there had been times of real gloom as to the future. Before the First World War, many had questioned the purpose and prospects of the party; in 1908 Ben Tillett had launched a fierce attack on what he saw as the timidity and failure of the parliamentary party.4 In the aftermath of 1931, there were those who doubted the party’s future prospects, and much of the pressure for collaboration with Liberals, Communists and others in the 1930s stemmed from a pessimistic reading of Labour’s elec- toral potential.5 The defeats of the 1950s led to academics asking the question ‘Must Labour lose?’.6 And the 1970s and 1980s were replete with doomsday- type predictions that Labour was finished, or at least had no serious chance of ever again forming a majority government.7 Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–40982–9 Copyrighted material – 978–1–137–40982–9 4 A History of the British Labour Party The vicissitudes of Labour’s history have obviously contrib- uted to the great fluctuations in its historiography.
Recommended publications
  • Inscribed 6 (2).Pdf
    Inscribed6 CONTENTS 1 1. AVIATION 33 2. MILITARY 59 3. NAVAL 67 4. ROYALTY, POLITICIANS, AND OTHER PUBLIC FIGURES 180 5. SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY 195 6. HIGH LATITUDES, INCLUDING THE POLES 206 7. MOUNTAINEERING 211 8. SPACE EXPLORATION 214 9. GENERAL TRAVEL SECTION 1. AVIATION including books from the libraries of Douglas Bader and “Laddie” Lucas. 1. [AITKEN (Group Captain Sir Max)]. LARIOS (Captain José, Duke of Lerma). Combat over Spain. Memoirs of a Nationalist Fighter Pilot 1936–1939. Portrait frontispiece, illustrations. First edition. 8vo., cloth, pictorial dust jacket. London, Neville Spearman. nd (1966). £80 A presentation copy, inscribed on the half title page ‘To Group Captain Sir Max AitkenDFC. DSO. Let us pray that the high ideals we fought for, with such fervent enthusiasm and sacrifice, may never be allowed to perish or be forgotten. With my warmest regards. Pepito Lerma. May 1968’. From the dust jacket: ‘“Combat over Spain” is one of the few first-hand accounts of the Spanish Civil War, and is the only one published in England to be written from the Nationalist point of view’. Lerma was a bomber and fighter pilot for the duration of the war, flying 278 missions. Aitken, the son of Lord Beaverbrook, joined the RAFVR in 1935, and flew Blenheims and Hurricanes, shooting down 14 enemy aircraft. Dust jacket just creased at the head and tail of the spine. A formidable Vic formation – Bader, Deere, Malan. 2. [BADER (Group Captain Douglas)]. DEERE (Group Captain Alan C.) DOWDING Air Chief Marshal, Lord), foreword. Nine Lives. Portrait frontispiece, illustrations. First edition.
    [Show full text]
  • Radical Nostalgia, Progressive Patriotism and Labour's 'English Problem'
    Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour©s ©English problem© Article (Accepted Version) Robinson, Emily (2016) Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem'. Political Studies Review, 14 (3). pp. 378-387. ISSN 1478-9299 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/61679/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Author’s Post-Print Copy Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem' Emily Robinson, University of Sussex ABSTRACT ‘Progressive patriots’ have long argued that Englishness can form the basis of a transformative political project, whether based on an historic tradition of resistance to state power or an open and cosmopolitan identity.
    [Show full text]
  • Crossing the Floor Roy Douglas a Failure of Leadership Liberal Defections 1918–29 Senator Jerry Grafstein Winston Churchill As a Liberal J
    Journal of Issue 25 / Winter 1999–2000 / £5.00 Liberal DemocratHISTORY Crossing the Floor Roy Douglas A Failure of Leadership Liberal Defections 1918–29 Senator Jerry Grafstein Winston Churchill as a Liberal J. Graham Jones A Breach in the Family Megan and Gwilym Lloyd George Nick Cott The Case of the Liberal Nationals A re-evaluation Robert Maclennan MP Breaking the Mould? The SDP Liberal Democrat History Group Issue 25: Winter 1999–2000 Journal of Liberal Democrat History Political Defections Special issue: Political Defections The Journal of Liberal Democrat History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group 3 Crossing the floor ISSN 1463-6557 Graham Lippiatt Liberal Democrat History Group Editorial The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of 5 Out from under the umbrella historical topics, particularly those relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Tony Little Party and the SDP. The Group organises The defection of the Liberal Unionists discussion meetings and publishes the Journal and other occasional publications. 15 Winston Churchill as a Liberal For more information, including details of publications, back issues of the Journal, tape Senator Jerry S. Grafstein records of meetings and archive and other Churchill’s career in the Liberal Party research sources, see our web site: www.dbrack.dircon.co.uk/ldhg. 18 A failure of leadership Hon President: Earl Russell. Chair: Graham Lippiatt. Roy Douglas Liberal defections 1918–29 Editorial/Correspondence Contributions to the Journal – letters, 24 Tory cuckoos in the Liberal nest? articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles Nick Cott submitted will be reviewed.
    [Show full text]
  • One Nation Economy
    Labour’s Policy Review 1 ONE NATION ECONOMY Labour Party | One Nation Economy contentS Foreword by Ed Miliband and Ed Balls 5 Introduction by Jon Cruddas 7 Fair deficit reduction 9 Jobs for the future 13 One Nation banking 19 An energy market people can trust 23 Runaway rewards at the top… 29 …low pay and insecurity for everyone else 33 Building long-termism into the economy 39 Backing the forgotten 50% 43 Controlling social security spending – tackling the root causes 49 Immigration that works for Britain 53 3 Labour Party | One Nation Economy 4 Labour Party | One Nation Economy FOREWORD BY ED MILIBAND AND ED BALLS Britain needs to build an economy that works for all working people once again. For most of the twentieth century there was a vital link between the wealth of the country as a whole and the family finances of millions of hard-working families. As the country got better off, so did working people. A growing economy brought shared prosperity. And that meant that people who put in effort were rewarded, with good jobs, paying decent wages, and were able to make a better life for themselves. Millions of families bought a house, a car, even a second car, took holidays abroad, started their own business, looked forward to a stable pension in retirement and were confident that they could set their children up in life so they could enjoy a better life than themselves. That seems like a different world for millions of working families in Britain today. And that’s because that vital link between the overall wealth of the country and the family budget has been broken.
    [Show full text]
  • Compassthe DIRECTION for the DEMOCRATIC LEFT
    compassTHE DIRECTION FOR THE DEMOCRATIC LEFT MAPPING THE CENTRE GROUND Peter Kellner compasscontents Mapping the Centre Ground “This is a good time to think afresh about the way we do politics.The decline of the old ideologies has made many of the old Left-Right arguments redundant.A bold project to design a positive version of the Centre could fill the void.” Compass publications are intended to create real debate and discussion around the key issues facing the democratic left - however the views expressed in this publication are not a statement of Compass policy. compass Mapping the Centre Ground Peter Kellner All three leaders of Britain’s main political parties agree on one thing: elections are won and lost on the centre ground.Tony Blair insists that Labour has won the last three elections as a centre party, and would return to the wilderness were it to revert to left-wing policies. David Cameron says with equal fervour that the Conservatives must embrace the Centre if they are to return to power. Sir Menzies Campbell says that the Liberal Democrats occupy the centre ground out of principle, not electoral calculation, and he has nothing to fear from his rivals invading his space. What are we to make of all this? It is sometimes said that when any proposition commands such broad agreement, it is probably wrong. Does the shared obsession of all three party leaders count as a bad, consensual error – or are they right to compete for the same location on the left-right axis? This article is an attempt to answer that question, via an excursion down memory lane, a search for clear definitions and some speculation about the future of political debate.
    [Show full text]
  • Harold Wilson Obituary
    Make a contribution News Opinion Sport Culture Lifestyle UK World Business Football UK politics Environment Education Society Science Tech More Harold Wilson obituary Leading Labour beyond pipe dreams Geoffrey Goodman Thu 25 May 1995 09.59 EDT 18 Lord Wilson of Rievaulx, as he came improbably to be called - will not go down in the history books as one of Britain's greatest prime ministers. But, increasingly, he will be seen as a far bigger political figure than contemporary sceptics have allowed far more representative of that uniquely ambivalent mood of Britain in the 1960s and a far more rounded and caring, if unfulfilled, person. It is my view that he was a remarkable prime minister and, indeed, a quite remarkable man. Cynics had a field day ridiculing him at the time of his decline. Perhaps that was inevitable given his irresistible tendency to behave like the master of the Big Trick in the circus ring of politics - for whom there is nothing so humiliating as to have it demonstrated, often by fellow tricksters, that the Big Trick hasn't worked. James Harold Wilson happened to be prime minister leading a left wing party at a time when the mores of post-war political and economic change in Britain (and elsewhere) were just beginning to be perceived. Arguably it was the period of the greatest social and industrial change this century, even if the people - let alone the Wilson governments - were never fully aware of the nature of that change. Social relationships across the entire class spectrum were being transformed.
    [Show full text]
  • Self-Defence in the Immediate Aftermath of the Adoption of the UN Charter
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Anticipatory action in self-defence: The law of self-defence - past, presence and future Tibori Szabó, K.J. Publication date 2010 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Tibori Szabó, K. J. (2010). Anticipatory action in self-defence: The law of self-defence - past, presence and future. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:01 Oct 2021 129 7 Self-defence in the immediate aftermath of the adoption of the UN Charter 7.1 Introduction The Charter of the United Nations set up a new world organization with several organs that were given executive, legislative, judicial and other functions. The declared objectives of the new organization were the maintenance of international peace and security, the development of friendly relations and international co-operation in solving international problems, as well as the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms.1 These goals were to be achieved through the work of the various organs of the UN, most importantly the Security Council, the General Assembly and the International Court of Justice.
    [Show full text]
  • Research Note: Former Special Advisers in Cabinet, 1979-2013
    Research Note: Former Special Advisers in Cabinet, 1979-2013 Executive Summary Sixteen special advisers have gone on to become Cabinet Ministers. This means that of the 492 special advisers listed in the Constitution Unit database in the period 1979-2010, only 3% entered Cabinet. Seven Conservative party Cabinet members were formerly special advisers. o Four Conservative special advisers went on to become Cabinet Ministers in the 1979-1997 period of Conservative governments. o Three former Conservative special advisers currently sit in the Coalition Cabinet: David Cameron, George Osborne and Jonathan Hill. Eight Labour Cabinet members between 1997-2010 were former special advisers. o Five of the eight former special advisers brought into the Labour Cabinet between 1997-2010 had been special advisers to Tony Blair or Gordon Brown. o Jack Straw entered Cabinet in 1997 having been a special adviser before 1979. One Liberal Democrat Cabinet member, Vince Cable, was previously a special adviser to a Labour minister. The Coalition Cabinet of January 2013 currently has four members who were once special advisers. o Also attending Cabinet meetings is another former special adviser: Oliver Letwin as Minister of State for Policy. There are traditionally 21 or 22 Ministers who sit in Cabinet. Unsurprisingly, the number and proportion of Cabinet Ministers who were previously special advisers generally increases the longer governments go on. The number of Cabinet Ministers who were formerly special advisers was greatest at the end of the Labour administration (1997-2010) when seven of the Cabinet Ministers were former special advisers. The proportion of Cabinet made up of former special advisers was greatest in Gordon Brown’s Cabinet when almost one-third (30.5%) of the Cabinet were former special advisers.
    [Show full text]
  • 1986 Peace Through Non-Alignment: the Case for British Withdrawal from NATO
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified 1986 Peace Through Non-Alignment: The case for British withdrawal from NATO Citation: “Peace Through Non-Alignment: The case for British withdrawal from NATO,” 1986, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Ben Lowe, Published by Verso, sponsored by The Campaign Group of Labor MP's, The Socialist Society, and the Campaign for Non-Alignment, 1986. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/110192 Summary: Pamphlet arguing for British withdrawal from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. It examines the origins of NATO, its role in U.S. foreign policy, its nuclear strategies, and its effect on British politics and national security. Original Language: English Contents: Scan of Original Document Ben Lowe is author of a book on NATO published in Spain as part of the campaign for Spanish withdrawal during the referendum of March 1986, La Cara Ocuita de fa OTAN; a contributor to Mad Dogs edited by Edward Thompson and Mary Kaldor; and a member of the Socialist Society, which has provided financial and research support for this pamphlet. Ben Lowe Peace through Non-Alignlllent The Case Against British Membership of NATO The Campaign Group of Labour MPs welcomes the publication of this pamphlet and believes that the arguments it contains are worthy of serious consideration. VERSO Thn Il11prlnt 01 New Left Books Contents First published 1986 Verso Editions & NLB F'oreword by Tony Benn and Jeremy Corbyn 15 Greek St, London WI Ben Lowe 1986 Introduction 1 ISBN 086091882 Typeset by Red Lion Setters 1. NATO and the Post-War World 3 86 Riversdale Road, N5 Printed by Wernheim Printers Forster Rd N17 Origins of the Alliance 3 America's Global Order 5 NATO's Nuclear Strategies 7 A Soviet Threat? 9 NA TO and British Politics 11 Britain's Strategic Role 15 Star Wars and Tension in NA TO 17 America and Europe's Future 19 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Provocation Paper
    Provocation paper Designed to spark discussion and debate across the sector. #NPCprovokes THE ‘SHARED SOCIETY’ NEEDS A STRONG CIVIL SOCIETY A progressive agenda for change April 2017 DAN CORRY GERRY STOKER became Chief is a political scientist, Executive of NPC with current posts as following a varied Centenary Research career in public policy Professor of and economics, Governance at the including as Head of University of Canberra, the Number 10 Policy Australia and Chair in Unit and Senior Governance at the Adviser to the Prime Minister on the Economy from University of Southampton, UK. He has provided 2007 to 2010. He is a member of the Advisory advice to various parts of UK government, to the Boards for Big Society Capital, Impetus – PEF, and governments of several other countries, and was the Centre for Public Scrutiny, and a former member also an expert advisor to the Council of Europe on of the Research Committee of the ESRC and of the local government and participation issues. Gerry Greater Manchester Economic Advisory Panel. has authored or edited 33 books and his work has been translated into numerous languages. @DanRCorry @ProfStoker Our country is divided and there are a multitude of social and economic problems that require urgently to be addressed. We can embrace the Prime Minister’s idea of the ‘Shared Society’ but not if it is just a nice piece of rhetoric. Government must play its part. Business will have a key role. But above all civil society must be seen as the lynchpin. This pamphlet is both an argument drawing on evidence and a call for action.
    [Show full text]
  • How to Lead the Labour Party – It’S Not Only About Winning Office, but About Defining the Political Spectrum and Reshaping British Society
    blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/2010/09/27/how-to-lead-the-labour-party-%e2%80%93- it%e2%80%99s-not-only-about-winning-office-but-about-defining-the-political-spectrum-and- reshaping-british-society/ How to lead the Labour party – it’s not only about winning office, but about defining the political spectrum and reshaping British society With Labour receiving just 29 per cent of the vote in the 2010 general election, Ed Miliband has a mountain to climb as the party’s new leader. Robin Archer argues that a purely centrist approach to his new job would be self-defeating and that he has an unusual opportunity to revive British social democracy. Debates about where Ed Miliband will lead Labour next are certain to dominate the rest of this year’s Labour conference and indeed his whole first year in office. What does the leadership of Labour require? What should his leadership strategy be? To answer, we need to examine some fundamentals. We know from opinion surveys that when UK voters’ preferences are plotted on a left-right spectrum the resulting graph typically takes the form of a bell curve. The largest numbers of voters cluster around the median voter (the person in the centre of the left/right distribution), and decreasing numbers hold positions as we move further to the left or the right. In plurality electoral systems dominated by two main parties (and even if the Alternative Vote is introduced, Britain will still fall into this category) two pure strategies are available.
    [Show full text]
  • Downfall Is Labour Dead and How Can Radical Hope Be Rebuilt?
    June 2015 downfall Is Labour dead and how can radical hope be rebuilt? Neal Lawson downfall Downfall is about the Labour Party but Compass is not primarily about the Labour Party - it is about the creation of a good society. Compass puts project before party, any party. But parties still matter, and the future of Labour, still the biggest broadly progressive party in the UK, matters enormously. Neal Lawson is Chair of Compass and has been a member of the Labour Party since 1979. He has helped run local parties, been an election agent and campaign strategist, advised senior Labour politicians and written widely about the future of social democracy. He knows that a political party is needed to help create a good society, one that is much more equal, sustainable and democratic. Is Labour it? The thoughts offered here have come from a life long conversation with colleagues and from a wide range of articles and books. Anthony Barnett kindly went through a draft. So Neal’s debt to others is as heavy as the burden of remaking a party that might not want to be remade. Let’s see. Is Labour dead and how can radical hope be rebuilt? Short-term hopes are futile. Long-term resignation is suicidal Hans Magnus Enzenberger Is Labour dead? The question is vital for two reasons; first, because the party might be, and the sooner we know, the better. Second, if it’s not, then by asking the question we might get it off life support, because for Labour death certainly lurks.
    [Show full text]