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No 10 No 10 APRIL 1993 R9 1 £3.50 SEAR-CHLIGHT SOUTH No 10 No 10 APRIL 1993 R9 1 £3.50 SEAR-CHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA ' Vol 3, No 2 (No 10) A Marxist Journal of Southern African Studies Editorial - Chris Hani: Murder Most Horrible 1 Baruch Hirson - The Talks that Descend into Hell 2 Paul rkewhela - The ANC Prison Camps: An Audit of Three Years, 1990-1993 8 V11si Shange - With the PAC in Exile 31 y S Rassool - Ouo Vadis the Unity Movemen? 34 Paul 'Trewhela - A Massacre of Innocence: The March at Bisho 39 SUPPLEMENT TO Vol 3, No 2 THE TROTSKYISTS OF SOUTH AFRICA, 1932-48 Written and assembled by Baruch Hirson An Economic and Political Background to South Africa 53 The Trotskyist Groups in South Africa, 1932-1948 72 The Trotskyists and the Trade Unions 101 Profiles of Some South African Trotskyists 110 Review Article: South Africa Dissected? 117 Cover Picture: Detai from The Triumph of Death by Pieler Bruegel the Eider SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA Published Quarterly Addresses: 13 Thlbot Av, London N2 OLS, Great Britain PO Box 66314, Broadway, Johannesburg 2020 ISSN: 0954--3384 Editors: Baruch Hirson, Paul Trewhela, Hillel Ticktin Printed and Bound In Great Britain by UTL, London. Annual Subscription (for four issues) Southern Africa Workers R24 Individuals R34 Institutions R78 Britain Individuals £12 Institutions £24 Elsewhere: Add £4 p&p. We require sterling because of bank charges Initially this was to have been a joint issue with Revoludonay HistoV containing the history of the Trotskyist groups in South Africa. It was the retrieval of the files that were kept by the secretary of the Workers Party of South Africa that has made it possible to understand some of the main events in the building of a section of the International Left Opposition. However, because our two journals have different agendas it was decided to publish separately. The essays by Baruch Hirson appear in both publications, and for this we apologise to those subscribers who take both journals. There is, we hope, enough extra material to satisfy those who take both Searchlight South Africa and Revolutionaty History. The latter journal has reproductions of a few of the documents that were found among the papers of the Workers Party, together with documents in the possession of the author. Notes to Contributors: Articles and review, accompanied by IBM ASCII files on disk-if possible -should be submitted to the editors, typed or printed out, in one-and-a-half, or double spacing. Articles should be between 4,000 and 7,000 words, but we will be flexible and will consider longer pieces. Short articles (other than letters) will only be accepted if they are of exceptional interest, Letters commenting on recent articles in Searchlight South Africa, or relating to current events in South Africa, will be printed as soon as possible. These contributions should not exceed 1,500 words and may be shortened to fit available space. Pseudonymus may be used but we need to know the author's identity. I' substantial alterations would improve an article or review, the editors will communicate with the author before proceeding with publication. The editors reserve the right to alter grmmar, spelling, punctuation or obvious errors in the text. Where possible, references should be included in the text, with sources listed at the end of the article, giving author, title, publisher and date. "1h CHRIS HANI Murder Most Horrible AS THIS issue was being prepared for the printer, a news flash announced the murder of Chris Hani. This was an act of terror which we abominate. Throughout our existence,,the editors of Searchlight South Africa have condemned as contemptible the assassination of leading resistance politicians in South Africa. We also wish to draw the attention of readers to our note in the articles on negotiations and on Bisho, in which we speak of the threats to leading political figures. Despite our opposition to their politics we do not stay silent when their livesare threatened. The threats and the killing must stop. Nonetheless we will not retract our criticisms of Hani. The subject matter with which we deal goes far beyond the fate of the man. The whole future of South African depends on the righting of the many wrongs of the past two decades, in the camps of the ANC and the PAC, and on the part of the state Mr de Klerk has wept crocodile tears over the murder: yet the blame for the terrible deeds that are tearing South Africa apart must be laid first at the doors of the state murder machine, of which he was an integral part. We describe this in the article that follows and will not go into details here. Clues must be sought for links between the murderer (or murderers) and Military Intelligence, the real organiser of death in South Africa, which must be completely broken up. The ANC was quick to speak in its statements about the disinformation spread about Mr Hani during the past month. This was justified, but also hypocritical coming from the organization that will not disclose who was behind the killings at Quatro, as described in our analysis of the enquiries into the events of 1984. One of the outcomes of Mr Hani's tragic killing is the curtain it will draw on his role in suppressing the mutiny. Death was -final for the man, but it does not end the need to disclose what happened at Quatro. Finally, without yet knowing whether the man who has been arrested is guilty, we must note that South Africa has been actively encouraging the migration of persons from the former Soviet bloc. We do not have words enough to condemn those states that once claimed to be communist, for having reared hundreds and thousands of men who have turned out to be skinheads, fascists, and now, believers in 'ethnic cleansing'. It is from such elements, together with racists from former Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and Mozambique, that the South African state sought the personnel to back their claim to white supremacy. It is with regret that we must say: As the assassins sowe, so shall the people of South Africa reap. 2 SEARCHLIGHT SOUTH AFRICA, VOL 3, NO 2, APRIL 1993 THE TALKS THAT DESCEND INTO HELL Baruch Hirson The Negotiating Strategy IT IS now three years since talks between the government of Mr de Klerk and the ANC/SACP leaders commenced officially. When they actually started has not been disclosed. Even before 2 February 1990, when Nelson Mandela was released from jail, there were reports of his meeting with President P w Botha. There were also reports of meetings in central and west Africa be. tween representatives of the mines, big business, political parties and govern. ment agents, with the ANC leaders and anti-apartheid activists in exile, It was also obvious, in the late 1980s, that Moscow and Washington were putting pressure on de Klerk and the ANC leadershipto negotiate. Talks, or talks about talks, have therefore been around for many years now, filling people with expectations of great changes to come. Yet the continued talks, some public, most concealed, have not opened up new hope for the vast majority of South Africans. They are not a promise to a new future, but a means by which the hopes of millions are being frustrated. Is it necessary to print a balance sheet for these three or more years? The government, directly, or through security apparatus it inherited, has assas. sinated leading members of the people's organisations; has overseen the death of countless activists in the hands of the police; has seemingly connived at the massacres at Boipatong and elsewhere; has done nothing to apprehend the murderers on the trains; has indemnified ruthless killers; and has watched silently as members of the extreme right-wing speak of murderous action against members of the ANC and SACP, as well as other or.ganisations. It is not possible to get an accurate picture of the crime rate in the country. Men and women are murdered, women are raped, and the number of muggings and crimes of violence are beyond count. This violence against people is only one side of the balance sheet, There has been no improvement in the education of most of the population, the health service has worsened, housing continues in an appalling state with millions homeless or living in squatter camps. Every township home is vulnerable while wealthy whites live behind stockaded security walls in their selected suburbs. At the same time millions are unemployed, children have been reduced to beggary and prostitution, and the number left destitute and starving on the land is vast. Of course the economy is in a mess, the official figure for inflation is 10 per cent or more (for the white consumers) but nearer 15 per cent for the black THE TALKS THAT DESCEND INTO HELL popuation, the tax level has risen considerably since the imposition of Value dded Tax (VAT) on almost every product, firms have been going bankrupt, leading to dismissals of workers and the closing of subsidiary workshops, and all the time the level of corruption, theft and fraud among state servants and the upper-class; has mushroomed.' Behind this sits Mr de Klerk, his cabinet ministers and their secretaries. Whle the society falls apart they sit tight. Nobody ever resigns, nobody seems to care, nobody ever expresses regret. They use the talks as a shield to cover their activities and inactivities. What then of those who are clamouring at the talks for their share of the scam? In speaking generally I do not wish to imply that everybody has been guilty of such misdeeds - but I am surprised by the failure of leading persons to stand up and denounce a situation of which they are fully aware.
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