Towards a Buddhist-Catholic Interreligious Encounter

FERDINAND TABLAN

TOWARDS A BUDDHIST-CATHOLIC INTERRELIGIOUS ENCOUNTER

A Southeast Asian Perspective

Introduction The Federation of Asian Bishops Conference (FABC) expresses the specific and necessary role of the Catholic Church in our pluralistic society, especially in Asia. The Catholic Church has to adopt a new form of mission if it wants to fulfill the aspirations and the needs of the people of Asia effectively in all re- spects. This “new way of being church” must emerge from a faith vision that comes from the journey of the people of God as they struggle to bring the personal and communitarian experience of Jesus into the Asian context. This is in line with the teachings of Vatican II, which define the Catholic Church as a community church, i.e. a church in dialogue with peoples of other faiths and cultures. The “Declaration on the Relationship of the Church to Non-Christian Religions,” or Nostra Aetate, states: “[T]he Catholic Church rejects nothing which is true and holy in these religions” (Abbott 1966: 662). It also indicates the basic attitude that the Church must take in its dealings with followers of other religions, which is prudently and lovingly through dialogue and collaboration … and in witness of Christian faith and life, [to] acknowledge, preserve, and promote the spiritual and moral goods found among these men, as well as the values in their society and culture(Abbott 1966: 662-63). The purpose of this paper is both doctrinal and historical. It aims to mediate some of the diverse religious beliefs and teachings of Catholicism and Bud- dhism as presented and explained by various experts. As research into interreligious dialogue, this article focuses on the Southeast Asian region, which, given its religious diversity, is a natural soil for nourishing encounters between religions. In addition to analyzing the commonalities between Catholicism and Buddhism, this article aims to explore the impact of the two religions on the historical development of Southeast Asia and the common factors that contributed to their growth and stabilization, in view of the fact that both religions are not indigenous to the region.

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Religions in Southeast Asia Southeast Asia is a region of religious diversity. Islam (both Sunni and Shia), Catholicism, Protestantism, Confucianism, Hinduism, and Buddhism are all found here. The Sri Lankan form of Buddhism was imposed as a state religion by the great empire builders in Myanmar (Burma), Cambodia, Chiengmari, and Angkor. Islam has a strong foothold in maritime trading areas like Sumatra, Java, Champa, the east coast of Malaya, and southern Mindanao. Catholicism has been dominant in the Philippines since the arrival of the Spanish in the 16th century. The establishment of Confucianism in Vietnam took place during the 15th century. Aside from these major world religions, there are also indigenous animistic beliefs, whose historical origin is unknown and which view the whole material world as animated by good and evil spirits that need to be ap- peased and worshipped through rituals and shamanistic activities in exchange for health, power, wealth, and protection.

The 16th century marked the beginning of conversion to Christianity and Islam. This coincided with what Anthony Reid calls “The Age of Commerce” in the region—a period characterized by direct and intense shipping between South- east Asia and the Red Sea. Reid enumerates eight reasons why many Southeast Asians converted to Christianity and Islam during this period. 1) There was a need for a universally valid faith, especially on the part of those who travel. 2) Both religions were believed to have the power to manipulate the spiritual world. 3) Muslims and Christians were seen as powerful allies by most local rulers in times of war, and even the Theravada kingdoms used them as mer- cenaries. 4) Islam and Christianity claimed that their spiritual authority rested on books written in a foreign language, which gave them the extra sacral weight of impenetrability. 5) Missionaries from the two religions based their authority on their ability to read and explain sacred texts. 6) Both religions contained reports of spiritual and physical healing. 7) Islam and Christianity presented a moral universe that was dependent on a simple but consistent con- cept of eternal reward and punishment. 8) Both religions valued family and procreation highly.

Nonetheless, the transition from an old religion to a novel one can hardly be smooth and unproblematic. Oftentimes, people who profess the new faith still adhere to their former beliefs, and in some cases compromises have to be made. In the case of Southeast Asians, some of the reasons for such compromise are as follows. 1) The first was Islamic and Christian teachings on sexual morality, especially on the respective roles of male and female, that were, in the beginning, difficult to implement. 2) Prayers and offerings for the spirit of the dead which were part of the old belief went far too deep to be uprooted. Somehow, they had to be incorporated into the new scheme. Thus, honoring the dead continued to be a great preoccupation of many Christians and Mus- lims. 3) Rulers maintained their claim to traditional divine status, contrary to

189 STUDIES IN INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE 21 (2011) 2 what both religions teach. In royal decrees, letters and chronicles, the king was still presented as the ultimate source of supernatural power in the land.

On the mainland, Muslim influence was largely limited by the dominance of the Buddhist faith and the political influence of Confucian literati, especially in northern Vietnam. Muslim minorities emerged in some areas, such as Champa and Cambodia.

Catholicism in the Philippines In the 1500s, Catholic Christianity reached the Philippines through the Spanish missionaries who were able to convert a large number of Filipinos living in politically autonomous units. While the Christianization of the archipelago was generally peaceful, insurgencies and rebellions continued on a small scale and in different places during the entire Hispanic colonial period. Since the arrival of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi (1565), religious missionaries were sent successively to the Philippines to Catholicize the islands, with the hope that the country would be the base for other missions in Asia, particularly China. The first of these missionaries were the Augustinians who worked in the Tagalog provinces as well as in Cebu, Panay, and the Ilocos region. They were followed by the Franciscans in 1578 who occupied Laguna and the Camarines Provinces, the Jesuits in 1581 who concentrated on some Visayan islands and Mindanao, the Dominicans in 1587 who worked in Bataan and Pangasinan, and the Recollects in 1606. These divisions in missionary territories enabled the Spanish missionaries to learn the various languages spoken by the natives. One significant factor in the conversion of the islands and their governance was the creation of religious dioceses, the oldest of which is the Diocese of Manila, created in 1581, with the Dominican friar Domingo de Salazar as its first bishop. In 1595, the dioceses of Cebu and Nueva Segovia were created. This was followed by Nueva Caceres in 1599 and Jaro, in Iloilo, in 1865.

According to John Leddy Phelan, “the Spanish missionaries viewed themselves as soldiers of Christ waging, with spiritual weapons, a war to overthrow the devil’s tyranny over pagan peoples” (Phelan 1959: 53). The religious orders used several techniques to make their evangelization effective. Some of these are as follows. 1) One was the policy of reduction (reduccion), i.e. gathering several barangays into one parish. 2) Another was the Cabecera-Visita system, in which the cabecera was the capital of the parish and visitas or chapels were set up in the different barangays. These chapels were visited regularly by the parish priest. 3) Pre- and post-baptismal instructions, such as the memorization of basic Catholic prayers, the Ten Commandments, the Creed, and the holy rosary, were also used. 4) A fourth method was infant bap- tism. 5) They also established primary or parochial schools and seminarios de indios or boarding schools for native boys who were the sons of datus and other prominent citizens. 6) Encomienderos, who were, among other things,

190 TOWARDS A BUDDHIIST-CATHOLIC INTERRELIGIOUS ENCOUNTER look after the religious life of the subjects, were used as well. 7) Missionaries also worked as engineers, architects, physicians, translators, and teachers. 8) These missionaries adapted in many ways to the customs, values, and struc- tures of Filipino society in an attempt to present Christianity in a form that was not too alien to the Filipino culture. They also substituted Catholic ceremonies for the local pagan ones such as marriage and town fiestas. 9) Finally, lay missionaries were used (cf. Phelan 1959: 73-79).

In the course of history after the Spanish period, efforts were made to “Filipin- ize” Roman Catholicism through the establishment of the Aglipayan or the Philippine Independent Church by Gregorio Aglipay in 1902 and the Iglesia ni Kristo by Felix Manalo in 1914. The former successfully founded a number of churches in the northern part of the Philippines, whereas the latter has attracted many converts, especially among upper middle class Catholics. Various Protes- tant churches can also be found in the different parts of the archipelago, particularly on the main island of Luzon, which was established by Protestant teachers and missionaries who came to the country during the American colonial period (1900 to 1945). In the southern part of the country, which was un- successfully Christianized by the Spaniards, the Moros or Muslim Filipinos continue to profess their Islamic faith. Pre-Spanish religious beliefs, which are a blend of animism and ancestor worship, still exist among the ethnic communities in the Luzon highlands. There are also a variety of Christian missionaries who compete for new converts, such as the Seventh Day Adventists and Jehovah’s Witnesses, who typically go from house to house, while The Born Again, Jesus Miracle Crusade, and Jesus is Lord movements are attracting people through TV evangelism, mass rallies, and prosperity preaching. Towards the end of the 20th century, approximately 83% of the population practice Catholicism, while 9% are Protestants, 5% Muslims, and 3% Buddhists and adherents of other religions.

Buddhism In Southeast Asia The first successful Buddhist missionary effort in the south was in Sri Lanka. During the time of King Asoka (reigning 268-232 BC), the third ruler of the Maurya kingdom, the teaching of Buddha Gautama spread throughout the whole of India and was also being propagated beyond the boundaries of the country. (Kyokai 1985: 538) After the consolidation of the kingdoms of India during the Mauryan era, Bud- dhism spread throughout India and other parts of Asia. King Asoka’s own children, Mahinda and Sanghamitta, brought Buddhism to Sri Lanka. “Proxim- ity with India made it possible for Sri Lankans to make frequent pilgrimages and carry on a lively scholarly exchange on theological issues” (Pant 1997: 81). Donald Swearer mentions two additional factors that contributed to the rise of Buddhism in the region: “the rise to power of the Burmese and the Tai who ap- propriated the Theravada Buddhism of the Mon; and their subsequent adoption of Sinhala Buddhism as a way of establishing their own distinctive cultural and 191 STUDIES IN INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE 21 (2011) 2 religious identity” (Swearer 1989: 119) While it is correct to say that Bud- dhism in Southeast Asia is by and large Theravada Buddhism, it must be taken into account that in its early period, Southeast Asian Buddhism is as diverse as the region itself. Both archeological and chronicle evidence suggest that the religious situation in the area was fluid and informal, with Buddhism characterized more by miraculous relics and charismatic, magical monks than by organized sectarian traditions. ( Swearer1989: 107) Myanmar (Burma) Since the establishment of the pagan era by Aniruddha, there had been several contacts between Myanmar and Sri Lanka. Theravada Buddhism became the official religion of Myanmar under King Anawrahta (1044-77). Buddhism in Burma has enjoyed a more or less uninterrupted dominance since the eleventh century when King Anawartha of the Pagan dynasty drove out the priests be- longing to the Vajarayana sect and imported some priests of his choice from Sri Lanka. After the fall of the Pagan dynasty at the hands of the Mongol hordes of Kublai Khan, the country suffered five hundred years of strife and Buddhist influence diminished a little. (Pant 1997: 77) Some scholars describe Burmese Buddhism as animistic. This is because it was influenced by the folk-peasant religiosity called nat worship that predated Buddhism in the region. “Nats are miscellaneous class of beings. Some are traditional spirit lords of certain areas, to whom loyalty is required wherever one might live. Others are demoted Hindu devas or gods” (King 1976: 87). While the Buddha is worshipped as the supreme lord, the devas and nats are inferior spiritual beings who are also subject to him.

While the central ecclesiastical authority suffered severely during the British occupation (1885-1948) due to the loss of governmental patronage, Buddhism as a religion remained intact. With respect to the religious practices of the common people, the British implemented a neutral policy in their colonized territories. The Buddhist character of Burmese education, however, was eroded on account of the establishment of British educational institutions. This resulted in a reduction of religious and moral education for the students, which predisposed some of them to look down on the excessively traditionalist and what they perceived as obsolete learning of the monks. Buddhist ecclesiastical authority was also weakened when secular state judges were appointed instead of Buddhist monks to preside over judicial matters. But “[o]ne aspect of the British annexation of 1885 which received some attention in connection with Buddhist religion in Burma is the failure to appoint a new thathanabaing, in the way that Burmese kings had done” (Ling 1979: 71). Traditional institu- tional Buddhism rested on the presence of the Burmese king, whose glory was reflected in his thathanabaing, who was the official Buddhist teacher. In short, cultural dislocations occurred. During the anti-colonial freedom struggle of the country at the beginning of the 20th century, Buddhism played a significant role. 192 TOWARDS A BUDDHIIST-CATHOLIC INTERRELIGIOUS ENCOUNTER

Several rebellions aimed at overthrowing British rule and restoring both Bur- mese kingship and Burmese Buddhism. Buddhism had always been closely as- sociated with Burmese nationalism. “When U Nu became prime minister in January 1948, following Aung San’s assassination, he put Buddhism at the heart of his political program Although he rejected Marxism, he espoused a Buddhist socialism” ( Swearer 1989: 123). In 1960, U Nu dedicated himself to making Buddhism the state religion of Burma. This was one of reasons given by General Ne Win for staging the March 1962 coup d’état. Ne Win’s military government once more put Buddhism in its place, in order to promote the building of a modern, rational, progressive, and socialist society, strongly opposed to superstitious traditions and determined to separate religion from politics. (Masson 1970: 39). Since 1962, Myanmar has been a relatively closed society. The military junta, while keeping a hands-off policy on religious matters, has tried its best to de- politicize the Sangha through its Ministry of Religious Affairs. The Burmese Sangha is not as strictly closed as Catholic monasteries. It is open to laypeople who may wish to be a monk temporarily. Boys who undergo the shinbyu ceremony (puberty rite) will also spend several days in the Sangha. The monks are also expected to perform social obligations as counselors and sometimes arbiters. To minimize its social influence, “[t]he Sangha has been reminded by the military of its main obligation to keep its own rules, present the pure Buddhist teachings and keep out of politics” (King 1976: 96). Westerners have been forbidden to come to Burma to study Buddhism.

In response to the political challenges in recent years, Buddhism in Myanmar is engaging in active socialization and laicizing. Buddhist teachings are being reinterpreted to emphasize social involvement. The resistance offered by the Buddhist monks and the pupils has focussed international attention on the oppressive military rule in that country. Buddhism in Burma has also reduced ethnic rivalries and made a substantial contribution to the cultural life of the country. (Pant 1997: 81) Emphasis on meditation is becoming very popular, “perhaps in part as a consolation for the somewhat restricted life of the layman” (King 1976: 96). Mahasi Sayadaw, U Ba Khin, and S.N. Goenka are some of the Burmese Bud- dhist meditative masters who are very well known outside Myanmar. In addition, Buddhist lay associations continue to multiply. Thailand When the Thais migrated from the southwestern China into the hills east of the Irrawaddy,1 they came in contact with the Mons and the Khmers, and also with

1 “According to a modern Thai historian, Prince Dhani Nivat, their migration began about twelve centuries ago and continued for some centuries after that. He is in-

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Buddhism and its two major forms, Mahayana and the Theravada Buddhism. The Mongol invasion pushed the Thais further to the south, into the area of what is present-day Thailand. Here, they came in close contact with Cambodia. “Sri Lankan Theravada was established as the predominant tradition in Thai- land in the 13th century CE” (Snelling 1990: 29), during the reign of Rama Khamhaeng (1270-ca. 1298) and his successors. It was also during this century that the Theravada Burmese missionaries came to the region. The decline of the Mons and Khmer kingdoms caused the influence of Mahayana Buddhism and Hindu cults to decrease. Successive kings of Thailand continued to strengthen the hold of Buddhism on the region. The arrival of zealous Chris- tian missionaries, which started in 1824, led to internal reform in the religion. This was largely initiated by Mongkut, a Buddhist monk who became king of Thailand. He encouraged the study of Buddhist scriptures in the original Pali texts. This “made him more conscious of what he thought to be the rational and anti-magical nature of the Pali texts than is justified by the texts themselves” (Ling 1979: 56). A reformed sect of the Sangha, the Dhammayutika, also emerged.

After World War II, the Thai government remained closely allied with the USA. As a consequence, some monks who showed tendencies towards communism were kept under close observation by the government.

The social structure of Thai society has changed rapidly since the 1950s. It started as a bureaucratic polity—a system dominated by a self-perpetuating bu- reaucracy under which is a pariah Chinese commercial class who dominated the economy and an undifferentiated, politically inactive peasant class. Three interrelated factors are identified as being responsible for the changes in this structure. These are (1) American intervention in Southeast Asia, (2) the USA’s decision to make Thailand (then Siam) the pivot of region-wide expansion, and (3) the development of tourism. American intervention led to the ascendancy of Sirat Thanart as the new dictator. The Vietnam War turned Thailand into something of a gigantic immobile aircraft carrier for the United States, which further boosted its economic development. This expansion and modernization of the Thai economy created four social formations: rural landlords, urban mi- grants, service workers, and the new petty bourgeoisie.

It was Marshal Sarit who significantly changed the whole ideological atmo- sphere of Thai politics. He restored the monarchy, exploited Buddhism and eliminated the centralized democratic Sangha of the Buddhist religion. Bud- dhist symbols and institutions were likewise used to legitimize this regime.

clined to accept as the reason for their migration their inability to stop the harassing tide of Chinese cultural if not military pressure” (cf. Ling 1979: 7).

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It would be a mistake to suppose from the above, however that the prestige of the monarchy and the Sangha was affected by the dictatorship and the great boom in the same way…. the secularizing influence of capitalism was simultaneously eroding the authority of Buddhism, particularly in aristocratic and upper-bourgeois circles. Boys from these strata were less and less inclined to enter the monkhood even for a nominal period, let alone commit themselves to a lifetime of religious devotion. Even more than hitherto, the committed younger monks tended to come from lower-class and rural backgrounds. The consequence, predictably enough, was sharpening politico-religious conflict within the Sangha itself. Growing numbers of young monks, especially those from the impoverished northeast moved towards social activism and a left wing inter- pretation of religious doctrines. Others such, as the notorious Kitti Wuttho openly linked Buddhism to an ultra-rightist ideology. (Anderson 1998: 166-67) Recent developments in Thai Buddhism indicate that it will continue to occupy a major role in the field of education. “In 1957 there were 495 schools of Pali and 6,201 schools of doctrine; Bangkok has two monastic schools at university level” (Masson 1970: 45). The two prominent Buddhist universities, the Maha- makuta and the Mahachulalongkorn have been making strides in modernization. Emphasis on secular subjects like history, chemistry, physics, geography, and archeology is gaining ground. To fulfill the demand for competent teachers, monastic training programs have been updated. “A strong pragmatic thrust in- forms the rationale behind training monks and novices in secular subjects— namely, that the well-being of Buddhism depends upon the well-being of its cultural society” ( Swearer 1976: 102). Efforts are being made to make Bud- dhism relevant to the present rather than simply a heritage of the past. Several famous Buddhist leaders have initiated reforms to achieve this goal. Some of them are Buddhadasa, Pannananda, Khun Sunya Dhammasakit, and other members of the Thai Buddhist Association, the most important laypersons’ group. The rallying battle cry is: “If the economy is healthy, Buddhism will prosper, if the people are poor, Buddhism will deteriorate.” Sulak Sivaraksa, the founding director of the Sathirakoses-Nagapradeepa Foundation in Bang- kok, is a leading exponent of contemporary Buddhism, also called “engaged Buddhism” which teaches that personal enlightenment cannot be separated from commitment to social change. Cambodia Contacts between India and Cambodia have been reported since the first century CE. However, these were mainly mercantile in nature and “the extent of Indian religious influence in Cambodia cannot be more exactly gauged until the fifth century” (Prebish 1975: 172). During this period, there were reports from Chinese travelers that the natives of this region followed Mahayana Buddhist and Brahmanist practices. During the reign of Jayavarman V (968- 1001), builder of the temple of Banteay Srei, Buddhism was fostered even more actively. While Mahayana Buddhism continued to dominate until the reign of Jayavarman VI (1080-1107), Theravada Buddhism soon spread among the lower class.

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The common people, who stood in little relationship to the courtly Mahayana and Hinduism favored by the kings, found Theravada with its undemanding monks and simple monasteries and doctrines accessible to all, a religion to which they could respond. (Prebish 1975:182) The Thai invasion during the 14th century likewise contributed to the spread of Theravada Buddhism. By the end of that century, the entire country adhered completely to Theravada Buddhism.

“Not only is Buddhism the official state religion of Cambodia, but the entire population considers itself to be Buddhist” (Zago 1976: 109). One can thus observe that in Cambodian history Buddhism is highly structured and extremely politicized. In peacetime Buddhism had been appealed to on behalf of neutrality (portrayed as a Buddhist demand), of socialism (said to have its roots in Buddhist teachings), and of the peaceful nature of the Cambodian people (said to derive from Buddhism) … in wartime, recourse is being made to Buddhism again in order to protect the dominant political institutions and values. (Zago 1976: 113) A thousand years ago, a glorious Buddhist civilization flourished in the Angkor region under the old Khmer kings. Buddhism enjoyed its political peak during the long reign of Prince Norodom Sihanouk, until he was overthrown by a military coup in 1970. A former Buddhist monk, Sihanok defined his policies followingBuddhist principles. His was the last Cambodian regime to represent the tradition of classical Southeast Asian Buddhist rule. The reign of Pol Pot after the Khmer Rouge victory in 1975 exterminated the Sangha along with other bourgeois representatives of the old order. Under his regime, widespread executions, forced labor, and famine killed an estimated 3 million Cambodians. “For the Khmer Rouge 60,000 monks were an unproductive burden on the economy. All were forced to disrobe; those who refused were killed. Only an estimated 37% survived the next three years of starvation, disease and murder” (Stuart-Fox 2006: 12). The Vietnamese invasion in 1979 brought an end to Pol Pot’s brutality, although he continued to control large areas of the country until his death in 1998. Regardless of political contingencies and change in rule, the Buddhist hierarchy in Cambodia today continues to enjoy governmental support, but the role it plays in the legitimation of political power, compared to Thailand, is ambiguous. Indonesia In Indonesia, “Buddhism was popular until it was suppressed in the sixteenth century by Islam” (Pant 1997: 81). A Buddhist maritime empire in Sumatra, Srivijaya, was in power from 680-1377. The territory also functioned as a tran- sit harbor for Chinese Buddhist scholars on their way to India for higher education or pilgrimage, beginning in the 5th century. That Buddhism was once popular in these islands is attested by the famous grand stupa at Borobudur in central Java—the largest Buddhist monument in Southeast Asia, constructed around the middle of the eighth century. Unfortunately, there is no evidence 196 TOWARDS A BUDDHIIST-CATHOLIC INTERRELIGIOUS ENCOUNTER that the Buddhist elite made any attempt to spread the religion among the masses. When Muslim sultans took over control of the country, Buddhism van- ished for five centuries. Local princes adopted Islam often in a spirit of adding a new source of magic force to the ones they already knew. The people of coastal Sumatra, who were Hindus or Bud- dhists in a ritual sense but had never discontinued their indigenous religious practices, often adopted Islam in the same spirit. (Prebish 1975: 184) The very word “Buddhist” became synonymous with the terms “pagan,” “ig- norant mountaineer,” or “uncivilized.” The budo script became forgotten. Nevertheless, in the course of Indonesian history, a large number of Chinese emigrated to the archipelago and many of them were Buddhists. “About 1930, Buddhist theosophy became a fashion among the nobility of Java” (Masson 1970: 41). When communism started to seep into the country after World War II, it was colored so much by Buddhist beliefs that some Buddhist leaders were imprisoned by the anti-communist authorities.

By the latter part of the 20th century, “modest efforts are being made to revive both Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism there” (Snelling 1990: 30). Buddha- kirty University in Bandung was established in 1962. It seems that Buddhist sympathies never really disappeared. Indonesian Buddhists soon outnumbered the Chinese ones and mass conversions were reported, as in the Tengger enclave in East Java and West Lombok. On 12 March 1966, the Indonesian government launched a campaign against atheism. Everyone was obliged to choose a religion, and Buddhism was one of the popular choices, together with Islam and Christianity, and all were recognized as official religions. But the “movement of conversion is stronger towards Buddhism than towards the various forms of Christianity,” for the former “corresponds more to the local mentality and is more Oriental” (Masson 1970: 43). The principal Buddhist centers are Medan, Djakarta, Bandung, Semarang and Den Pasar-Bali. Vietnam Missionaries from India and China came to Vietnam around 180 CE in order to spread both the Mahayana and the Theravada forms of Buddhism. According to most accounts, Meu-Po came to Vietnam as a fugitive from China during the chaos of the Three kingdoms, in about 189. He was one of the many former Taoists converted to Buddhism, and he worked for the propagation of Mahayana sutras in Vietnam. (Prebish 1975:174) The large group of Khmers who lived on the Mekong Delta and professed Theravada Buddhism was also influential. Vietnam is the only Southeast Asian country where the two forms of Buddhism exist side by side. “The traditional Vietnamese Buddhism of Chinese imprint flourished for the last time from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, during which many Chinese monks found their way to Vietnam” ( Bechert and Duy-Tu 1976:186).Thus, Buddhist rituals,

197 STUDIES IN INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE 21 (2011) 2 calendar of festivities, and religious institutions in Vietnam are modeled after the Chinese. The monks likewise use Buddhist scriptures written in Chinese. The first independent dynasty was the Ly (1009-1225) whose rulers established not only a military but an administrative and cultural base for the state, relying at first on an alliance between military figures and the Buddhist monkhood. (Heidhues 2000: 90) Strict government regulations of Buddhist Sanghas were observed because of the strong social influence of the institution. Monks were required to pass examinations, pay taxes, and appear personally in imperial courts. They were classified according to the results of the state examinations. This condition did not change until the 19th century.

The pagodas and dinh (community house) are central in the religious life of Vietnamese Buddhists. The former is a place where Buddhist deities such as the bodhisattvas and holy men of Chinese Buddhism are venerated, while the latter serves as a gathering place for the people. Buddhist shrines in the villages also contain images of gods of the old Vietnamese religion. Aside from these, a few large monasteries that serve as educational centers can also be found in some villages.

After World War II, efforts were made to unify Buddhism. In 1950, Vietnam- ese Buddhists actively participated in the World Fellowship of Buddhists in Colombo. On 3 January 1964, the United Buddhist Congregation of Vietnam was founded, which initiated a large number of Buddhist lay organizations and social institutions. Under the leadership of Thich Tri Quang and Thich Thien Minh, this association became politically active. Malaysia As in other Southeast Asian countries that are Hinduized and Sinicized, Buddhism in Malaysia is both a Hindu and a Chinese legacy. Indian and Chi- nese traders established foreign communities in the Malay Peninsula during the first millennium CE. It was also a natural stopping place for Chinese traders on their way to India. Starting about 1000 AD, the great Buddhist kingdom of Sri Vijaya was formed, with its power centered in the city-state of that name, and came to control not only Sumatra but also the Malay Peninsula, as well as western Java and possibly western Borneo. (Wayman 1976: 195) This lasted for two centuries. By the beginning of the 15th century, Islam spread rapidly among the Malays, supplanting Buddhism as a dominant religion.

At present, Buddhism is largely concentrated in the northern part of the peninsula, which is adjacent to Thailand. Small Buddhist communities can be found in Penang and Perak, known for the Tong Cave Temple where Buddhist images are found. Generally, Buddhism in Malaysia could be described as a “mixture 198 TOWARDS A BUDDHIIST-CATHOLIC INTERRELIGIOUS ENCOUNTER of Theravada Buddhism from Thailand and Chinese Buddhism of the meditation (Ch’an) and Pure Land (Western paradise) schools” (Wayman 1976: 198). Laos Sri Lankan Theravada Buddhism also dominated Laos from the 14th century on. Unfortunately, successive political upheavals severely decimated the Buddhist tradition in the country. Just as in other Southeast Asian countries, Buddhism in Laos has evolved through time and has been influenced by the socio-historical condition of the region. The Buddhist doctrine of human and phenom- enal impermanence, for instance, is counterbalanced by the native cult of living beings. Buddhist rituals are blended with local beliefs in magic and rites in connection with the propitiation of evil spirits. “Laotian Buddhism is by no means pure, but is contaminated by many ancient superstitions and even by sacrifices involving bloodshed, Moreover, all the minorities are animist” (Masson 1970: 50). The spread of Marxism in the country during the 20th century made some Buddhist thinkers seek to reconcile Buddhism with Marxism. Similarly, the religion itself is not immune to political influences since political parties and candidates will often speak to present themselves as devoted Bud- dhists or clothe their program in Buddhist principles in order to enlist the sym- pathy and support of monks. Politicians, military leaders, and government official often try to unify the country under their control by using Buddhism—for example, fixing the structure of Buddhism and encouraging the population to practice Buddhism by promoting the construction of Buddhist edifices and the celebration of Buddhist festivals. ( Zago 1976: 125). In addition to Sri Lankan Buddhism, Thai Buddhism has had a great influence in contemporary Laos’ Buddhism. According to the Lao chronicles, Jayavarman Parmesvara (1327-1353) helped Phi Fa and Fa Ngum establish the independent kingdom of Lan Chang, which earlier had been under the political hegemony of Sukhothai. An inscription at Wat Keo in Luang Pra- bang refers to three Sinhala Mahatheras who went to Cambodia to Lan Chang as part of a religious mission. (Swearer 1989: 119) Today, Lao Buddhists read Thai books, listen to Thai radio, and visit Thailand frequently to pursue their studies.

Since 1930, there has been a renaissance of Lao Buddhism. This can be seen from the establishment of meditation centers such as the Maha Buddha Vonga- sa of Vietiane and the Phon Phao pagoda of Luang Prabang. Missionary activities are also under way. Lay organizations are becoming numerous too. Summary The classical Southeast Asian religio-cultural synthesis, of which Theravada Buddhism has been a major component has given the cultures of Burma, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam with a unique sense of identity and has sustained them to the present. (Swearer 1989: 120).

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Buddhism also played a crucial role as these countries evolved into independent nation-states after the Second World War. As Buddhist countries claimed and later obtained their independence, Buddhism ap- peared to them as one of their most venerable traditions, one of the most noteworthy elements of the soul of their country and a considerable factor in its unity. (Masson 1970: 26) The religion continues to flourish in the Asian contemporary scene, despite such setbacks as the suppression of religion in China since the inauguration of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese invasion of Tibet, and other politically oriented problems in Vietnam and Burma (Myanmar). Modernization, the advancement of Western science, the communist revolutions in Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam, and growing secularization also offer a threat to Bud- dhist orthodoxy and its role as the fundamental mediator of cultural values in the region. Recently, the position of most Southeast Asian governments has eased somewhat. Statistics shows that, by the beginning of the 21st century, there were approximately 105 million Theravada Buddhists in Southeast Asia, with 30 million Buddhists in Myanmar, 47 million in Thailand, 6 million in Cambodia, 3.5 million in Laos, and a few small communities in Indonesia. Mahayana Buddhism, on the other hand, is still popular in Vietnam with 30 million adherents, while small communities of believers can be found in Ma- laysia, Thailand, and the Philippines.

Towards a Buddhist-Catholic Dialogue Vatican II commends the Buddhist religion for its anti-materialism, universal compassion, emphasis on living a spiritual life and, consequently, detachment from the mundane. Buddhism, under its various forms, recognizes the basic insufficiency of this world and teaches men a way which, when followed whole-heartedly and with complete con- fidence, enables them to reach either a state of perfect liberation, or supreme illumina- tion. (Abbott 1966: 662) This ideal is expressed in the Four Noble Truths and the Eightfold Path. The aim of Buddhist practice is to end human suffering. A Buddhist is encouraged to give up any form of craving for this unstable world where everything causes suffering. Siddhartha Gautama accepted many tenets of traditional Hinduism, such, as the belief in maya, i.e. that the world is an illusion, karma, and the cycle of birth and re-birth (samsara), but he found the Hindu ideal of self-realization in terms of becoming one with the absolute Brahman too selfish and ego-centered. What the Buddha wanted was to get rid of this ego: enlightenment is the realization that one has no self (anatta). In the same way, masters of the spiritual life of the Catholic Church, such as Theresa of Avila, John of the Cross, Thomas à Kempis, and Thomas Merton, emphasize the vanity of the world. In order to reach our final end, we need to rid ourselves of all forms of attachment to anything that is not God, including our attachment to our own 200 TOWARDS A BUDDHIIST-CATHOLIC INTERRELIGIOUS ENCOUNTER individuality. The book of Ecclesiastes in the Bible closely resembles the Buddha’s meditation on nothingness. Reading the text side by side with the Buddha’s meditation on the Four Noble Truths will reveal that the sense of nothingness is the outcome of the realization of the disparity between our miserable condition in this world (dukkha) and our longing for that which is eternal and unchanging. Selflessness or anatta, as an ethical and religious attitude, is very similar to the ethical ideals mentioned by Jesus in his Sermon on the Mount (Matthew 5-7). With regard to the belief in karma, which means that one reaps what one sows—every evil or good act committed produces a corresponding result that goes returns to the doer—Jan Van Bragt says that “We Christians can sufficiently honor that idea, which grosso modo corresponds to the Christian idea of the remuneration of good and evil” (Van Bragt 1995: 87).

The rejection of the world is not an end in itself, however, but a means to a- chieve liberation. This is pointed out in both religions. A human being’s final end lies in the Buddhist nirvana or the Christian heaven. Physical liberation is necessary, but it must not be a hindrance to the attainment of spiritual liberation. While early Buddhism leaves people to advance along the path of enlightenment on their own, later Buddhism, particularly the Mahayana variant, gives importance to the love and compassion (karuna) of the Buddha and the doctrine of vicarious suffering. The latter means that Whatever suffering one is enduring may be transferred on to another if the latter sin- cerely desires, out of his unselfish and all enhancing love, to take these sufferings upon himself so that the real sufferers may not only be relieved of them but also escape their evil consequences. (Villaba 1996: 103) Enlightened followers called the bodhisattvas who delay their entry into nirvana so that they can work for the liberation of other people also assist the Buddha. Thus, prayers and devotional meditations to the Buddha and bodhisattvas are common practice in popular Southeast Asian Buddhism, since many believe they can be of help in their daily needs or in ridding themselves of their karmic effects. While Catholicism is a monotheistic religion, the veneration of saints and Mary is an important part of its tradition. Saints are viewed as effective intercessors to God because of their holiness and the contributions they made while on earth to the propagation of the faith. Devotion to Mary has a special place in the hearts of many Filipinos who find in her the image of a loving mother who intercedes with God the Father for the sake of her children. In the Spanish Philippines, the veneration of saints and Mary was very popular, sometimes more popular than the worship of Christ himself. Even at present, every barrio in the country has a patron whose feast is celebrated annually with extravagance and preparations while Marian devo- tions, such as the holy rosary and Wednesday novena, are widespread.

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Missionaries from both religions played a crucial role in spreading those religions to Southeast Asia. Both are foreign, for Buddhism came to the region from India through China and Sri Lanka while Catholicism in the Philippines was planted by the Spanish friars. One can say that, without the efforts of these men and women (missionary orders in both religions are composed of monks/ friars and nuns), both religions would not have prospered. That both Buddhism and Catholic Christianity were able to supply the region with zealous and dedicated missionaries is because both of them created a rich monastic tradition. In Buddhism, one has to be a monk if one really wants to attain perfection. The Catholic Church is gifted with well-organized religious orders pioneered by the Augustinians, Franciscans, Dominicans, the Jesuits, and the Recollects whose members are not attached to any particular dioceses, enabling them to go on missions to foreign territories.

These religious orders still exercise a very important role in the Philippines, especially in education and community services, but their control of parishes has diminished as the different parishes they founded were transferred to the secular clergy. From the earliest parochial schools, the religious orders have expanded their influence in education by establishing some of the most prominent and most prestigious sectarian colleges and universities. Similar developments can be noted in Buddhism. The influence of Buddhism in education in the Southeast Asian region ranges from monastic schools to Buddhist religious institutions, publications, and universities. It is also interesting to compare the evangelizing techniques that missionaries from both religions employed to win adherents. For instance, knowledge of the local dialects is very important. Translations of the scriptures and basic prayers to local dialects were the first thing they did. Catholic missionaries and Buddhist monks also performed non- religious functions relating to public works, hospitals, and orphanage admin- istration in order to serve the people. Anthony Reid points out that many natives of Southeast Asia converted to Buddhism and Catholicism because of the skills their missionaries showed in healing the sick. “Buddhist priests in Burma, Cambodia, Laos and Thailand perform services that make them indispensable to the secular as well as religious life of the community” (Welty 1973: 277). Catholic parishes and religious convents in the Philippines, like the Buddhist wat or pagoda, are centers of community life. Buddhist and Catholic monasteries serve as the nucleus of cultures and socialization in traditional Southeast Asia. Detached from worldly concerns, Buddhist and Catholic monks “culti- vate letters and arts and share their knowledge with others. The separation from the world and ordinary life leads them to treat the monastery as self-suf- ficient, providing all essential needs” (Masson 1970: 98). The simplicity of the monastic lifestyle is also another reason why both religions gain numerous followers.

In line with their evangelizing endeavors, both religions engage in inculturation, i.e. the dynamic interaction between an alien or a foreign religion and the 202 TOWARDS A BUDDHIIST-CATHOLIC INTERRELIGIOUS ENCOUNTER local culture. It is important if the religion is to take roots in the locus of missions. “As a theological word, inculturation is almost synonymous with mission. The Church therefore, inculturates to evangelize, to penetrate culture with the gospel” (FABC 1995: 15). Hence, the Catholic Church officially acknowl- edges its importance and conducts liturgical inculturation on its own, from wedding celebrations up to adaptations to Filipino values and customs that were mentioned earlier. However, inculturation among Filipino Catholics also occurs spontaneously and on a popular level, outside the approval of the Catholic hierarchy, as will be seen later. After Vatican II, the Catholic liturgy has been performed in major Philippine dialects. At present, religious activities such as Christmas, Semana Santa (Holy Week), Flores de Mayo (Mayflower festival), Santa Cruzan (Feast of the Holy Cross), the fiesta (the patron saint’s feast day) are celebrated as community festivities and, at times, declared na- tional holidays.

As noted above, Buddhism in Southeast Asia is Indian/Sri Lankan in origin, while Christianity was brought to the Philippines by the Spanish colonizers. But, as they came in contact with indigenous beliefs and took root in the region, they both acquired peculiarities that would differentiate them from the way they are lived and practiced in India or Spain. Reid describes the ancient indigenous Southeast Asian religion as animistic: “The material world suffused with spiritual forces, and to survive and flourish in it everybody had to know how to manipulate them” (Reid 1993: 136). This animism is so deeply rooted that it cannot be simply given up, and a compromise is necessary between the old tradition and the new worldview. In Buddhist countries like Myanmar and Vietnam, primitive spirits (nat) continue to be venerated by the Buddhist converts as variations of Buddhist deities. In Thailand, the two religions of animism and Buddhism are intermingled as evidenced by the continued practice of constructing spirit houses by the Thais. The worship of relics as repositories of spiritual power is popular among Southeast Asian Buddhists. The Buddhist doctrine of reincarnation (samsara) reinforces the traditional belief in ghosts and spirits.2 Since Buddhism is not a religion of dogma like Catholicism, it does not prohibit any form of indigenous ceremony or ritual on condition that it not conflict with the Buddha’s eightfold path, specifically with right action, which prohibits inflicting pain or suffering on other sentient creatures. On the other hand, there are Filipinos who will not find any inconsistency between their Catholic faith and local beliefs in diwata (fairies), dwende (dwarfs), mangkukulam (witches), or aswang (local vampires), despite the fact these are

2 “For many modern Southeast Asian Buddhists …. What do remain central are the notions of karma and rebirth—plus persistent belief in the reality of a spirit world inhabited by a variety of more of less unpleasant spirits and demons of one kind or another (nats in Burma, phi in Thailand and Laos, neak in Cambodia), which require propitiation” (Stuart-Fox 2006: 2).

203 STUDIES IN INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE 21 (2011) 2 discouraged by the Church. The pre-Hispanic belief in ancestral spirits and anito who bestow power, wealth, and health has been replaced by the worship of patron saints, the Santo Nino (Holy Child) and the Blessed Virgin with all her different attributes/images. Anting-anting (talismans), traditional herbal medicine, and magical amulets are sold in front of some Catholic churches together with religious articles and novena booklets. “The spirit world of animism is still close to the people of Southeast Asia, and neither the imposition of another religion nor the introduction of an irreligious philosophy has been able to exorcise these spirits completely” (Welty 1973: 275). The study done by R.C. Ileto (1979) on the Filipino’s popular observance of the Pasyon during Holy Week shows how the Filipinos of the late 19th century who freed themselves from their Spanish colonizers, reconciled the paschal mystery celebrated by the Catholic Church with their pre-Hispanic worldview, especially with regard to the people’s traditional conception of loob: The Tagalog peasants believed that those whose loob was pure, serene, and controlled, have special powers granted to them by Christ and the result was that towards the end of the Spanish regime, their leaders who were perceived in this way, enacted the roles of Christ and His disciples and organized armed rebellion in defiance of the colonial authorities. (Wolters 1999: 61) An essential part of Buddhist tradition, the Sangha is a monastic community devoted to a life of poverty and mendicancy. In Burma, every boy is supposed to enter the order temporarily as a novice, usually for at least a week…. There is a similar system of temporary ordination but one which is even more flexible, in Thailand. (Until the communist takeovers of the 1970s, Laos and Cambodia had similar Buddhist traditions and practices.) (Gombrich 1989:312) Aside from being a center of spirituality, the Sangha plays an important role in education and social services. Thus, throughout history, the Sangha or community of monks has been respected and revered by the lay community. They have been central in the day-to-day lives of the people, providing education and traditional health, and encouraging morality and community cohesiveness. (Sivaraksa 1998: 65) Buddhist monasteries often become temporary homes for travelling scholars or orphans. Convents serve as shelters for displaced women. In recent years, the growth of Buddhist lay organizations in Myanmar, Vietnam, Laos, and Thai- land can be observed as part of the renewal of religion. In the Catholic Church, the importance of the laity is also being emphasized since Vatican II. In every parish in the Philippines, there is a parish pastoral council that coordinates all parochial activities and social missions while serving as the umbrella of all lay organizations. The Catholic Women’s League, Knights of Colombus, Legion of Mary, Couples for Christ, and charismatic groups like El Shaddai are taking the lead in charitable work and cause-oriented projects.

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Government/political support and endorsement in various forms played an important role in the expansion of Catholicism and Buddhism. Powerful empire builders, beginning with King Asoka in the 3rd century BCE were responsible for the propagation of Buddhism. Catholic missionaries were brought to the Philippines by the Spanish to colonize and Hispanize the islands. The evangelizing techniques of these missionaries were so effective that most historians conclude that the Spanish conquered the archipelago by the cross and by the sword. At some points in the history of Myanmar, Laos, Vietnam, and Cambo- dia, Buddhism had also been a state religion.

While this entails state support, it also involves state regulation, which limits religious freedom.3 The popularity of Buddhism encourages Southeast Asian politicians to clothe their political platform with the ideals of that religion. But at the same time, aware of the potential for Buddhism to be used for communist or anti-government propaganda, governments are keen to check and, if necessary, suppress reformist tendencies in the religion. 20th-century developments in the theologies of the two religions, such as the teachings of Vatican II, liberation theology, Marxist Buddhism, the Buddhist writings of Thich Tri Quang and Thich Nhat Hanh, and tendencies toward “Engaged Buddhism” all promote political activism among their many followers. In the Philippines, the Catholic Church is always a force with which politicians have to reckon. Several members of the clergy and Catholic nuns joined the armed struggle against the Marcos dictatorship during the 1970s. The role of the Catholic Church in the people’s revolution of Edsa I (1986) and Edsa II (2001) cannot be undermined. Anti-Catholic policies such as divorce, and the use of artificial contraception are still too difficult to be legislated in the Philippine Congress. The relationship between politics and religion in the region is too complex to be discussed comprehensively in this article. Suffice it to say from the above analysis that, as far as politics is concerned, the religious institution is bi-polar: it can be used by the state to achieve some political ends, but they can also inspire or support anti-state movements4 It is clear that Buddhism and Cathol- icism will continue to exert significant influence in the political developments of the Philippines and Southeast Asia in the years to come.

3 We can cite Buddhism in Thailand as an example. “Thai Buddhism was officially made a state religion in the reign of King Chulalongkorn. This has resulted in the gradual taming of Buddhism since the role of a state religion is to support the King and the centralization of the Kingdom. Hence State Buddhism lost both its vitality and its role in checking the absolute power of the ruling elites, as it has done so throughout its long history—at least in South and Southeast Asia” (Sivaraksa 1998: 60). 4 “So into the 21st century, Buddhism remains under close political control in Burma, Laos and Cambodia, and no independent Buddhist inspired or guided political activism has been possible” (Stuart-Fox 2006: 13).

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As stated above, meditation or yoga is emphasized greatly in Southeast Asian Buddhism. A striking characteristic of Buddhist meditation is the great role ac- corded to the awareness of one’s physique, feelings, states of mind, and thoughts (vipassana). This is important for gaining an awareness that they are not the self, that there is no ego. In everyday life such awareness means a calm and controlled deportment, a lack of emotion display …. [I]t means that the Buddha was diametrically opposed to that total loss of normal awareness which we call possession, the state which, so far as we can tell, has always been the hallmark of religious performance in the local cults of south Asian villages. (Gombrich 1988: 64) Many members of the Catholic Church, not only in Buddhist countries but even in the Philippines, want to profit from this technique. Today, seminars and recollections on interfaith contemplation are given in the country in order to promote the spirit and practice of meditation.

Concluding Reflection The Second Vatican Council has dramatically changed the worldview of most Catholics, particularly in way they see the secular world and how they deal with other religions. Catholics, not just in the Philippines but in general, are taking the initiative for interfaith or interreligious dialogue. While such encounters generate respect and appreciation of the Buddhist religion, it is a fundamental tenet of Catholicism that, while there are elements of truth in other religions, these elements are finally inadequate because there is only one true Church and all salvation come from Christ.5 This tenet has been a serious barrier in interreligious dialogue; it also has been the source of discrimination and even violence that some Catholics inflict on Jews, Muslims, and other non-Christians. Like every other religion claiming to be the only true religion, Christianity faces a problem. It cannot abandon its claim to uniqueness, for that denies its historical and doctrinal identity; nor should it, for the claim is both true in the sense that Christianity does represent a distinct vision of God and human destiny and is consistent with the similar claims of other religions. (Parekh 2006: 33)6

5 “Christianity understands itself as the absolute religion, intended for all men, which cannot recognize any other religion beside itself as of equal right. This proposi- tion is self-evident and basic for Christianity’s understanding of itself” (Rahner 1980: 58). For Rahner, non-Christians are “anonymous Christians” or “invisible members” of the church. Outside the Philippines, Catholicism is a small minority religion in South- east Asia considered by many to be a Western ideology that converts people so that they can go to heaven. 6 This is not an issue as far as Buddhism is concerned, since Buddhism is not based on a unique or supernatural revelation. The four noble truths are the results of the Buddha’s meditation on the human condition.

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The challenge for modern Catholics is how to foster cooperation and harmoni- ous coexistence with members of other religions without giving up their claim to special revelation. Furthermore, with migration, tourism, technological developments in communication, and the emergence of newer Christian denom- inations, it is evident that religious plurality will increase in Southeast Asia in the future.

The objective of interreligious dialogue is not religious syncretism nor theological relativism. In this study, both doctrinal and historical approaches are used. The combined method enables us to cover both the cognitive and the practical aspects of interreligious dialogue, i.e. it shows us the ways in which the two religions are similar in the truths they hold and the concrete activity of their missionaries and believers. It also enables us to understand how the teachings of the two religions are lived by the Southeast Asians in historically concrete ways. Our findings show that the Southeast Asians are not passive re- ceivers of Catholicism or Buddhism. In both belief and practice, they make the two religions truly their own. The success of both religions in the region de- pend largely on how they are inculturated so as to meet and answer the spiritual and the physical needs of the people. Buddhism and Catholicism address the fundamental spiritual concern for the meaning of life and suffering of the Southeast Asians as well as their temporal necessities such as literacy, education, health, and social stability. Our historical survey of Southeast Asian countries shows how Buddhism influences the cultural, social, and political developments in the region. On the other hand, Catholicism permeates the various aspects of Filipino life. All these manifest the success of Southeast Asian believers in integrating their faiths and their various temporal concerns.

While dialogue can take place in different ways, its main goal is to bring about understanding, acceptance, and mutual enrichment. Without undermining the theological and hermeneutical dimensions of interreligous dialogue, what I would like to emphasize by way of conclusion the practical aspect of dialogue—what is called dialogue of action or collaboration. By looking at how religions promote human development, we can understand the teachings of religions concretely and discover how different religions can learn from one another and inspire cooperation. Religion exists not for its own sake but for the sake of people. It is therefore the primary concern of religion to help people and to defend their human dignity…. This struggle for full humanity, it seems to me, ought to be the basis for cooperation between the various religions of Asia. (Sastrapratedja 1985: 6) This type of interreligious dialogue is very relevant in Southeast Asia where a large percentage of the population lives in poverty and dehumanizing condi- tions. A Southeast Asian perspective on interreligious dialogue cannot ignore this aspect if it wants to remain faithful to the actual experiences of the believers.

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Dialogue of action places emphasis on the social involvement of Catholics and Buddhists. It is their commitment to social change and their deep concern with the needs of the people that serve as the common ground between their faiths. They are challenged to put into practice the messages of Jesus and the Buddha in socially concrete ways.7 But for such practice to be authentic, it must not be oblivious to the fact that their respective religious messages were articulated in a specific time and place and thus need to be contextualized and reinterpreted in the light of the current socio-historical situation. Such recognition will allow Buddhists and Catholics to understand each other without giving up the uniqueness of their religions and to be cognizant that neither the Buddhist nor the Christian message is the absolute expression of Truth. Catholics and Bud- dhists can work together without compromising the totality of their faiths (they may continue to pray or worship according to their belief). A perfect consensus between the doctrines of Buddhism and Catholicism may not be possible, but the similarities in the ways they promote the social welfare of the people are strong.

Paul Tillich defines religion as the state of being grasped by an ultimate concern, a concern which qualifies all other concerns as preliminary and which itself contains the answer to the question of the meaning of our life. Therefore this concern is unconditionally serious and shows a wil- lingness to sacrifice any finite concern which is in conflict with it. (Tillich 1963: 4) Such ultimate or deep concern cannot simply come from the superficial or ex- pedient demands of circumstances. Generally, the involvement of the two religions in the region occurred simultaneously with the political and economic expansionism from Spain, China, and South Asia. But, while early missionaries may had corroborated with expansionist undertakings in the beginning, they manifested their deep concern for the people through their sincere efforts in learning their languages and cultures, helping them in their daily needs and improving their lives through community organization and establishment of schools. Catholics find this ultimate concern in Jesus’ commandment to love, while Buddhists counter this with the Buddha’s doctrine of anatta. Both religions challenge believers to transcend their individuality and selfishness. Both require concrete participation and sustained commitment. We can see the historical manifestations of this deep concern from the initial efforts of Catholic and Buddhist missionaries to adapt the teachings of their religions to the needs

7 While there can be a shift of emphasis between dialogue of action and theological dialogue, the two cannot really be separated in theory or in practice. As rational beings, human persons act for a reason or motive. Religious institutions justify their concern for social justice and human development by means of their theological teachings, not through utilitarian or secular ways.

208 TOWARDS A BUDDHIIST-CATHOLIC INTERRELIGIOUS ENCOUNTER of the local communities, the charitable works of the Sanghas and Catholic monasteries, up to the various efforts of Catholic and Buddhist leaders and members to meet the challenges of poverty in the contemporary period through quality education, grassroots/lay organizing, social protests, and political activity.

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