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Music, Youth, and Protest Against the Policies of the Abe Shinzō Government 反乱 若者は音楽で安倍晋三の政策に抗議 する

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Music, Youth, and Protest Against the Policies of the Abe Shinzō Government 反乱 若者は音楽で安倍晋三の政策に抗議 する Volume 12 | Issue 32 | Number 3 | Article ID 4163 | Aug 09, 2014 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Uprising: Music, youth, and protest against the policies of the Abe Shinzō government 反乱 若者は音楽で安倍晋三の政策に抗議 する Noriko Manabe The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 12, Issue 32, reinterpretation of the Constitution without No. 3, August 11, 2014. undergoing an amendment process, which would require a two-thirds majority in the Diet. Uprising: Music, youth, and protest He argued that the Right to Collective Self- against the policies of the AbeDefense primarily enables overseas wars in Shinzō government 反乱 若者は音楽 cooperation with the United States rather than Japan’s self-defense, which is already で安倍晋三の政策に抗議する constitutionally permitted (Tamura Yūsuke, Dommune, July 30, 2014). Noriko Manabe Polls show that a majority of citizens oppose The passage of the Act on Protection of both the Secrecy Law and the Right to Specified Secrets (Secrecy Law) in Japan on Collective Self-Defense, as they also oppose December 6, 2013 was a turning point for many restarting nuclear reactors. An overwhelming antinuclear and anti-discrimination activists, majority of over three-quarters object to the causing them to shift their energies to way the Abe administration has passed these protesting Prime Minister Abe Shinzō’s policies—without sufficient discussion in the policies. This law, which would jail people for Diet or with the public in the former, and inquiring about state secrets even if those 2 without any discussion at all in the latter. secrets had not been so identified, has been Many activists see these issues as symptomatic flagged by the UN Human Rights Council and of a basic problem: an oligarchy that ignores the Japan Federation of Bar Associations as the people’s will and exerts excessive control compromising the people’s right to know and over available information. Many feel Japanese undermining democracy. When it was passed in democracy is under threat. Hence, recent the middle of the night on December 6, 2013, protests have addressed a blend of these about 40,000 protesters had been maintaining issues. a vigil in front of the Diet. On a live internet- radio program on Dommune on July 30, 2014, This article presents the sights and sounds of 1 the activist Banchō expressed concern that the performances critical of Abe’s policies, Secrecy Law could turn Japan into a “police featuring the role of youth in spearheading state” that did not require police to explain the many protests. Musicians have been giving reasons for one’s arrest “because it was secret” performances criticizing the Abe administration (Banchō, Dommune, Tokyo, July 30, 2014). in demonstrations, festivals, and recordings. As Lawyers like Tamura Yūsuke of Asu no Jiyū o with the evolution of musical style in earlier Mamoru Wakate Bengoshi no Kai (Association street demonstrations, these performances of Young Lawyers for the Protection ofshow continuity in performance practices and Tomorrow’s Freedom) have also highlighted personal networks with the antinuclear the problematic nature of the Abe Cabinet’s movement. As explained by Charles Tilly 1 12 | 32 | 3 APJ | JF (2008), precedents in contentious repertoire in antinuclear demonstrations, Ikari no doramu both guide and limit practices. The anti-Abe (Drums of Fury), held its firstanti-Abe movement borrows the symbols, slogans, T- demonstration on May 24, 2014. When it shirt logos, costumes, lyrics, and songs from became clear that the Abe Cabinet intended to previous movements. These borrowings include reinterpret the constitution to allow for not only the Japanese antinuclear and anti- collective self-defense, TDC called for a protest discrimination movements but also anti-fascist in front of the prime minister’s official and antiwar movements from around the globe. residence; it also called on SASPL and Civitas, References to recent Japanese movements keep two groups of younger activists, to join them. their spirit alive; references to global movements infer similarities that the protesters Entry of student activists recognize between historical issues and problems with Abe’s policies. The participation of university students in anti- Abe demonstrations is a major change from the Demonstrations Recombining organizations antinuclear actions of 2011–12, from which students had been conspicuously absent due to Tokyo Democracy Crew (TDC) was formed in fears that identification at a protest would 2013 out of members of theMetropolitan disadvantage them in the job market, among Coalition Against Nukes (MCAN), volunteers other concerns. This increased activity makes for Utsunomiya Kenji’s campaigns for the sense, given that Abe’s policies will have the Tokyo governorship, and theCounter-Racist greatest impact on the young, particularly if Action Collective (CRAC). This last group Japan becomes involved in wars.Students counter-protests against the neo-nationalist Against the Secret Protection Law (SASPL), a Zaitoku-kai, which stages anti-Koreannetwork of university students, was formed out demonstrations in zainichi Koreanof study sessions and symposia held at Meiji neighborhoods.3 As a coalition of several Gakuin University, International Christian groups brought together for the purpose of University, and other universities shortly organizing demonstrations, it “leverages the before the passing of the Secrecy Law in experience, gained from MCAN, of gathering December 2013. Civitas is a group of university together resistant voices” (Banchō, Dommune). students and alumni, researchers, citizens, From CRAC, the movement adopted the musicians, and artists around Musashino in catchwords “Antifa” (anti-fascist) and “No western Tokyo. Since December 2011, it has pasaran” (They shall not pass), the latter being held symposia and study sessions about Spanish Communist leader Dolores Ibárruri post-3.11 society and alternative energy, as Gómez’s slogan against Francisco Franco’s well as shared information through social Siege of Madrid (1936). Banchō explained, networks. Recently, it published statements “Both the Zaitoku-kai and Abe are fascists, so it outlining its reasons for opposing the Secrecy seemed only natural” that people, activities, Law and the reinterpretation of the and symbolism would flow from the anti- Constitution. discrimination movement to the other (Dommune, July 30, 2014). On February 1, 2014, SASPL held its first demonstration in Shinjuku, Tokyo. Sporting a On March 21, 2014, members of TDC protested sound truck with hip-hop beats and several outside of the Shinjuku studios where Abe was college-age rappers, it attracted about 500 appearing on the “Waratte iitomo!” television student protesters and drew the attention of program, shouting “No nuclear restarts!” and Asahi, Mainichi, Tokyo, and other newspapers other slogans. An affiliated group also involved and media. The group held a second 2 12 | 32 | 3 APJ | JF demonstration on May 3, attracting a similar and-response slogans) to drum beats from number of people as well as newspaper and 6:30pm to nearly midnight; the following day, overseas media coverage. As rulings on the 60,000 protested. Street demonstrations right to collective action loomed, it organized a occurred around the country, including a university symposium attended by about a 1,200-strong Drums of Fury protest in Shinjuku hundred people. To advertise its events, it on July 5, a 230-person protest in Nagoya on produced eye-catching posters and YouTube July 6, a 100-person protest in Nagano on July videos, which showed central members talking 12, and 600-person protest in Utsunomiya on about their reasons for demonstrating and July 15. scenes from the demonstration itself, and distributed them through its Twitter and Bulldozer of Fury Demonstration, August 2, Facebook accounts. 2014 For the protest with TDC on June 30—the A few days later, Banchō gathered momentum evening before the Cabinet vote on thearound a bulldozer demonstration, with the reinterpretation of the constitution—SASPL and idea of “crushing the fascists” who are trying to Civitas jointly released a one-minute“crush democracy” (@bcxxx, July 8, 2014; promotional video on YouTube. Against @Tokyo_Democracy, July 12). Launched in the ambient music, the narrative explained: spirit of fun, he also intended to break the traditionally negative image of bulldozers among leftists, among whom they represent “Sovereignty ultimately lies with repression of movements opposing the the people.” construction of the Narita Airport in the 1970s or the Henoko base in Okinawa today (Banchō, “We all have to raise our voices.” Dommune). The date was set for Saturday, August 2, in Shibuya, with the demonstration “If the Cabinet decides to allow titled, “Ikari no burudōzaa demo” (Bulldozer of collective self-defense and we get Fury Demonstration), after the Drums of Fury involved in a war, the politicians demonstrations. The poster (Fig. 1) that started the war won’t die. prominently featured the bulldozer, with the Citizens who didn’t even want a sign, “This machine kills fascists”—the same war will die.” sign that the singer Woody Guthrie had put on his guitar in the 1940s with reference to Nazi These words were accompanied by videos of Germany. CRAC leader Noma Yasumichi put SASPL’s youthful members rapping andtogether a promotionalvideo using Rage speaking on top of trucks, while youngAgainst the Machine’s “Sleep Now in the Fire” protesters followed them. To emphasize the as background music. urgency, the music drops out, letting the final command stand out: “You absolutely must come.” An estimated 40,000 protesters gathered in front of the prime minister’s residence and Diet on June 30, many shouting Sprechchor (call- 3 12 | 32 | 3 APJ | JF friends about the Secrecy Law and the Right to Collective Action. And I thought, it’s definitely dangerous!” She has since been giving speeches from the sound truck, because “thinking about it is not enough. You need to say out loud that this situation is not right” (SASPL, Dommune). Hence, her route to activism involved several stages—1) participating out of fun, 2) studying the issues, 3) realization of the dangers, 4) internalization of the movement’s goals, and 5) speaking out.
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