The Enduring Role of Law in the US Armed Forces

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Enduring Role of Law in the US Armed Forces Strategy & Entailments: The Enduring Role of Law in the U.S. Armed Forces Laura Ford Savarese & John Fabian Witt Abstract: This essay aims to redescribe key moments in the history of American military engagements to Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/146/1/11/1830851/daed_a_00419.pdf by guest on 01 October 2021 account for a persistent role that law has played in these conflicts. The law of war tradition has persisted since the War of Independence, we argue, because of an internal dynamic that makes it both strategically useful and costly for the United States to commit itself to rule-bound warfare. Invoking the laws of war to advance the strategic interests of the United States, American soldiers and statesmen have found, entails consequences beyond their control, making reversals in position more costly and enabling critiques in the language of the law. These entailments, we argue, are built into the enduring strategic value of the laws of war. The law has remained useful not because it can claim perfect neutrality, but because it has force independent of the interests for which it is mobilized. Law has had a central place in the American mili- tary since the War of Independence. But law’s per- sistence has been shadowed by an equally durable LAURA FORD SAVARESE is a critique. Time and again, from the eighteenth cen- J.D. and Ph.D. student at Yale Law tury to the present, critics have charged that Amer- School and the Yale Department of ican soldiers and statesmen invoke the law not as a History. She earned her A.B. from neutral adjudicator among the contending sides, but Harvard College and completed an as a tactic–a weapon, even–in the advancement M.St. as a Henry Fellow at Oxford of U.S. interests. And Americans have admitted as University. much. From George Washington’s strategic adop- JOHN FABIAN WITT, a Fellow tion of the legal standards that attached to indepen- of the American Academy since dent states to the use of law as a nonlethal weapons 2014, is the Allen H. Duffy Class of system in today’s counterinsurgency efforts to win 1960 Professor of Law at Yale Law hearts and minds, Americans have been remarkably School. He is the author of Lincoln’s candid about the strategic uses of law. Code: The Laws of War in American The difficulty with strategic deployment of the law History (2012), Patriots and Cosmo- to advance one’s interests, of course, is that it threat- politans: Hidden Histories of American Law (2007), and The Accidental Re- ens to undo the law’s value. When critics today talk public: Crippled Workingmen, Destitute about “lawfare,” for example, they suggest implicitly Widows, and the Remaking of American that the claims being made in the name of the law lack Law (2004). the neutral status on which the law’s legitimacy relies. © 2017 by the American Academy of Arts & Sciences doi:10.1162/DAED_a_00419 11 The Enduring But it is a mistake to think that strate- soldiers as traitors rather than prisoners Role of Law gic invocations of the law reveal it to be of war. (The British decision to treat the in the U.S. Armed Forces an empty vessel for the assertion of naked rebellion as a crime instead of as a war, he power, and it is a mistake to think that the complained to his British counterpart, de- law requires perfect neutrality for its legit- prived American officers of the “Benefit imacy. What is striking is not that the turn of those Military Rules” that, as he wrote, to law is based in strategic interests. Of “we have shewn on our part the Strongest course it is. We should expect nothing dif- Disposition to observe.”)3 Similarly, ev- ferent in the domain of armed conflict–or ery soldier under Washington’s command indeed, in any domain. People turn to law had to sign the Congress’s Articles of War.4 for the purpose of advancing projects. But Washington repeatedly issued orders pro- Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/146/1/11/1830851/daed_a_00419.pdf by guest on 01 October 2021 as elsewhere, law in armed conflict is not hibiting “the infamous practice of Plun- undone by its inextricable entanglement dering” and urged the Congress to height- with power and interest. To the contrary, en punishments for the offense, for which what makes law strategically valuable is 194 soldiers were court-martialed and con- that it entails consequences beyond the victed during the war.5 It is not too much control of the parties that invoke it. Par- to say that law suffused Washington’s en- adoxically, this absence of control is criti- tire approach to waging war. cal to the utility of the law, for the gap be- Washington’s strategy on the battlefield tween law and interest leaves the law in a was to lay claim to the nation-state sta- position to legitimate and empower those tus that the laws of warfare helped to con- who can successfully mobilize it. In turn, struct. Washington’s mission, and formi- this gap has given law an enduring appeal dable challenge, was to create a disciplined, for American soldiers and statesmen in professional force of long-term regulars, of- some of their most important endeavors. ficered by gentlemen trained in the Euro- pean canons of military science, and capa- Engagement with the law was apparent ble of outclassing its British counterpart in in the very first days of an American mili- pitched battle. Washington self-consciously tary. The Second Continental Congress, in sought out set-piece battles, the archetype its first steps after the outbreak of hostili- of eighteenth-century rule-bound warfare.6 ties in 1775, cited the laws of civilized war- The Continental Army won few of these en- fare as a cause for war against Great Brit- gagements. But in the struggle to gain rec- ain and as a binding code for the belliger- ognition in the family of civilized nations, ents’ conduct.1 The Congress then asserted Washington’s commitment to rule-bound its control over the armed forces by enact- warfare paid dividends. The Americans, ing the Articles of War to govern the newly William Pitt told the House of Lords in 1777, created Continental Army. In commission- proved they were “not a wild and lawless ing General George Washington as com- banditti.”7 mander-in-chief, the Congress instructed Rules of war also governed the Ameri- him to “regulate [his] conduct in every re- cans’ administration of justice against the spect by the rules and discipline of war.”2 enemy. The trial and execution of Major Washington, in turn, relied on the law both John André, the British officer who famous- to set the terms of his engagements with ly conspired with Benedict Arnold to deliv- the British and to articulate and enforce er West Point to the British, demonstrated the obligations of subordinates under his Washington’s commitment to the sterner command. He protested the British com- dictates of the laws of war. A Board of Gen- mand’s treatment of captured American eral Officers convened by Washington de- 12 Dædalus, the Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences cided that André “ought to be considered enemy ships and goods in wartime–dictat- Laura Ford as a spy from the enemy,” and therefore, ed important decisions made by naval cap- Savarese & 15 John Fabian “agreeable to the law and usage of nations tains. As Justice Joseph Story of the U.S. Witt . he ought to suffer death.”8 André’s case Supreme Court noted in an 1814 prize case, marked an early instance of military tribu- irregular conduct at sea could easily “in- nals being tasked with enforcing the laws volve the nation . in serious controversies of war. André was one of at least twenty not only with public enemies, but also with British and Loyalist spies tried and execut- neutrals and allies.”16 The federal judiciary ed during the Revolutionary War, most of policed the actions of naval commanders whom were convicted by courts-martial.9 and privateers for violations of U.S. policy 17 The Revolutionary War also laid the ba- and international law, applying the inter- Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/146/1/11/1830851/daed_a_00419.pdf by guest on 01 October 2021 sis for a system of formal training in the national law of prize directly as a rule of laws and science of war. Reliance on for- decision without deference to a captain’s eign engineers, artillerists, and tacticians judgment and holding captains personally during the war convinced men like Wash- liable for illegal seizures.18 ington, Henry Knox, Alexander Hamilton, The military’s commitment to rule- and Thomas Jefferson of the need for a na- bound warfare did not, however, go un- tional institution to train “a body of sci- tested. The laws of war, by some accounts, entific officers and engineers, adequate to ceased to apply in frontier conflicts with any emergency.”10 In 1802, Congress au- Native Americans.19 Yet even here, the thorized President Jefferson to establish laws of war were not foreign to conflicts a military academy for engineers at West with Indians. To the contrary, the laws of Point.11 Sylvanus Thayer, who became su- war supplied a rationale for campaigns of perintendent in 1817, designed a curricu- destruction against enemies whose own lum premised upon the Enlightenment mode of warfare diverged from the rules theory of warfare as a rational science.12 In accepted by European nations.20 Even An- the 1820s, Thayer added international law drew Jackson (though hardly an embodi- to the curriculum.
Recommended publications
  • The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
    PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making.
    [Show full text]
  • Meigs Chapter 8
    CHAPTER 8—1861 [FEB.] 20TH. To Washington, where I had again the happiness of em- bracing my wife and children. Finding them all well and rejoiced, like myself, to be once more together. As I left Washington on the 22nd of October, I have been just 4 months absent, less 2 days. [FEB.] 21ST. To Engineer office. General Totten took me over to see the Secretary, 1 who received me most kindly. Complimented me upon my conduct and said he was glad to see me back again in Washington, in my right place. He told me that Floyd had told the cabinet that he had a long rigamarole of a letter from Captain Meigs, that pestilent fellow who got trouble wherever he went, and that it was perfectly ridiculous that he wanted men and guns to defend the Tortugas and some heap of rocks, perfectly indefensible. And the cabinet, not being prepared to expect false representations from one of their colleagues, believed him, thought me a silly fellow, and did not read my letters. Soon after Floyd’s exposure, General Scott 2 came. One of the first things he called attention to was the great importance of holding with sufficient garrison and stores the fortress of the Tortugas and of great asset. Then Floyd’s speech about my letters was told to him. He ad- vised them to read my reports, that he had a letter from me which was very much to the point and not at all rigamarole. On reading them, Mr. Holt says he is astonished at the vision they showed.
    [Show full text]
  • Decision at Fort Sumter
    -·-~• .}:}· ~- ·-.:: • r. • • i DECISION AT FORT SUMTER Prologue In 1846 Congressman JeffeLson Davis of Mississippi presented to the House of Representatives a resolution calling for the replace- ment of Federal troops in all coastal forts by state militia. The proposal died in committee and shortly thereafter Davis resigned from Congress to lead the red-shirted First Mississippi Rifles to war and (~~-ll glory in Mexico. Now it was the morning of April 10, 1861, and Davis was President of the newly proclaimed Confederate States of America. As he met with his cabinet in a Montgomery, Alabama hotel room he had good reason to regret the failure of that resolution of fifteen years ago. For had it passed, he would not have had to make the decision he was about to make: Order Brigadier General P. G. T. Beauregard, commander of Confederate forces at Charleston, South Carolina to demand the surrender of the Federal garrison on Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor. But before Davis made this decision, other men had made other decisions -- decisions which formed a trail leading to that Montgomery hotel room on the morning of April 10, 1861. The War Department'~cision In a sense the first of those decisions went back to 1829 when the War Department dumped tons of granite rubble brougi1t from New England on a c.andspit at the mouth of Charleston harbor. On the foundation so formed a fort named after the South Carolina r - 2 - Revolutionary War hero, Thomas Sumter, was built. However it was built very slowly, as Congress appropriated the needed money in driblets.
    [Show full text]
  • The Crescent City 4 26 17.Pdf
    NEW ORLEANS NOSTALGIA Remembering New Orleans History, Culture and Tradit ions By Ned Hémard The Crescent City A young, adventurous Yankee departed November 1, 1834, from his hometown harbor of Portland, Maine, aboard the merchantman Plato. His journey down to New Orleans, and subsequent trip upriver to Natchez, became the basis for a travel journal published in 1835, entitled The South-west by a Yankee, and firmly established an enduring popular name for the city of New Orleans: “The Crescent City”. The itinerant author’s name was Joseph Holt Ingraham (January 26, 1809 – December 18, 1860), only twenty-five years of age when he left New England for the South. Joseph Holt Ingraham Twentieth century readers were re-introduced to the travels of Joseph Holt Ingraham in 1971 with the book New Orleans Is My Name by James Register, printed by Mid-South Press of Shreveport. The Baton Rouge State-Times reported in an article dated November 4, 1971: “The expression of New Orleans as ‘the crescent city’ used as it appears from time immemorial with no thought of its author, comes to light in Register’s book,” a thoughtful condensation of Ingraham’s guidebook. With “vivid word-pictures” Ingraham described the “Creole French, market scenes, French cafes and Creole belles, a gaming house, a Spanish beauty, theaters, bachelors and their haunts,” to name just a few categories in his travelogue. Map of New Orleans, 1834, the same year Madame Delphine LaLaurie’s house was sacked by a mob of outraged citizens. The slave-torturing Creole socialite escaped to France with her family.
    [Show full text]
  • H. Doc. 108-222
    OFFICERS OF THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH OF THE GOVERNMENT [ 1 ] EXPLANATORY NOTE A Cabinet officer is not appointed for a fixed term and does not necessarily go out of office with the President who made the appointment. While it is customary to tender one’s resignation at the time a change of administration takes place, officers remain formally at the head of their department until a successor is appointed. Subordinates acting temporarily as heads of departments are not con- sidered Cabinet officers, and in the earlier period of the Nation’s history not all Cabinet officers were heads of executive departments. The names of all those exercising the duties and bearing the respon- sibilities of the executive departments, together with the period of service, are incorporated in the lists that follow. The dates immediately following the names of executive officers are those upon which commis- sions were issued, unless otherwise specifically noted. Where periods of time are indicated by dates as, for instance, March 4, 1793, to March 3, 1797, both such dates are included as portions of the time period. On occasions when there was a vacancy in the Vice Presidency, the President pro tem- pore is listed as the presiding officer of the Senate. The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution (effective Oct. 15, 1933) changed the terms of the President and Vice President to end at noon on the 20th day of January and the terms of Senators and Representatives to end at noon on the 3d day of January when the terms of their successors shall begin. [ 2 ] EXECUTIVE OFFICERS, 1789–2005 First Administration of GEORGE WASHINGTON APRIL 30, 1789, TO MARCH 3, 1793 PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES—GEORGE WASHINGTON, of Virginia.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Postmasters General Dates Prior to 1900 Are the Dates the Postmasters General Were Appointed Or Commissioned; Dates After 1900 Are the Dates They Took Office
    List of Postmasters General Dates prior to 1900 are the dates the Postmasters General were appointed or commissioned; dates after 1900 are the dates they took office. Appointments by the U.S. President were made with the advice and consent of the Senate. Postmaster General Date Appointed by the Continental Congress Benjamin Franklin July 26, 1775 Richard Bache November 7, 1776 Ebenezer Hazard January 28, 1782 Postmaster General Date Appointed by President . Samuel Osgood September 26, 1789 George Washington Timothy Pickering August 12, 1791 George Washington Joseph Habersham February 25, 1795 George Washington Gideon Granger November 28, 1801 Thomas Jefferson Return J. Meigs, Jr. March 17, 1814 James Madison John McLean June 26, 1823 James Monroe William T. Barry March 9, 1829 Andrew Jackson Amos Kendall May 1, 1835 Andrew Jackson John M. Niles May 19, 1840 Martin Van Buren Francis Granger March 6, 1841 William Henry Harrison Charles A. Wickliffe September 13, 1841 John Tyler Cave Johnson March 6, 1845 James K. Polk Jacob Collamer March 8, 1849 Zachary Taylor Nathan Kelsey Hall July 23, 1850 Millard Filmore Samuel D. Hubbard August 31, 1852 Millard Filmore James Campbell March 7, 1853 Franklin Pierce Aaron V. Brown March 6, 1857 James Buchanan Joseph Holt March 14, 1859 James Buchanan Horatio King February 12, 1861 James Buchanan Montgomery Blair March 5, 1861 Abraham Lincoln William Dennison September 24, 1864 Abraham Lincoln Alexander W. Randall July 25, 1866 Andrew Johnson John A. J. Creswell March 5, 1869 Ulysses Grant James W. Marshall July 3, 1874 Ulysses Grant Marshall Jewell August 24, 1874 Ulysses Grant James N.
    [Show full text]
  • (April-July 1861) “I Have Desired As Sincerely As Any
    Chapter Twenty-three “I Intend to Give Blows”: The Hundred Days (April-July 1861) “I have desired as sincerely as any man – I sometimes think more than any other man – that our present difficulties might be settled without the shedding of blood,” Lincoln remarked to a group of ersatz soldiers in late April. The “last hope of peace may not have passed away. But if I have to choose between the maintenance of the union of these states, and of the liberties of this nation, on the one hand, and the shedding of fraternal blood on the other, you need not be at a loss which course I shall take.”1 Little did he and most of his contemporaries realize how much fraternal blood would flow in order to save that Union and preserve those liberties; 620,000 soldiers and sailors (360,000 Union, 260,000 Confederate), including some of Lincoln’s closest friends, would die over the next four years. The total equaled the number of deaths in all other American wars combined, from the Revolution through the Korean War. One of those who failed to realize how bloody the war would become was Edwin M. Stanton, who on April 8 told John A. Dix: “I do not think peaceful relations will 1 This is a conflation of two versions of these remarks, one from the Perryville correspondence, 28 April, New York World, 29 April 1861, and the other from the New York Tribune, 1 May 1861, reproduced in Roy P. Basler et al., eds., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (8 vols.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Nicolay, John G. an Oral History of Abraham Lincoln: John G. Nicolay's Interviews and Essays. Edited by Michael Burlingam
    Nicolay, John G. An Oral History of Abraham Lincoln: John G. Nicolay’s Interviews and Essays. Edited by Michael Burlingame. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1996. Depression, 1-3 Mary Todd, 1-2 Owens letters, 3-5 Religion, 5 Inauguration, 5-6 Black Hawk War, 7 John T. Stuart, 7ff Illinois election, 10-11 Internal improvements, capital, 13 Lincoln at end of his life, 14 War and providence, 14-15 Oregon governorship, 15 McClellan, 16 Politics, 20 Law, 22 Clothes, 23 Broadsword duel, 27 Early politics, 28-29 Lincoln, Whig, 30-31 Good man who never played tricks, 31 Lincoln and 1858 campaign, 32-33 Surveyor, alcohol, 33 Lincoln speech on finance, 35 Early elections, popularity, 36 Removal of capital, 37 Alcohol, 38 Edward Baker, 38 Lawyer, 39 Trumbull, 1855 Senate election, 39 Simon Cameron, Lincoln, Springfield, Hamlin, Welles, 41-42 Sumter question, 42 Missouri affairs, Fremont, Blair, 43 Report, black troops, 43 Stanton, 44 Lincoln-Douglas debate, Freeport, fugitive slave law, 44-45 Trumbull election, 1854, 45-46 Election of 1860, Lincoln nomination, Norman Judd, cabinet, 46-47 Peace congress, 47 Lincoln-Douglas debates, 48 Lincoln story on those pressing him for emancipation, 48-49 McClellan and Hooker, 49-50 Hamilton Fish, Sumner, Burnside expedition, 50-51 Union prisoners, Stanton, Hamilton Fish, exchange, commissioners, Seward, Lincoln, 51-53 1 Chase, Chief Justice, 53 Deserter executions, 53 Fessenden, Seward, Lincoln, Lot M. Morrill, 54-55 Women, prisoners at Point Lookout, 55-56 Ward H. Lamon, Lincoln, Grant, Wade, 57-58 Election of 1864, 58 Emancipation Proclamation, Robert Dale Owen, 58-59 Lincoln and Missouri, Schofield, Gratz Brown, 59-61 Dark days of 1862, Senators, 61 Republican caucus, Wade, Chandler, 61-62 Hurlbut, Mission to Charleston, 1861, Lamon, 62-64 Trumbull, Lincoln, Seward, foreign affairs, 65 J.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal Divided – “Make No Contracts” Excerpt from Chapter 15 of Michael Burlingame’S Abraham Lincoln: a Life (Pgs 1680-1684)
    Journal Divided – “Make No Contracts” Excerpt from Chapter 15 of Michael Burlingame’s Abraham Lincoln: A Life (pgs 1680-1684) Link to full Chapter Fifteen http://www.knox.edu/documents/pdfs/LincolnStudies/Burlingame,%20Vol%201, %20Chap%2015.pdf Page 2 According to Henry C. Whitney, Baker “related that when he read the note to the delegates and workers gathered at the Lincoln headquarters he was greeted with a burst of laughter.” Davis, who guffawed louder than anyone else, said: “Lincoln ain’t here, and don’t know what we have to meet, so we will go ahead, as if we hadn’t heard from him, and he must ratify it.”1 Davis and Swett negotiated with the leading Cameron operatives, John P. Sanderson and Joseph Casey, “in the wee small hours of Friday morning.”2 Before the convention met, Sanderson had predicted that Lincoln, unlike other contenders, might be able to carry the Keystone State.3 Cameron was allegedly offered a cabinet post in return for the votes of the Pennsylvania delegates on the second ballot.4 The Cameron representatives, wary because their counterparts had no authorization from Lincoln to act, were reassured that the Rail-splitter would never repudiate a promise they made.5 1 Jesse W. Weik, “Indiana at 1860 G. O. P. Convention in Chicago,” undated clipping from the Indianapolis Sunday Star, Lincoln Museum, Fort Wayne; Whitney, Lincoln the Citizen, 289. 2 Swett, “David Davis,” address before the Chicago Bar Association, Chicago Times, 12 January 1887; Swett to the editor, Chicago, 13 July, Chicago Tribune, 14 July 1878; McClure, Lincoln and Men of War- Times, 157-58; Thurlow Weed Barnes, Life of Thurlow Weed including His Autobiography and a Memoir (2 vols.; Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1884), 2:292.
    [Show full text]
  • The Secession Winter and the Committee of Five
    THE SECESSION WINTER AND THE COMMITTEE OF FIVE BY FRm NICKLASON* HE secession winter of 1860-61 posed serious policy prob- XTlems for Republicans. A political dilemma arose from their dual but frequently contradictory obligations as supporters of their political party on the one hand and of the Union on the other. As Republican party members they took a political and often partisan position, criticized President Buchanan, and blamed the Democrats for failing to prevent the secession move- ment. As Unionists they declined to provoke the South, strate- gically recognizing that saving the Union depended less on action than upon moderate, non-coercive, almost moribund inactivity. Consequently, as Republicans they took a principled, "hard" but merely rhetorical position. As Unionists they necessarily fol- lowed a practical, "soft" line of ambivalence and unspoken imitation of Buchanan's policies. And as December passed into the new year the increasingly frightening possibility that south- ern threats might lead to actual war drove Republicans to dampen their rhetoric in favor of quiet, watchful waiting. By March 4 the party was practically immobile. The history of a little-known committee in the secession crisis illustrates these generalizations. By December, 1860, rumors in the North had taken three forms-that southern rebels plotted to capture Washington in January, prevent the electoral college from voting in February, or assassinate Abraham Lincoln in March. Any truth in these conspiratorial rumors required more than the official policy of delay. "Masterly inactivity" was no longer enough. As a result, Republican leaders, taking at least some precautionary action, set up the select House "committee of five" to investigate any possible threat to Union interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Fears of Tyranny: the Fine Line Between Presidential Authority
    Fall 2020 Fears of Tyranny: The Fine Line Between Presidential Authority Over Military Discipline and Unlawful Command Influence Through the Lens of Military Legal History in the Era of Bergdahl Joshua E. Kastenberg Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/law_facultyscholarship Part of the Law Commons FEARS OF TYRANNY: THE FINE LINE BETWEEN PRESIDENTIAL AUTHORITY OVER MILITARY DISCIPLINE AND UNLAWFUL COMMAND INFLUENCE THROUGH THE LENS OF MILITARY LEGAL HISTORY IN THE ERA OF BERGDAHL Joshua Kastenberg* I. INTRODUCTION The President is not only the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the United States—he or she serves at the pinnacle of the military’s chain-of-command, and the nation’s military forces are subject to his or her orders.1 As Commander-in-Chief, control over the military includes the authority to place the military around the world and have its servicemembers conform to other presidential authorities in the arenas of foreign policy, national security, and certain domestic policy.2 For the first time in over a century, a President has confidently intruded into a court-martial, not merely to the detriment of the accused servicemember—Robert Bowe Bergdahl—but also in a manner that is * Joshua E. Kastenberg is a professor at the University of New Mexico, School of Law. Prior to joining the law school faculty, he was commissioned through the Air Force ROTC and served as an officer and judge advocate in the United States Air Force for over twenty years. In finishing this Article, Professor Kastenberg thanks Professor Rachel VanLandingham at the Southwestern Law School as well as Dean Sergio Pareja at the University of New Mexico School of Law.
    [Show full text]
  • [Table 7-6] CABINET NOMINATIONS, Since 1789 President/ Position
    [Table 7-6] CABINET NOMINATIONS, Since 1789 President/ Position Date of Confirmation Nominee Nomination 1 or Other Action 2 WASHINGTON_________________________________________________________________________ Edmund Randolph Attorney General Sept. 25, 1789 Sept. 26, 1789 William Bradford Attorney General Jan. 24, 1794 Jan. 27, 1794 Charles Lee Attorney General Dec. 9, 1795 Dec. 10, 1795 Samuel Osgood Postmaster General Sept. 25, 1789 Sept. 26, 1789 Timothy Pickering Postmaster General Nov. 1, 1789 Nov. 7, 1789 Joseph Habersham Postmaster General Feb. 24, 1795 Feb. 25, 1795 Thomas Jefferson State Sept. 25, 1789 Sept. 26, 1789 Edmund Randolph State Jan. 1, 1794 Jan. 2, 1794 Timothy Pickering State Dec. 9, 1795 Dec. 10, 1795 Alexander Hamilton Treasury Sept. 11, 1789 Sept. 11, 1789 Oliver Wolcott, Jr. Treasury Feb. 2, 1795 Feb. 3, 1795 Henry Knox War Sept. 11, 1789 Sept. 12, 1789 Timothy Pickering War Jan. 2, 1795 Jan. 2, 1795 James McHenry War Jan. 26, 1796 Jan. 27, 1796 Total Cabinet nominations = 14 ADAMS________________________________________________________________________________ Charles Lee Attorney General continued * [Theophilus Parsons Attorney General Feb. 18, 1801 Feb. 20, 1801 D] Benjamin Stoddert Navy May 18, 1798 May 21, 1798 Joseph Habersham Postmaster General continued * Timothy Pickering State continued * John Marshall State May 12, 1800 May 13, 1800 Oliver Wolcott, Jr. Treasury continued * Samuel Dexter Treasury Dec. 30, 1800 Dec. 31, 1800 James McHenry War continued * Samuel Dexter War May 12, 1800 May 13, 1800 [Lucius Stockton War Jan. 15, 1801 Jan. 29, 1801 W] Roger Griswold War Jan. 29, 1801 Feb. 3, 1801 25-5 Total Cabinet nominations =7 JEFFERSON____________________________________________________________________________ Levi Lincoln Attorney General Mar. 5, 1801 Mar.
    [Show full text]