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Sisters Organising: Women-Only Unions in Japan and South Korea

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Sisters Organising: Women-Only Unions in Japan and South Korea Sisters organising: Women-only unions in Japan and Korea? Author Broadbent, Kaye Published 2004 Conference Title Dynamics and Diversity: Employment Relations in the Asia-Pacific Region Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/8844 Link to published version http://www.ilo.org/public/english/iira/ Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Sisters Organising: Women-Only Unions in Japan and South Korea Kaye Broadbent Griffith University Low rates of union membership and lack of representation on union committees for women in existing union structures in Japan and South Korea disguise the contributions women have made to the union movements in each country. It is therefore not surprising that women have created separate structures, women- only unions, to address issues that existing unions have failed to solve and provide alternative forms of representation for women workers who are not organised by existing unions. In this paper I explore the development of women-only unions in Japan and South Korea and whether they represent a threat to the existing union movement. I argue that the exclusive nature, their weakened position vis a vis employers and the state and the androcentrism of their policies and practices have resulted in the failure of existing unions to provide adequate and effective representation for women. Introduction highly gender segmented with women 5 Women-only1 unions exist in Denmark, the overrepresented in ‘non-standard’ Netherlands and India and have existed in employment. Additionally there is a a range of countries including Australia, persistent gender pay gap and women are the United States, Canada and Ireland. In poorly unionised. Women-only unions Japan and South Korea, women-only contribute to the expansion of unionising unions formed in the 1990s. Japan’s first and representation by organising the 2 growing number of ‘non-standard’ workers women-only union Onna Rōdō Kumiai including part-time, temporary and Kansai (henceforth Onna Kumiai) formed contract workers as well as the in 1990, and in 2003 there were seven unemployed. They also address issues that women-only unions throughout Japan. In the policies and practices of existing South Korea there are 3 women-only 3 unions have either contributed to or have unions all of which formed in 1999 . The not been able to overcome. In exploring Seoul Women’s Trade Union (SWTU) was women-only unions in this paper, I focus the first but the Korean Womens’ Trade on women and women-only unions not as Union (KWTU) is the largest with 9 “passive recipients of unionizing strategies regional branches and approximately 4000 [but as] women creating unionization”. members. (interview October 2003) Of the (Murray 2000:13) three women-only unions in South Korea, only the SWTU, like its Japanese Trends in women’s paid work in Japan counterparts, remains independent from and South Korea other union federations or organizations. Women in Japan and South Korea have Does the structure of unions in Japan and been a continuous presence in the South Korea require women unionists to workforce and, as the majority of the early organise differently? Is the ‘sexual politics’ industrializing workforce in each country, (Franzway 1997) of unions in Japan and contributed significantly to each country’s South Korea such that women unionists in industrial development. In early 1960 these countries need to unionise when South Korea introduced the export- separately? I argue that this is the case oriented industrialization strategy, which because although the proportion of women relied heavily on young, single female in paid work in Japan and South Korea has labour, manufacturing became the second been steady at around 40 percent since the 4 largest employer of female labour after early 1960s, labour markets in both Japan agriculture. (Koo 2001:34-5) The number and South Korea have been and remain Kaye Broadbent of women employed as production workers also disproportionately transferred to ‘non- in South Korea, primarily textiles, standard’ employment. According to a garments and electronics, increased “. study conducted by the Korean Labour 7.4 times from 182,000 in 1963 to Institute (KLI) in 1999 temporary women 1,353,000 in 1985, while the number of workers increased by 61 percent compared men increased 5 times . .” (Koo 2001:35) to a 37 percent increase for male workers. In general, although women constituted the (Park 2003:39) As Park notes the research majority of the workforce, men were more conducted by the KLI also showed that likely to be in skilled and technical “when there are increases in employment, positions with promotion prospects, women are employed as temporary whereas women were employed in jobs workers but when dismissed, it was usually constructed as dead-end and semi-skilled. from full-time work, clear evidence that (Koo 2001:85 fn9) The early the restructuring carried out in 1998 was industrializing workforce in Japan targeted at women workers.” (Park resembles that of South Korea. Young 2003:39) Cho argues that a “ . single women employed as factory workers Confucian patriarchal ideology was dominated Japan’s manufacturing utilized in order to justify the discharge of workforce, in particular in textiles which women from the labour market.” (2002:62) was Japan’s most important industry Japan before the Fifteen Year War (1931-45) During Japan’s rapid industrialization In the 1950s employers restructured the period [1894 to 1912], women constituted ‘lifetime’ employment system and created on average, 60 per cent of Japan’s a ‘gender-specific escape route’ industrial workforce (Sievers 1983:55), (Kumazawa 1996:167) which effectively and in 1909 women comprised 85 percent removed women workers from jobs in of workers in textiles. (Mackie 1997:100- competition with male workers and into 101) Women factory workers in Japan low status roles and insecure employment. despite their value as labour and the export As in South Korea, male dominated unions income they generated, until 1930 were in Japan often accepted the lower wages always defined as contingent. They were and lesser conditions of women workers to “‘daughters’ or ‘students’ spending a few concentrate on protecting the wages and years before marriage working for their conditions of their core male membership. families, the nation and the mills.” (Sievers Union acceptance of practices 1983:58) discriminating against women such as forced retirement on marriage or South Korea childbirth, which is now a contravention of Women workers in South Korea have been the EEOL, became a strategy to “soften the concentrated in agriculture and then from impact of ability-based assessment and the 1960s light manufacturing. With the promotion policies upon career male implementation of neo-liberal policies in employees.” (Kumazawa 1996:191) the 1990s, “restructuring was easily As in South Korea, while women in Japan translated into downsizing and layoffs” have been a presence in ‘non-standard’ (Cho 2002:60) and women were made work in Japan, their representation in part- redundant for the sake of ‘male primary time work began to increase in 1985 in breadwinners’. Changes in labour response to the introduction of the Equal legislation permitted ‘restructuring Employment Opportunity Law (EEOL) dismissals’ and greater use of agency and the 1986 Labour Dispatch Law. In workers. By early 1999 the number of Japan 46 percent (Kosei Rōdōshō 2001: ‘non-standard’ workers accounted for over 18) and in South Korea 67 percent (Korean 50 percent of the workforce. Women were Women’s Trade Union 2001) of women Kaye Broadbent workers are in ‘non-standard’ employment, time workers who form the backbone of with the majority working in non- Japan’s corporate society. unionised service sector occupations In South Korea “the status of the wife . and/or in small companies with inferior and the daughter who could not contribute employment conditions compared with to the continuation of the patrilineage, was larger companies. In South Korea 64 relatively low”. (Park 2001:49) Despite percent of women work in companies with social changes the division of sex-based less than 5 workers (Korean Womens’ roles in South Korea remains largely Trade Union 2001) and in Japan 42 percent unchanged with women bearing the dual of women work in companies with less burden. An interviewee from a study by than 29 employees. (Kosei Rōdōshō 2001: Park comments “though we are a dual Appendix 76) Such changes have been income couple, my husband doesn’t help at accompanied by legislative measures all in the home. Rather he nags that the leading to a diminution of workers rights, house is a mess.” (2001:68) especially those of non-standard workers.6 In South Korea this situation has been The persistence of a gender contract in aggravated by ‘reforms’ imposed by the Japan and South Korea where women are IMF (International Monetary Fund) where constructed as wives and mothers has women have been transferred, in many contributed to the negative perceptions of cases probably involuntarily and with women as paid workers and consequently union agreement, from full-time to ‘non- their ability to participate in the union standard’ forms of employment. Cho movement. This assumption/perception has observes “. labor unions agreed to the been legtitimised, naturalised and lay-offs of women workers in order to save systematised in industrial and social ‘male breadwinners’. The male-dominated policies and supported by employers and unions bartered away female workers for male dominated unions in Japan and South the interest of male workers.” (2002:64) Korea. The gender contract Male dominated unions in Japan and South Korea In South Korea as in Japan, the dominant ideology concerning the proper role for At the risk of extreme simplification, the women is defined as ‘good wives and wise postwar structure and organisation of mothers’. In this way their role as paid unions in Japan and South Korea are workers is considered secondary, and they broadly similar.
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