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K. Foulcher a Survey of Events Surrounding Manikebu. the Struggle for Cultural and Intellectual Freedom in Indonesian Literature

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K. Foulcher a Survey of Events Surrounding Manikebu. the Struggle for Cultural and Intellectual Freedom in Indonesian Literature K. Foulcher A survey of events surrounding Manikebu. The struggle for cultural and intellectual freedom in Indonesian literature In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 125 (1969), no: 4, Leiden, 429-465 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 06:42:15PM via free access A SURVEY OF EVENTS SURROUNDING "MANIKEBU"* The Struggle For Cultural and Intellectual Freedom in Indonesian Literature I. The position of socialist realism: the opposing trends. T I n order to understand the struggle for cultural freedom in art 1^ and literature which came to a political climax in the events surrounding the Manifes Kebudajaan (Manikebu) (1963), it is necessary first of all to take a brief look at the development and character of the social realist strand of modern Indonesian literature. The revolutionary spirit in art and literature which appeared to characterise Chairil Anwar and his generation was in no way a unified rejection of the old and a common belief for the future. Indeed, when Chairil died in 1949, and the dynamic influence of his personality was removed from literary circles, the cohesion of the so-called Angkatan 45 fell apart. Writing as an expression of life and individuality, which Chairil had been able to inspire through his own example, gave way to the need to devise theories of art and creativity. An attempt was made by those who had followed Chairil, known collectively as the Gelenggang artists,1 to formulate his ideals into a declaration of belief, the Surat Kepertjajaan Gelenggang, which was issued on 18th February, 1950. It was a proclamation of Chairil's concept of man as the only universal reality (though not incorporating his belief in the vitality of the life force). Its formulators declared themselves the rightful heirs to world culture, and open to its influences in all national forms. As * This is the first chapter of a thesis entitled " "Manifes Kebudajaan": The Struggle for Cultural and Intellectual Freedom, and its Relation to Modern Indonesian Poetry", submitted to the Department of Indonesian and Malayan Studies, University of Sydney, as part requirement for the Degree of B.A. (Hons.) 1968. 1 Jassin (1951, p. 11) mentions Gelenggang as a gathering of artists founded on 19th November, 1946 by Chairil Anwar. Rather than an actual organisation, it was a spiritual bond existing among artists who used a supplement to the periodical Siasat as their mouthpiece. Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 06:42:15PM via free access 430 KEITH R. FOULCHER Indonesians, they held themselves free to develop it in their own way, with a continuing substitution of new standards for old ('revolution'), and a constant search for universal man as the ultimate reality. They added an acknowledgment of the reciprocal influences of the artist and society, yet this was incidental to the concept of universalism which underlined the whole document. In the same year, the Lembaga Kebudajaan Rakjat (Lekra) was formed on the initiative of D. N. Aidit, M. S. Ashar, A. S. Dharta and Njoto, and the PKI officially entered the cultural arena. With the doctrine of art as a political tool, Lekra approached those artists whom Chairil's death had left without a standard of belief. The ideals of the Surat Kepertjajaan Gelenggang were the first obvious target for attack. For Lekra and its adherents, universalism bore in it the danger of an alienation of art from society, and a tendency in the direction of art for art's sake, which could only mean the sterility of art as a tool in social reconstruction. An ever greater danger inherent in this 'outmoded' and 'bourgeois' concept was the direct opposition it posed to the struggle of the oppressed classes. The first publication incorporating the views of the Lekra and Gelenggang groups was Aoh K. Hadimadja's collection of polemics, Beberapa Paham Angkatan 45 (Some Concepts of the 45 Generation).2 The social realist doctrine which Lekra proposed was here given expression by Klara Akustia and Bakri Siregar. In his Kepada Seniman Universil (To the Universal Artist), Klara Akustia equates the devel- opment of literature with the Marxist doctrine of the class struggle: Perkembangan kesusastraan adalah pertarungan kelas2 jang bertentangan kepentingannja dilapangan kesusastraan; jang satu mempertahankan kekolotan, jang lain mengusahakan kemadjuan. Semakin didjauhkan kesusastraan dari masjarakat, semakin kuat kelas jang tak menginginkan adanja perubahan susunan masjarakat dan semakin lemah kelas jang menginginkan terwudjudnja masjara- kat baru.3 For this reason, the universalism of the Gelenggang writers is danger- ous, as it allies itself with the anti-improvement class. The class struggle must first be resolved before there can be any talk of universalism. Therefore, literary activity must be directed at assisting the masses in 2 Aoh K. Hadimadja (1952). 3 'The development of literature is the conflict of classes with opposing interests in the field of literature; the one defends conservatism while the other makes an effort for progress. The further literature is removed from society, the stronger is the class which does not want a change in the structure of society, and the weaker is the class which desires the materialisation of a new society'. {ibid., p. 89.) Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 06:42:15PM via free access EVENTS SURROUNDING "MANIKEBU" 431 their struggle to abolish class distinctions. Bakri Siregar develops this concept in his Funksi-Tugas Kesusastraan (The Function and Duty of Literature), where he proposes that a writer concerned with the awakening of his people will devote his art to assist in that awakening. For this he must make himself, a part of society, aware of its needs, and awake to opportunities where his art can serve in society's develop- ment. He clarifies these thoughts with a concrete example: A writer contemplating a field of rice must look at it through the eyes of the peasant whose family it has to feed. If there is enough rice, the peasant is happy. It is the writer's duty to sing of the peasant's happiness in such a way that it will stimulate his ardour for work and increased production. The writer cannot speak of the beauty of the rice field unless he is first assured it is sufficient for the peasant's needs.4 Boejoeng Saleh, writing in 1953, was of the opinion that the publication of the previous year had not given adequate explanation of the problem. In his article entitled Kearah Sent Berisi (Towards Meaningful Art),5 he discusses the Marxist approach to literature and its purpose. He rejects the formalistic approach to literature, which concerns itself solely with the perfection of form, as a stage in decadent bourgeois culture which aims to deprive art of its social function. Similarly, any move in the direction of an 'international' art, which for him means 'art for art's sake', is an attempt by the bourgeoisie to protect itself from the powerful influence which the artist can have on the struggle of the masses. (As shown in the French and Russian revolutions). Indonesia must therefore be on guard against any attempt to dissociate the artist from the People. The most valuable, and most objective section of his article is his discussion of engaged art and the reasons for its unpopularity. He acknowledges that much of the work produced by engaged artists is not art of a high quality, but denies that this as such is inherent to the doctrine itself. He attributes the large proportion of inferior work to the fact that many of the doctrine's adherents have written without real conviction and possession of their ideas. On the other hand, they may have had this conviction, but not the artistic talent necessary for the transmission of these ideas into art. In this case they show them- selves to be nothing more than 'hawkers of ideas'.6 He himself is aware of the danger of engaged art's degenerating into mere propaganda. 4 ibid., pp. SS-S7. 5 Boejoeng Saleh (1953). 6 ibid., p. 343. Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 06:42:15PM via free access 432 KEITH R. FOULCHER This is a thoughtful analysis, which shows an awareness of the problems involved in understanding art. With the financial and organisational backing of the PKI, Lekra in the 1950's grew into a large and influential organisation propagating the doctrine of socialist realism in art. At its first conference in 1959, there was created a series of institutes (of literature, plastic arts, music, dance, drama, film and science), offering guidance and assistance to its members at a regional and local level. By May, 1960, there were claimed to be about 200 branches, and in May, 1963, membership was announced as 100,000.7 By the very nature of its doctrine, and its po- litical involvement, Lekra did not continue to oppose those who rejected its ideals merely with the cultural polemics which followed its inception, and hand in hand with its growth and the coresponding strength of the PKI's influence in the later 1950's, went a suppression of freedom for the artist and intellectual.8 Particularly stringent after the pro- clamation of President Sukarno's political manifesto in 1959, and the introduction of Guided Democracy, it took the form of 'yes-manship' in political and intellectual circles, and a suppression of freedom of speech and freedom of the press.9 There were attempts to oppose the measures against intellectual freedom, but they were blocked by political power. A case in point is the banning of Mochtar Lubis' newspaper, Indonesian Raja, after its continued attacks on the Sukarno regime. For various reasons not yet completely understood, a number of writers during these years adopted the socialist realism line, and in so doing made a sharp left-about-turn on the creative ideals they them- selves appear once to have upheld.
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