November 18, 1957 Mao Zedong, 'Speech at a Meeting of the Representatives of Sixty-Four Communist and Workers' Parties' (Edited by Mao)
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1 Introduction the Spiritual Atom Bomb and Its Global Fallout
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-05722-7 - Mao’s Little Red Book: A Global History Edited by Alexander C. Cook Excerpt More information 1 Introduction The spiritual atom bomb and its global fallout Alexander C. Cook Once Mao Tse-tung’s thought is grasped by the broad masses, it becomes a source of strength and a spiritual atom bomb of infinite power. Lin Biao, foreword to the second edition This introduction is not so much about Mao’s quotations themselves, but rather the effusive foreword that introduced Chinese and foreign readers to Quotations from Chairman Mao at the height of the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Credited to Lin Biao, Mao’s top military man and tireless promoter of the Little Red Book, it described how the written word could transform ideas into a material force for revolution. According to the foreword, the Little Red Book was a weapon of mass instruction – the intercontinental delivery system for a potentially world-shattering ideological payload: “Once Mao Tse-tung’s thought is grasped by the broad masses, it becomes a source of strength and a spiritual atom bomb of infinite power.”1 Lin Biao’s metaphor was an adulatory exaggeration, of course, but it should not be dismissed as only that. I will show, through an extended exegesis, that the spiritual atom bomb was in fact a coherent concept within its own Maoist intellectual context. More broadly, I will argue that the spiritual atom bomb was also a telling symptom of anxieties about the Cultural Revolution in China, about the Sino-Soviet split within the socialist world, about the larger Cold War between capitalism and socialism, and about the global confrontation with the real prospect of nuclear Armageddon. -
The Life and Works of Philip J. Jaffe: a Foreigner's Foray
THE LIFE AND WORKS OF PHILIP J. JAFFE: A FOREIGNER’S FORAY INTO CHINESE COMMUNISM Patrick Nichols “…the capitalist world is divided into two rival sectors, the one in favor of peace and the status quo, and the other the Fascist aggressors and provokers of a new world war.” These words spoken by Mao Tse Tung to Philip J. Jaffe in a confidential interview. Although China has long held international relations within its Asian sphere of influence, the introduction of a significant Western persuasion following their defeats in the Opium Wars was the first instance in which China had been subservient to the desires of foreigners. With the institution of a highly westernized and open trading policy per the wishes of the British, China had lost the luster of its dynastic splendor and had deteriorated into little more than a colony of Western powers. Nevertheless, as China entered the 20th century, an age of new political ideologies and institutions began to flourish. When the Kuomintang finally succeeded in wrestling control of the nation from the hands of the northern warlords following the Northern Expedition1, it signaled a modern approach to democratizing China. However, as the course of Chinese political history will show, the KMT was a morally weak ruling body that appeased the imperial intentions of the Japanese at the cost of Chinese citizens and failed to truly assert its political legitimacy during it‟s almost ten year reign. Under these conditions, a radical and highly determined sect began to form within the KMT along with foreign assistance. The party held firmly on the idea of general welfare, but focused mostly on the rights of the working class and student nationalists. -
Althusser-Mao” Problematic and the Reconstruction of Historical Materialism: Maoism, China and Althusser on Ideology
CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture ISSN 1481-4374 Purdue University Press ©Purdue University Volume 20 (2018) Issue 3 Article 6 The “Althusser-Mao” Problematic and the Reconstruction of Historical Materialism: Maoism, China and Althusser on Ideology Fang Yan the School of Chinese Language and Literature, South China Normal University Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/clcweb Part of the Chinese Studies Commons Dedicated to the dissemination of scholarly and professional information, Purdue University Press selects, develops, and distributes quality resources in several key subject areas for which its parent university is famous, including business, technology, health, veterinary medicine, and other selected disciplines in the humanities and sciences. CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture, the peer-reviewed, full-text, and open-access learned journal in the humanities and social sciences, publishes new scholarship following tenets of the discipline of comparative literature and the field of cultural studies designated as "comparative cultural studies." Publications in the journal are indexed in the Annual Bibliography of English Language and Literature (Chadwyck-Healey), the Arts and Humanities Citation Index (Thomson Reuters ISI), the Humanities Index (Wilson), Humanities International Complete (EBSCO), the International Bibliography of the Modern Language Association of America, and Scopus (Elsevier). The journal is affiliated with the Purdue University Press monograph series of Books in Comparative Cultural Studies. Contact: <[email protected]> Recommended Citation Yan, Fang. "The “Althusser-Mao” Problematic and the Reconstruction of Historical Materialism: Maoism, China and Althusser on Ideology." CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 20.3 (2018): <https://doi.org/10.7771/ 1481-4374.3258> This text has been double-blind peer reviewed by 2+1 experts in the field. -
The Kuomintang-Communist Crisis in China
The Kuomintang-Communist Crisis in China A First-hand Account of One of the Most Critical Periods in Far Eastern History By Anna Louise Strong Reprinted from "Amerasia", March 1941 THIS article io a sample of the authoritative and enlight ening material which Amerasia brings to its readers. SuBSCRIBE now and receive every month forty-eight pages of expert comment on Far Eastern developments by no ted authorities. AMERASIA 125 East 52nd Street, New York City Please enter my subscription to Amerasia for 12 months beginning with the issue for the month of... .... ·-···-········-··-·-·-··········--· Bill me for $2.50 Single copies of A.m~rasia are 25 cen!s D I and yearly subscr1pt1ons are $2.50 1n I endose $2.50 U. S., Canada, and Mexi~o. Add 50 D cents for all other countnes. Name ·-----------·----·--------·--······-·-·--·---·-····-----·-----···-·····----·· -··-·-·········-- --·----··- -·-···············--···-·-··-···- Address ·----·----··----- --- ·----··----·-·---··--------···---·----··------·····--·-·-----------·· -·-··-·····-·----- --·-·········-·····-··· • The Kuomintang-Commrinist Crisis in China By Anna Louise Strong T is no service to China either to mini An official "spokesman" for this committee mize or exaggerate the present tension immediately issued an interview in response I between the Communist Party and the to the January 17th announcement of the Kuomintang. The threat of widespread civil Chungking Military Council disbanding the war is serious but the situation is not yet New Fourth. He charged that the attack on fatal. It has reached the stage in which the the New Fourth was only one step in the actions of "friendly nations" may either ruin plot of the "pro-Japanese elements who oc or save the situation-in which, for example, cupy high positions in the government and the actions of those in charge of American the Kuomintang" to bring about a peace foreign loans may prove decisive. -
Full Issue In
PH Z Jonuory 6,1967 ME ilt SERVE Tt{E PEOPLE MAO TSE.TUNG 4 September 8, 1944 A Culturol Revolution Spurs New All-Round Leap in ,{k China's Ecos?o rny Jon. 6, 1967 PEKING REVIEW Vol" 10, No. 2 Published in English, French, Sponish, Joponese ond Germon editions ARTICLES AND DOCUMENTS A Poem by Choirnrcn Mqo Tse-tung Serve the People -Moo Tse-tung Moxims for Revolutionories - The "Three Constcntly Read Articles" - Jtetangjun Bco editoriol 7 Shd, "Sere the People" 9 All Chino Studies "Quolotions prqrn Qhsirmon Moo Tse-tung" t1 Culfurol Rerolution Spurs New All-Round Leop in Chino's Economy l5 Hoil to Choirmon Moo Leoding Us From Victory to Victory 17 Brezhnev's Proposed Meeting of "Communist Porties" ls Khrrsshchov Revisicnists' New Anti-Morxist-Leninist Counter-Resolutionory Plot - Zeri i Popullit 18 MUSIC Quototions From Choirmon Mco Set to Music 27 THE WEEK Soviet Revisicnists' Splittisi Activities ot Vi.F.T.U. Meeting Condemned; Chinese Society of Welding Delegcrtion Retuins From the Netherlonds 29 ACROSS THE IAND Anshon lron ond Steel Works Strides lnto New Yeor; Chongchun Motor Works Outstrips 1966 Plon; Loyong Beoring Plont Dcubles Copocit./; Two- Woy Lorry Mode in Tsinon; A Singte Needle 30 Published every Fridoy by PEKING REVIEW Peking (37), Chino Post O{{ice Registrotion No.2-922 Coble Address: Pekinq 2910 Frinted in the People's Republic of Chino t- ;l ii li li :1 1i .J" Choirmon Moo Tse-tung I Our greot teocher, greot leoder, greot supreme commonder ond greot helmsmon 7 A Poem bv Chsirrnon Mso Tse-tung Reply to Kuo /v\o- jo - to the Melody of Man Chiang Hung On this tiny globe A few flies dash themselves against the wall, Humming without cease, Sometimes shriiling, Sometimes moaning. -
When Serfs Stood up in Tibet
BOOK REVIEW OF WHEN SERFS STOOD UP IN TIBET BY ANNA LOUISE STRONG A COMPILATION OF A SERIES OF PROGRAMS ON RADIO FREE ASIA TIBETAN SERVICE BY WARREN W. SMITH 1 WHEN SERFS STOOD UP IN TIBET ANNA LOUISE STRONG Anna Louise Strong was 73 years old in 1959 when she went to Tibet. Although describing herself as an American journalist, she was a proponent of the Chinese Communists from the earliest years, writing her first book about the revolution in China, China's Millions, in 1927. This was followed by One-fifth of Mankind in 1939, an account of the CCP's United Front policy with the KMT against the Japanese. In 1949 she wrote The Chinese Conquer China, an eyewitness account of Mao and other Chinese Communist leaders at Yenan. She took up permanent residence in the PRC in 1958 and wrote Rise of the Chinese People's Communes in 1959. After the 1959 revolt in Tibet she wrote Tibetan Interviews, the result of interviews with Tibetans in Beijing, which is described as "dealing with the exploitation and misery of the Tibetan people and their aspirations and struggles." Jung Chang, author of Mao: the Unknown Story, describes Strong as a second-rate journalist and as "Mao's lackey." Strong was sent by Mao in 1947 on a world tour to promote him and the revolution in China. Jung Chang says that Mao hoped to repeat with Strong the success he had with Edgar Snow in creating a positive portrayal of himself outside China. She was given documents that Mao told her to pass to the world's communist parties. -
Tomorrow's China
Generated for Debra Ann Gierke (Michigan State University) on 2012-07-23 11:32 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b294858 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-google Generated for Debra Ann Gierke (Michigan State University) on 2012-07-23 11:32 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b294858 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-google Generated for Debra Ann Gierke (Michigan State University) on 2012-07-23 11:32 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b294858 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-google Generated for Debra Ann Gierke (Michigan State University) on 2012-07-23 11:32 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b294858 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-google TOMORROW'S CHINA by Anna Louise Strong Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Po!icy NEW YORK Generated for Debra Ann Gierke (Michigan State University) on 2012-07-23 11:32 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b294858 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#pd-google / /,•:•••• <* ' ,i £*•*(• .. ; \ CONTENTS I. China - Ally or Target? 5 II. The City of Caves 10 III. The Chinese Communists 18 IV. Mao Tse-tung 30 V. Yenan Fights to the Sea 40 VI. First Test of the "Marshall Plan" 50 VII. Kalgan — the "New Capitalism" 61 VIII. How Government Goes Underground 71 IX. Manchurian Empire 83 X. Railway to Tsitsihar 94 XI. Land to the Tiller 1c>6 XII. Strategy Against Superior Arms 113 XIII. -
Peking Review, No
-PE 39 September 25,1970 $tatemerat of the &ouernmeilt of the PI Feople's Republic of Chlna 4 September 21, 1970 Excellent Situotion on Chino's A lndustriql ond Agriculturol Fronts Put Mao Tsetung Thought in ,{L Command of Cultural Courses _ _-a L */ QEEST&TI0H$ FHoffi Gnfr!ffiffi&tr ffif,o T$ETUilG Going all out, aiming high and aehieving greater, faster, better and mcre economical results in building socialism. The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is a powerful motive force for the development of the social productive forces in our eountry. Y/ Their [the people of the world] struggle against U.S. impe- rialisrn and its lackeys r,vill assuredly win still greater victories, An reactionaries try to stamp out revolution by mass murder, thinking that the greater their massacres, the weaker the revolu- tion. But contrary to this reactionary wishful thinking, the fact is that the more the reactionaries resort to massacre, the greater the strength of the revolution and the nearer their doom. This is an inexorable law. v -) -* ^ v $tatemeilt of the Gouernment of the People's RepuHie of Ghina Septembet 21, 1970 ,'l-lHE recent development of the Middle East situation tary government ordered posthaste the launching of an I has aroused the close attention and concern of all-out attack against the Palestinian guerrillas, On the Chinese people and the people of the r.t hole world. September 18, the U.S. Department of Defence openly On September 17, 1970, U.S. imperialism instigated declared that it was reinforcing its Sixth Fleet in the the reactionary military government of the Kingdom Mediterranean Sea and its air force stationed in Tur- of Jordan flagrantly to dispatch larg'e numbers of key. -
The Conclusive Scene: Mao and the Red Guards in July 1968 Alessandro Russo
The Conclusive Scene: Mao and the Red Guards in July 1968 Alessandro Russo positions: east asia cultures critique, Volume 13, Number 3, Winter 2005, pp. 535-574 (Article) Published by Duke University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/190199 Access provided by Columbia University (13 Sep 2017 19:42 GMT) The Conclusive Scene: Mao and the Red Guards in July 1968 Alessandro Russo In the very early hours of July 28, 1968, some of the most famous figures of the subjective turbulence that in the two previous years had invested the fundamental conditions of politics in China—the Red Guards and the Mao- ist leaders—met in a long and dramatic face-to-face meeting, a transcript of which was kept in such a deliberately meticulous way that even the emo- tional tones of the dialogue were recorded.1 The result, thanks to compilers endowed with a remarkable literary culture (probably one or more of Mao’s secretaries), is much more than the bare proceedings of the meeting. One would be inclined to call it rather a theatrical pièce whose “authors” are the “characters” themselves. These characters were subjective figures who met in the final moment of the political situation in which their existence is grounded. As of the next day, the situation would be totally different—the Red Guards would not exist anymore as independent organizations, and positions 13:3 © 2005 by Duke University Press. positions 13:3 Winter 2005 536 in the following months they would be dissolved, with consequences that would unavoidably rebound on Mao and on his allies. -
MAO's Late Dialectics, Part II
www.icwpredflag.org 6 CHILeAN HISTOrY HeLpS US UNderSTANd OUr fIgHT In 1970, Salvador Allende Gossens came to called for armed struggle, on September 11, the dent. NO meant that Pinochet would leave the power under the flag of the Popular Unity Party. scant preparation and mass work meant that only government in 1990 and convene elections after Allende had socialist ideas. Behind him was a 200 people were willing to fight. In spite of hav - 17 years. massive mobilization of urban workers, students ing one of the largest parties in Latin America, The dictator could never imagine the impact and farm workers across Chile. The left had they did not mobilize the masses for communism that the publicity campaign of the NO side could united in a single block, with the goal that Al - from the beginning. The consequence of this was have. All of the liberal and leftist parties united lende’s government would be “a revolutionary the coup and the weak response by the move - in a struggle for the NO vote. This road united and popular government that would open the road ment. different ideological sectors to simply get rid of to socialism.” All of this without armed revolu - The International Communist Workers’ Party Pinochet, but benefited capitalism by giving the tion. must fight directly for Communism through illusion of victory to the Chilean people after the From the beginning of his government, the armed revolution, relying on the capacity of the dictatorship. They take away the essential things, bosses would not allow Allende to carry out even working class to fight for a better world. -
On the Revolutionary “Three-In-One” Combination
{'&. T H $ffiffiVOIUTIONAR *& H EE-[l\.ONE" ffiffi BINATIOT{ ri:Sfl'u ": . fi" ,;'l irl.lrr rr ,lli,li llai ,) r!:lllil:ll il: 4i r: ( rr! I qli.rl r alu Ufri1tr ) :1 l l 1l 'l:,1 ON TIIE REYOTUTIONAR,Y .OTHR,EE.IN.ONE" COMBII{ATION FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS PEKING 1968 CHAIRMAN MAO TSE-TUNG points out that in those places and organizations where power needs to be seized, the policy of the revolutionary "three-in- one" combination must be carried out in establishing a provisional organ of power that is revolutionary and representative and has proletarian authority. This organ of power should preferably be called a revolu- tionary committee. Printed in the people,s Republic of China CONTENTS ON THE REVOLUTIONARY "THREE.IN-ONE" COMBINATION -Editorial of Hongqi, (Red, Flag), No. 5, 1967_ CADRES MUST BE TREATED CORRECTLY Editorial of Hongqi, - No. 4, 196Z - FIRMLY CARRY OUT AND DEFEND THE POLICY OF REV- OLUTIONARY "THREE-IN-ONE" COMBINATION Editorial of Jiefangjun Bao (Liberation ArnxA Dailg), March - 23, 1,967 - 25 THERE IS NO DIF'FERENCE BETWEEN EARLY AND LATE- COMERS IN MAKING REVOLUTION -Editorial of Wenhui Bao, February 18, 196?_ ON THE REVOLUTIONARY ..THREE-IN.ONE" COMBINATION - Editorial oI Hongqi (Red Flag), No. y, 1967 - Chairman Mao has pointed out that in those places and organizations where power needs to be seized, the policy of the revolutionary "three-in-one', combination rnust be carried out in establishing a provisional organ of power that is revolution- ary and representative and has proletarian authority. This or- gan of Xlower should preferably be called a revolutionary com- rnittee. -
Media and Perception of the 1937 Soviet Census a Thesis Submitted To
Before the Numbers Disappeared: Media and Perception of the 1937 Soviet Census A thesis submitted to the Department of History, Miami University, in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for Honors in History by Jessica A. Baloun May 2021 Oxford, Ohio Abstract This thesis surveys the 1937 All-Soviet Census and its importance to the government- citizen relationship under Stalin despite the suppression of the census shortly after completion. The census served as a vital data collection tool for the socialist regime and, as a point of accuracy and pride, it was important for the census to garner high participation. By studying the 1937 census as it was promoted and received by citizens, this research aims to reveal how Stalinist media functioned in 1936, how the promotion of the census reflected the concerns of the government, and how it illustrates the nature of Stalinist propaganda at the time. The state implemented a marketing campaign to push the significance of the census as well as to recruit roughly 1 million workers needed to conduct the program. However, the campaign was not able to assuage the potential danger perceived in giving the government personal information, fears further cemented after heightened persecutions throughout 1937. Characterization of the census and its use in governing will be highlighted through close analysis of the newspaper campaigns of the Moscow News (an international paper) and Pravda (a domestic paper). Conversely, the views of Soviet citizens in regard to personal identity will be discussed through diaries of enumerators and intellectuals. Reservations surrounding the census commonly stemmed from the Soviet government’s tense relationship with religion and the fear of being persecuted based on information provided to census workers.