Imagining Political Forgiveness in the Aftermath of Atrocities: Towards a Story of Collective Responsibility
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Elecciones En Uruguay: Mismos Colores, Nuevo Gobierno, Mayores Desafíos
Centro de Estudios y Documentación InternacionalesCentro de Barcelona E-ISSN 2014-0843 D.L.: B-8438-2012 opiniónAMÉRICA LATINA ELECCIONES EN URUGUAY: Mismos 284 colores, nuevo Gobierno, mayores DICIEMBRE desafíos 2014 Santiago Villar, asistente de investigación CIDOB espués de una victoria contundente en primera ronda, donde el candi- dato del partido oficialista se impuso por más de 17 puntos sobre su in- mediato contrincante, Luis Lacalle Pou del Partido Nacional (PN), pocas Ddudas quedaban acerca de quien finalmente resultaría elegido en estas elecciones. El ex-presidente Tabaré Vázquez (2005-2010) consiguió el 56% de los votos, que representaron el mejor resultado obtenido por un jefe de Estado uruguayo en los últimos 70 años. El nuevo presidente ha conseguido mantener altos niveles de aprobación social, tanto respecto a su gestión como a nivel de imagen personal, que en Uruguay supera incluso al mismo José Mujica. Tabaré Vázquez se convierte en el tercer presidente consecutivo proveniente de las filas del Frente Amplio (FA), un partido de concertación de izquierdas que surgió hace 43 años y rompió definitivamente con el bipartidismo clásico del país. Los buenos resultados de la primera vuelta se han reflejado en la conformación del Parlamento, obteniendo la mayoría en ambas Cámaras. En el Senado posee quince escaños, a los cuales se suma el vice-presidente, quien ejerce el cargo de presidente del Senado, con voz y voto. En tanto que en la Cámara de Diputados consiguieron 50 de los 99 asientos. El pasado 30 de noviembre, tras confirmarse la victoria, Tabaré Vázquez emitió un discurso en el cual dejó claro que su segundo mandato “no será más de lo mismo porque el Uruguay de hoy no es el del año 2005 ni el del año 2010”. -
ILCEA, 26 | 2016, « Mémoire, Vérité Et Justice En Uruguay » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 07 Juillet 2016, Consulté Le 25 Septembre 2020
ILCEA Revue de l’Institut des langues et cultures d'Europe, Amérique, Afrique, Asie et Australie 26 | 2016 Mémoire, vérité et justice en Uruguay Memoria, verdad y justicia en Uruguay Maria H. Ferraro et Lauriane Bouvet (dir.) Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ilcea/3869 DOI : 10.4000/ilcea.3869 ISSN : 2101-0609 Éditeur UGA Éditions/Université Grenoble Alpes Édition imprimée ISBN : 978-2-84310-334-6 ISSN : 1639-6073 Référence électronique Maria H. Ferraro et Lauriane Bouvet (dir.), ILCEA, 26 | 2016, « Mémoire, vérité et justice en Uruguay » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 07 juillet 2016, consulté le 25 septembre 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/ilcea/3869 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/ilcea.3869 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 25 septembre 2020. © ILCEA 1 Ce vingt-sixième numéro de la revue ILCEA est consacré à l’étude du processus de gestion du passé traumatique en Uruguay. Dans la ligne des travaux de l’Axe civilisation de l’ILCEA4 sur la mémoire historique des passés traumatiques dans le monde hispanique et faisant suite au colloque international « Mémoire, vérité et justice en Uruguay » organisé à Grenoble en octobre 2014, ce numéro spécial souhaitait faire dialoguer chercheurs et acteurs du processus de gestion politique, historique, mémoriel et judiciaire des crimes du terrorisme d’État. Les apports d’experts internationaux, activistes défenseurs des droits de l’homme, membres du système judiciaire communiquent donc dans ce numéro avec les approches historiographiques de la dictature et de ses mémoires, perspectives sociologiques, travaux de psychologie sociale et de sciences politiques afin de contribuer au développement d’une dynamique de recherche interdisciplinaire sur le processus de gestion du passé traumatique en Uruguay qui rapproche les différentes formes d’expertise de terrain. -
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urn:nbn:de:0070-ijcv-2014139 IJCV: Vol. 8 (1) 2014 Elusive Justice, Changing Memories and the Recent Past of Dictatorship and Violence in Uruguay: An Analysis of the 2012 Public Act in the Gelman Case Francesca Lessa, Latin American Centre and St. Anne’s College, University of Oxford, United Kingdom Vol. 8 (1) 2014 Editorial (p. 3) Focus Section: Introduction: Violence, Justice and the Work of Memory Klaus Neumann / Dan Anderson (pp. 4 –15) Violence, Justice, and the Work of Memory Personhood, Violence, and the Moral Work of Memory in Contemporary Rwanda Laura Eramian (pp. 16 – 29) “The Country that Doesn’t Want to Heal Itself”: The Burden of History, Affect and Women’s Memories in Post-Dictatorial Argentina Jill Stockwell (pp. 30 – 44) Rewriting the World: Gendered Violence, the Political Imagination and Memoirs from the “Years of Lead” in Morocco Laura Menin (pp. 45 – 60) From a Duty to Remember to an Obligation to Memory? Memory as Repraration in the Jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights Maria Campisi (pp. 61 – 74) Elusive Justice, Changing Memories and the Recent Past of Dictatorship and Violence in Uruguay: An Analysis of the 2012 Public Act in the Gelman Case Francesca Lessa (pp. 75 – 90) “What Will You Do with Our Stories?” Truth and Reconciliation in the Solomon Islands Louise Vella (pp. 91 – 103) Constructing Meaning from Disappearance: Local Memorialisation of the Missing in Nepal Simon Robins (pp.104 – 118) Open Section Postwar Violence in Guatemala – A Mirror of the Relationship between Youth and Adult Society Sabine Kurtenbach (pp. -
List of Presidents of Uruguay
SNo Name Took office Left office Political party 1 Fructuoso Rivera November 6, 1830 October 24, 1834 Colorado 2 Carlos Anaya October 24, 1834 March 1, 1835 Colorado 3 Manuel Oribe March 1, 1835 October 24, 1838 National 4 Gabriel Antonio Pereira October 24, 1838 March 1, 1839 Colorado 5 Fructuoso Rivera March 1, 1839 March 1, 1843 Colorado 6 Manuel Oribe February 16, 1843 October 8, 1851 National 7 Joaquín Suárez March 1, 1843 February 15, 1852 Colorado 8 Bernardo Berro February 15, 1852 March 1, 1852 National 9 Juan Francisco Giró March 1, 1852 September 25, 1853 National 10 Venancio Flores September 25, 1853 March 12, 1854 Colorado 11 Juan Antonio Lavalleja September 25, 1853 October 22, 1853 Independent 12 Fructuoso Rivera September 25, 1853 January 13, 1854 Colorado 13 Venancio Flores March 12, 1854 August 29, 1855 Colorado 14 Luis Lamas August 29, 1855 September 10, 1855 National 15 Manuel Basilio Bustamante September 10, 1855 February 15, 1856 Colorado 16 José María Plá February 15, 1856 March 1, 1856 Colorado 17 Gabriel Antonio Pereira March 1, 1856 March 1, 1860 Colorado 18 Bernardo Berro March 1, 1860 March 1, 1864 National 19 Atanasio Aguirre March 1, 1864 February 15, 1865 National 20 Tomás Villalba February 15, 1865 February 20, 1865 National 21 Venancio Flores February 20, 1865 February 15, 1868 Colorado 22 Pedro Varela February 15, 1868 March 1, 1868 Colorado 23 Lorenzo Batlle y Grau March 1, 1868 March 1, 1872 Colorado 24 Tomás Gomensoro Albín March 1, 1872 March 1, 1873 Colorado 25 José Eugenio Ellauri March 1, 1873 January -
From the Uruguayan Case to the Happiness Economy
Dipartimento di Impresa e Management Cattedra: International Macroeconomics and Industrial Dynamics From the Uruguayan case to the Happiness economy RELATORE Prof. LUIGI MARENGO CANDIDATO ANDREA CASTELLANI Matr. 690601 CORRELATORE Prof. PAOLO GARONNA ANNO ACCADEMICO 2017/2018 2 INDEX INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 5 CHAPTER 1: HAPPINESS AS A LIFE GOAL POLITICAL ECONOMICS MUST CONSIDER IN ITS DECISION-MAKING ............................................................................. 8 1.1 Happiness as a life goal ..................................................................................................... 8 1.2 The effect of institutional conditions on individual well-beings .................................... 9 1.2.1 The importance of the “Constitution” .................................................................... 10 1.2.2 Weighing the effect of a certain kind of Constitution ........................................... 12 1.2.3 How good governance affects well-being “above and beyond” income ............... 13 1.2.4 The real connection between Governance and Subjective Well-Being ............... 20 1.3 Measuring utilities and criteria to assess happiness and life satisfaction ................... 21 1.4 The Way Income Affects Happiness .............................................................................. 24 1.4.1 The effect of time on the income-happiness relation ............................................ -
José Mujica: “O Presidente Tupamaro” - Da Luta Armada Às Vias Democráticas
REVISTA ALAMEDAS Vol. 2, n.1, 2014 e-ISSN 1981-0253 19 JOSÉ MUJICA: “O PRESIDENTE TUPAMARO” - DA LUTA ARMADA ÀS VIAS DEMOCRÁTICAS Por Dércio Fernando Moraes Ferrari 1 Resumo A escalada de José Mujica dentro da política uruguaia teve início ainda na década de 1970, durante sua luta junto ao Movimiento de Liberación Nacional-Tupamaros (MLN- T), que surgiu no pré-golpe e foi suprimido durante a ditadura. Após militar junto ao grupo e ter ficado em cárcere durante 13 anos, Mujica teve sua liberdade na década de 1980, retomando assim suas atividades políticas e filiando-se a Frente Ampla (FA) via Movimiento de Participación Popular (MPP). Em liberdade, iniciou uma caminhada política dentro do país, onde foi deputado em 1994, Senador em 1999, Ministro da Agricultura, Pecuária e Pesca em 2005 e o ápice de sua escalada política seria a conquista da presidência uruguaia, a qual ocorreu nas eleições de 2009, onde venceu o candidato de um tradicional partido uruguaio, o Partido Nacional. A eleição de Mujica representa a continuidade de um governo de centro-esquerda no país, bem como o grande desenvolvimento das questões sociais, como a regulamentação da Cannabis psicoativo e a descriminalização do aborto. O objetivo deste trabalho é resenhar a trajetória política de Mujica desde o período de guerrilheiro tupamaro até a sua chegada ao posto político máximo uruguaio. Palavras-chave: José Mujica; Frente Ampla (FA); Movimiento de Liberación Nacional- Tupamaros (MLN-T). Abstract José Mujica climbing inside the Uruguayan politics began in the 1970s, during your fight in the National Liberation Movement-Tupamaros (MLN-T), that has emerged in the pre- coup and was suppressed during the dictatorial period. -
The European Union's Policy Towards Mercosur
towards Mercosur towards policy Union’s The European EPRU The European Union’s policy towards Mercosur European Series Policy This book provides a distinctive and empirically rich account of the European Research Union’s (EU’s) relationship with the Common Market of the South (Mercosur). It seeks to examine the motivations that determine the EU’s policy towards Unit Mercosur, the most important relationship the EU has with another regional Series economic integration organization. In order to investigate these motivations (or lack thereof), this study The European examines the contribution of the main policy- and decision-makers, the European Commission and the Council of Ministers, as well as the different contributions of the two institutions. It analyses the development of EU policy towards Mercosur in relation to three key stages: non-institutionalized Union’s policy relations (1986–1990), official relations (1991–1995), and the negotiations for an association agreement (1996–2004 and 2010–present). Arana argues that the dominant explanations in the literature fail to towards adequately explain the EU’s policy – in particular, these accounts tend to infer the EU’s motives from its activity. Drawing on extensive primary documents, the book argues that the major developments in the relationship were initiated by Mercosur and supported mainly by Spain. Rather than Mercosur the EU pursuing a strategy, as implied by most of the existing literature, the EU was largely responsive, which explains why the relationship is much less developed than the EU’s relations with other parts of the world. The European Union’s policy towards Mercosur will benefit academics and Responsive not strategic postgraduate students of European Union Foreign Affairs, inter-regionalism Gomez Arana and Latin American regionalism. -
ICC W Eekly Update #219
Situation in Libya O n 26 February 2011, the United Nations Security Council decided unanimously to refer the situation in Libya since 15 February 2011 to the ICC Prosecutor. On 3 March 2011, the ICC Prosecutor decided to open an investigation in the situation in Libya, which was assigned by the Presidency to Pre-Trial Chamber I. On 27 June 2011, Pre-Trial Chamber I issued three warrants of arrest respectively for Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar Gaddafi, Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi and Abdullah Al-Senussi for crimes against humanity (murder and persecution) allegedly committed across Libya from 15 until at least 28 February 2011, through the State apparatus and Security Forces. On 22 November 2011, Pre-Trial Chamber I formally terminated the case against Muammar Gaddafi due to his death. The remaining suspects are not in ICC-PIDS-WU-219/14_Eng the ICC's custody. On 31 May 2013, Pre-Trial Chamber I rejected Libya’s challenge to the admissibility of the case against 24 July to 15 August 2014 24 July to 15 Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi and reminded Libya of its obligation to surrender the suspect to the Court. On 21 May 2014, the ICC Appeals Chamber confirmed the decision of Pre-Trial Chamber I declaring admissible the case against Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi. On 11 October 2013, Pre-Trial Chamber I decided that the case against Abdullah Al-Senussi is inadmissible before the ICC as it was currently subject to domestic proceedings conducted by the Libyan competent authorities and that Libya is willing and able genuinely to carry out such investigation. -
Uruguay and Marijuana Legalization: a New Tupamaros Strategy ? by Fabio Bernabei Rome, 12 August 2013
Uruguay and Marijuana legalization: a new Tupamaros strategy ? by Fabio Bernabei Rome, 12 August 2013 The consequences of what’s happening in Uruguay are certainly not destined to remain within the boundaries of that South American nation and could have important consequences for the peoples all over the world. The Uruguay left-wing government have decided to pass a national law, for now in the Lower House by a narrow margin (50 votes against 46), pending the vote in the Senate, which unilaterally wipe out the obligation to respect the rules and controls set under UN Conventions on Drugs, legitimizing the cultivation and sale of cannabis.1 José Alberto Mujica Cordano, current head of State and Government, is the kingpin for this decisive turning-point against the population will who’s for 63% contrary to the legitimacy of cannabis.2 The President Mujica Cordano, at the beginning of the parliamentary process to ratify that unjustified violation of international law, refused to meet the delegation of the International Narcotics Control Board-INCB, an independent body that monitors implementation of the UN Conventions on Drugs by the signatory States such as Uruguay. The INCB, stated in an press release, in line with its mandate, “has always aimed at maintaining a dialogue with the Government of Uruguay on this issue, including proposing a mission to the country at the highest-level. The Board regrets that the Government of Uruguay refused to receive an INCB mission before the draft law was submitted to Parliament for deliberation”3. A one more (il)legal precedent disrespectful the International Community. -
The Effect of School Closure On
Reconciliation in Post-Transitional Uruguay? A Critical Look at Transitional Justice and Justice Cascade by Corbin Christopher Elmer B.A., Pacific Union College, 2010 Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Latin American Studies Program Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Corbin Christopher Elmer 2013 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2013 Approval Name: Corbin Christopher Elmer Degree: Master of Arts (Latin American Studies) Title of Thesis: Reconciliation in Post-Transitional Uruguay? A Critical Look at Transitional Justice and Justice Cascade Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Kathleen Millar Visiting Professor Department of Sociology and Anthropology Dr. Alexander Dawson Senior Supervisor Professor Department of History Dr. Onur Bakiner Supervisor Limited Term Professor School for International Studies Dr. Jon Beasley-Murray External Examiner Associate Professor Department of French, Hispanic and Italian Studies University of British Columbia Date Defended/Approved: August 22, 2013 ii Partial Copyright Licence iii Ethics Statement iv Abstract A key controversial issue in Uruguay has been the nation’s inability to achieve a lasting reconciliation regarding human rights violations after a twelve year dictatorship. While other scholars have identified factors that caused the resurgence of the demand for human rights prosecutions, I focus on the nation’s eventual failure to do so. This, I argue, is a result of the executive, the civil society and the politicization of human rights violations. I offer a critical reading on transitional justice and the justice cascade as explanatory frameworks to understand how societies confront their authoritarian past. Although these concepts both seem relevant, they are inadequate in the Uruguayan context. -
Gustavo Verdesio University of Michigan En Este Trabajo Voy A
REVISTA DE CRÍTICA LITERARIA LATINOAMERICANA Año XXXVI, Nº 71. Lima-Boston, 1er semestre de 2010, pp. 75-98 EL DÍA DE LA INDEPENDENCIA O DOSCIENTOS AÑOS DE INCERTIDUMBRE: LA INDECIDIBILIDAD DE UNA FECHA EN EL URUGUAY POST-INDEPENDENCIA1 Gustavo Verdesio University of Michigan Resumen El papel velado de los indios charrúas en la formación de la identidad nacional uruguaya es analizado a través de los vaivenes oficiales por decidir la fecha de origen del Uruguay como país y como sentimiento colectivo. Este artículo enfa- tiza las diversas iniciativas por celebrar el Centenario y el Bicentenario del Uru- guay a la luz de sus propias contradicciones y del ocultamiento tradicional del elemento indígena. Palabras clave: Uruguay, Independencia, Centenario, Bicentenario, José Artigas, Tabaré Vázquez, Julio María Sanguinetti, José Mujica, Juan Zorrilla de San Martín, Tabaré, charrúas. Abstract This paper looks at the hidden role of the Charrúa Indians in the formation of a national Uruguayan identity by examining the official lack of consensus in determining Uruguay’s date of founding as a country and as a collective identi- ty. The article emphasizes the different initiatives to celebrate Uruguay’s Cen- tennial and Bicentennial in the light of its own contradictions and the traditio- nal concealment of the indigenous element. Key Words: Uruguay, Independence, Centennial, Bicentennial, José Artigas, Ta- baré Vázquez, Julio María Sanguinetti, José Mujica, Juan Zorrilla de San Martín, Tabaré, Charrúa indians. En este trabajo voy a reflexionar sobre la reciente decisión del entonces Presidente uruguayo, Tabaré Vázquez, de establecer el año 1811 como el que debe ser conmemorado en las celebraciones del 1 Una versión más breve de este trabajo fue leída en el simposio “Creating Affinities: 1810 and 1910 in Latin American Culture”, University of Toronto, 6 de marzo, 2010. -
Vi Brazil As a Latin American Political Unit
VI BRAZIL AS A LATIN AMERICAN POLITICAL UNIT I. PHASES OF BRAZILIAN HISTORY is almost a truism to say that interest in the history of a I' country is in proportion to the international importance of it as a nation. The dramatic circumstances that might have shaped that history are of no avail to make it worth knowing; the actual or past standing of the country and its people is thus the only practical motive. According to such an interpretation of historical interest, I may say that the international importance of Brazil seems to be growing fast. Since the Great War, many books on South America have been published in the United States, and abundant references to Brazil may be found in all of them. Should I have to mention any of the recent books, I would certainly not forget Herman James's Brazil after a Century,' Jones's South Amer- ica,' for the anthropogeographic point of view, Mary Wil- liams's People and Politics oj Latin Arneri~a,~the books of Roy Nash, J. F. Normano, J. F. Rippy, Max Winkler, and others. Considering Brazil as a South American political entity, it is especially the historical point of view that I purpose to interpret. Therefore it may be convenient to have a pre- liminary general view of the story of independent Brazil, 'See reference, Lecture V, p. 296. IC. F. Jones, South America (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1930). Wary W. Williams, The People and Politics of Latin America (Boston: Ginn & CO., 1930). 312 Brazil as a Political Unit 313 emphasizing the characteristic features of the different pe- riods.