The First Amendment in Its Forgotten Years
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American Bolsheviki: the Beginnings of the First Red Scare, 1917 to 1918
Steeplechase: An ORCA Student Journal Volume 3 Issue 2 Article 4 2019 American Bolsheviki: The Beginnings of the First Red Scare, 1917 to 1918 Jonathan Dunning Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.murraystate.edu/steeplechase Part of the European History Commons, Other History Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Dunning, Jonathan (2019) "American Bolsheviki: The Beginnings of the First Red Scare, 1917 to 1918," Steeplechase: An ORCA Student Journal: Vol. 3 : Iss. 2 , Article 4. Available at: https://digitalcommons.murraystate.edu/steeplechase/vol3/iss2/4 This Feature is brought to you for free and open access by the The Office of Research and Creative Activity at Murray State's Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Steeplechase: An ORCA Student Journal by an authorized editor of Murray State's Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. American Bolsheviki: The Beginnings of the First Red Scare, 1917 to 1918 Abstract A consensus has developed among historians that widespread panic consumed the American public and government as many came to fear a Bolshevik coup of the United States government and the undermining of the American way of life beginning in early 1919. Known as the First Red Scare, this period became one of the most well-known episodes of American fear of Communism in US history. With this focus on the events of 1919 to 1920, however, historians of the First Red Scare have often ignored the initial American reaction to the October Revolution in late 1917 and throughout 1918. -
Reconsidering the Origins of the Constitutional Privilege Against Self-Incrimination
Michigan Law Review Volume 92 Issue 5 1994 Taking the Fifth: Reconsidering the Origins of the Constitutional Privilege Against Self-Incrimination Eben Moglen Columbia University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Eben Moglen, Taking the Fifth: Reconsidering the Origins of the Constitutional Privilege Against Self- Incrimination, 92 MICH. L. REV. 1086 (1994). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol92/iss5/3 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TAKING THE FIFTH: RECONSIDERING THE ORIGINS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRIVILEGE AGAINST SELF INCRIMINATION Eben Moglen* INTRODUCTION Modem criminal procedure in the common law jurisdictions has few distinguishing features as significant as the defendant's strong privilege against becoming a testimonial resource in a criminal investi gation or trial. This is particularly true in the United States, where the interpretation of the Fifth Amendment's familiar wording1 guarantees that objects of police investigation will be warned prophylactically against testimonial cooperation with the police and protects against adverse commentary on failure to testify at trial.2 Perhaps because of its contemporary significance, historical scholarship has tended to lo cate the origin of the privilege deep in the libertarian tradition of the common law. -
Trials Under the Espionage and Sedition Acts During World War I
Where was the First Amendment? Trials Under the Espionage and Sedition Acts During WWI by Kathryn Horrocks HST 499 June 2, 2005 First Reader: Dr. Jensen Second Reader: Dr. Lowe Before the passage of the Espionage and Sedition Acts of 1917 and 1918, the United States government sought to curb anti-war efforts with prosecutions under remaining Civil War conspiracy statutes. However, these statutes were not effective on persons acting or speaking out against the war alone because by definition a conspiracy requires more than one person. 1 To close these loopholes and successfully control public discussions and actions that may have harmed the war effort, Congress passed the Espionage Act in June of 1917 2. This Act censored speech, behavior and publication of information that intended to undermine the US war effort, or aid her enemies.3 However, this element of intent allowed some anti-war speech to go unpunished. Occasional acquittals under the Espionage Act, and violence against political dissidents prompted congress to pass the Sedition Act almost a year later. The Sedition Act was very similar to the Espionage Act, except for the inclusion of a section which forbid the utterance or publication of “disloyal, scurrilous or abusive language” regarding the US, her flag, her military or her government. 4 This closed the loophole created by the element of intent, and its effect was to “ban dissent of any kind.”5 These Acts and their effects came into direct conflict with the First Amendment of the Constitution which clearly prevents congress from “abridging 1 Shirley J Burton, “The Espionage and Sedition Acts of 1917 and 1918: Sectional Interpretations in the United States District Courts of Illinois,” Illinois Historical Journal 87(1) (1994), 41. -
Petitioner, V
No. 19-___ IN THE Supreme Court of the United States _________ MARK JANUS, Petitioner, v. AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE, COUNTY, AND MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES, COUNCIL 31, ET AL., Respondents. _________ On Petition for Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit _________ PETITION FOR WRIT OF CERTIORARI _________ JEFFREY M. SCHWAB WILLIAM L. MESSENGER LIBERTY JUSTICE CENTER Counsel of Record 190 South LaSalle Street AARON B. SOLEM Suite 1500 c/o NATIONAL RIGHT TO Chicago, IL 60603 WORK LEGAL DEFENSE (312) 263-7668 FOUNDATION, INC. 8001 Braddock Road Suite 600 Springfield, VA 22160 (703) 321-8510 [email protected] Counsel for Petitioner QUESTION PRESENTED Is there a “good faith defense” to 42 U.S.C. § 1983 that shields a defendant from damages liability for de- priving citizens of their constitutional rights if the de- fendant acted under color of a law before it was held unconstitutional? (i) ii PARTIES TO THE PROCEEDINGS AND RULE 29.6 STATEMENT Petitioner, a Plaintiff-Appellant in the court below, is Mark Janus. Respondents, Defendants-Appellees in the court be- low, are American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees, Council 31; Simone McNeil, in her official capacity as the Acting Director of the Illi- nois Department of Central Management Services; and Illinois Attorney General Kwame Raoul. Other parties to the original proceedings below who are not Petitioners or Respondents include plaintiffs Illinois Governor Bruce Rauner, Brian Trygg, and Ma- rie Quigley, and defendant General Teamsters/Profes- sional & Technical Employees Local Union No. 916. Because no Petitioner is a corporation, a corporate disclosure statement is not required under Supreme Court Rule 29.6. -
Smith 1051.Pdf
ISSN 1936-5349 (print) ISSN 1936-5357 (online) HARVARD JOHN M. OLIN CENTER FOR LAW, ECONOMICS, AND BUSINESS EQUITY AS META-LAW Henry E. Smith Forthcoming in Yale Law Journal Discussion Paper No. 1051 12/2020 Harvard Law School Cambridge, MA 02138 This paper can be downloaded without charge from: The Harvard John M. Olin Discussion Paper Series: http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/olin_center The Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3734662 EQUITY AS META-LAW Henry E. Smith* October 15, 2020 (forthcoming, Yale Law Journal) * Fessenden Professor of Law, HArvArd Law School. EmAil: [email protected]. I would Also like to thAnk Leigh Anenson, Benito ArruñAdA, Lisa Austin, ShyAm BAlgAnesh, Sam Bray, Yun-chien Chang, Eric Claeys, Bob Ellickson, Yuval Feldman, Andrew Gold, John Goldberg, John Golden, Erik Hovenkamp, Bruce Johnsen, Louis Kaplow, Andrew Kull, MichAel Kenneally, Dan KlermAn, Dennis Klimchuk, Andrew Kull, Bentley MAcLeod, Paul Miller, SusAn Morse, EduArdo PeñAlver, Mark RAmseyer, Emily Sherwin, Ted Sichelman, Steve Spitz, JAmes Stern, Alex Stremitzer, And Audiences At the ItAliAn Society of LAw And Economics, University of BolzAno, ItAly; the Workshop on Entrepreneurship And the LAw, BrighAm Young University LAw School; the AmericAn LAw And Economics Annual Meeting, Columbia Law School; the Fourth AnnuAl TriAngle Law And Economics Conference, Duke LAw School; the Robert A. Levy Fellows Workshop in LAw & Liberty, George MAson University School of LAw; the University of GeorgiA -
Espionage Act of 1917
Communication Law Review An Analysis of Congressional Arguments Limiting Free Speech Laura Long, University of Oklahoma The Alien and Sedition Acts, Espionage and Sedition Acts, and USA PATRIOT Act are all war-time acts passed by Congress which are viewed as blatant civil rights violations. This study identifies recurring arguments presented during congressional debates of these acts. Analysis of the arguments suggests that Terror Management Theory may explain why civil rights were given up in the name of security. Further, the citizen and non-citizen distinction in addition to political ramifications are discussed. The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798 are considered by many as gross violations of civil liberties and constitutional rights. John Miller, in his book, Crisis in Freedom, described the Alien and Sedition Acts as a failure from every point of view. Miller explained the Federalists’ “disregard of the basic freedoms of Americans [completed] their ruin and cost them the confidence and respect of the people.”1 John Adams described the acts as “an ineffectual attempt to extinguish the fire of defamation, but it operated like oil upon the flames.”2 Other scholars have claimed that the acts were not simply unwise policy, but they were unconstitutional measures.3 In an article titled “Order vs. Liberty,” Larry Gragg argued that they were blatantly against the First Amendment protections outlined only seven years earlier.4 Despite popular opinion that the acts were unconstitutional and violated basic civil liberties, arguments used to pass the acts have resurfaced throughout United States history. Those arguments seek to instill fear in American citizens that foreigners will ultimately be the demise to the United States unless quick and decisive action is taken. -
Statement of Geoffrey R. Stone Edward H
Statement of Geoffrey R. Stone Edward H. Levi Distinguished Service Professor of Law The University of Chicago Hearing on the Espionage Act and the Legal and Constitutional Issues Raised by WikiLeaks Committee on the Judiciary United States House of Representatives December 16, 2010 The proposed SHIELD Act1 would amend the Espionage Act of 19172 to make it a crime for any person knowingly and willfully to disseminate, in any manner prejudicial to the safety or interest of the United States, “any classified information . concerning the human intelligence activities of the United States or . concerning the identity of a classified source or informant” working with the intelligence community of the United States. Although the Act might be constitutional as applied to a government employee who “leaks” such classified material, it is plainly unconstitutional as applied to other individuals who might publish or otherwise disseminate such information. With respect to such other individuals, the Act violates the First Amendment unless, at the very least, it is expressly limited to situations in which the individual knows that the dissemination of the classified material poses a clear and present danger of grave harm to the nation. The clear and present danger standard, in varying forms, has been a central element of our First Amendment jurisprudence ever since Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes first enunciated it in his 1919 opinion in Schenk v. United States.3 In the 90 years since Schenck, the precise meaning of “clear and present danger” has shifted,4 but the principle that animates the standard was stated eloquently by Justice Louis D. -
PILOT the Evolution, Exercise, and Extent of Free Speech in US History
PILOT TEACHING CIVICS through HISTORY The Evolution, Exercise, and Extent of Free Speech in US History (Middle School) by John McNamara and Ron Nash OVERVIEW This unit is one of the Gilder Lehrman Institute’s Teaching Civics through History resources, designed to align to the Common Core State Standards. The lessons can also be modified to conform to the C3 Framework. These units were developed to provide students with foundational knowledge of the historical roots of current civic and social issues facing their communities and the nation while building their literacy, research, and critical thinking skills. By connecting the past with current events, the program will 1) enable students to understand that history is made of up individual actions, 2) empower students to develop their civic voices and encourage them to take civic action, and 3) help students recognize their ability to influence history in their own communities and nationwide. In this unit, over the course of one to two weeks, students will learn and practice literacy skills that will help them develop knowledgeable and well-reasoned points of view on the history of freedom of speech in the United States. They will examine and assess primary and secondary sources, demonstrate what they have learned through their analysis and assessment of the primary sources by writing a response to essential questions posed in the unit, engage in an analysis of current news articles written from different perspectives using materials presented by the AllSides.com website, and then develop a civic engagement project that integrates their knowledge of freedom of speech in the past and today. -
“Clean Hands” Doctrine
Announcing the “Clean Hands” Doctrine T. Leigh Anenson, J.D., LL.M, Ph.D.* This Article offers an analysis of the “clean hands” doctrine (unclean hands), a defense that traditionally bars the equitable relief otherwise available in litigation. The doctrine spans every conceivable controversy and effectively eliminates rights. A number of state and federal courts no longer restrict unclean hands to equitable remedies or preserve the substantive version of the defense. It has also been assimilated into statutory law. The defense is additionally reproducing and multiplying into more distinctive doctrines, thus magnifying its impact. Despite its approval in the courts, the equitable defense of unclean hands has been largely disregarded or simply disparaged since the last century. Prior research on unclean hands divided the defense into topical areas of the law. Consistent with this approach, the conclusion reached was that it lacked cohesion and shared properties. This study sees things differently. It offers a common language to help avoid compartmentalization along with a unified framework to provide a more precise way of understanding the defense. Advancing an overarching theory and structure of the defense should better clarify not only when the doctrine should be allowed, but also why it may be applied differently in different circumstances. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................................................. 1829 I. PHILOSOPHY OF EQUITY AND UNCLEAN HANDS ...................... 1837 * Copyright © 2018 T. Leigh Anenson. Professor of Business Law, University of Maryland; Associate Director, Center for the Study of Business Ethics, Regulation, and Crime; Of Counsel, Reminger Co., L.P.A; [email protected]. Thanks to the participants in the Discussion Group on the Law of Equity at the 2017 Southeastern Association of Law Schools Annual Conference, the 2017 International Academy of Legal Studies in Business Annual Conference, and the 2018 Pacific Southwest Academy of Legal Studies in Business Annual Conference. -
"1929 Congressional Record-Senate
"1929 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE ~115_ to their constitnenf8 every two years and renew their commis- or such part thereof as may be necessary," so ·as to make the sions in order that that body may keep i.li close touch with the resolution read : people. Whereas it is charged that the lobbyists, located in and around We have before us now in the pending bill a provision to Washington, filch from the American public more money under a false enlarge this power in the hands of the President, having already claim that they can influence legislation than the legislative branch of conferred it upon him seven years ago. I opposed it· then ; I this Government costs the taxpayer ; and. oppose it now. But, Mr. President, I am willing that the Whereas the lobbyists seek by all means to capitalize for themselves Tariff Commission shall report to the President and then that every interest and every sentiment of the American public which can be the President shall communicate to Congress by message regard made to yield an unclean dollar for their greedy pockets: Now, there ing such report if at the same time the Tariff Commission shall fore, be it be required to report to us. In that event we would be sure Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary of the United States to get all the information either as to tarlfi increases or tariff Senate, or a subcommittee thereof to be appointed by the chairman of decreases. It might happen, if the Tariff Commission were the committee, is empowered and instructed to inquire into the activities required to report only to the President and he could use his of these lobbying associations and lobbyists. -
Learned Hand's Seven Other Ideas
LEARNED HAND’S SEVEN OTHER IDEAS ABOUT THE FREEDOM OF SPEECH Vincent Blasi* I say “other” because, regarding the freedom of speech, Learned Hand has suffered the not uncommon fate of having his best ideas either drowned out or credited exclusively to others due to the excessive attention that has been bestowed on one of his lesser ideas. Sitting as a district judge in the case of Masses Publishing Co. v. Patten,1 Hand wrote the earliest judicial opinion about the freedom of speech that has attained canonical status. He ruled that under the recently passed Espionage Act of 1917,2 writings critical of government cannot be grounds for imposing criminal punishment or the denial of mailing privileges unless the authors tell their readers it is in their interest or is their duty to violate the law.3 Hostile criticism very likely to cause harm or intended to do so is not punishable under that statute, he concluded, if it stops short of direct advocacy of law violation.4 He derived this standard in the guise of statutory interpretation but very little in the text of the law or its history of passage suggested his reading. Rather, to support his preferred test Hand drew upon what he took to be the basic presuppositions of democratic governance, assumed to underlie the enactment of the statute. In subsequent private correspondence, he repeatedly invoked his test as not only implicit in the Espionage Act but also the best interpretation of the First Amendment.5 Hand’s focus on the exact meaning conveyed by the speaker’s words rather than their likely or intended effect represents a different approach from that of his peers, most notably his friend and hero Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., whose clear-and-present-danger test, introduced two years later, turns on predicted consequences and speaker intentions.6 It has become a * Vincent Blasi is Corliss Lamont Professor of Civil Liberties, Columbia Law School. -
Avoiding Serious Constitutional Doubts: the Supreme Court's Construction of Statutes Raising Free Speech Concerns Lisa A
Santa Clara Law Santa Clara Law Digital Commons Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 1996 Avoiding Serious Constitutional Doubts: The Supreme Court's Construction of Statutes Raising Free Speech Concerns Lisa A. Kloppenberg Santa Clara University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/facpubs Recommended Citation 30 UC Davis L. Rev. 1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Santa Clara Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Santa Clara Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. t ..., ?:University. U.C. DAVIS LAW REVIEW • ..- ! Ca lifo of rnia VOLUME 30 FALL 1996 NUMBER 1 ARTICLES Avoiding Serious Constitutional Doubts: The Supreme Court's Construction of Statutes Raising Free Speech Concerns Lisa A. Klppenbelg TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ............................... 3 I. THE AVOIDANCE CANON ...................... 9 A. Formulations of the Avoidance Canon and Its Use as a Tool of Statutory Construction ................ 10 * Assistant Professor of Law, University of Oregon School of Law; BA, 1984, Universi- ty of Southern California; J.D., 1987, University of Southern California. I am grateful to Keith Aoki, Michael Dorf, Garrett Epps, Brian Murchison, Jim O'Fallon, Margie Paris, Da- vid Schuman and Mark Zunich for reviewing an earlier version of this article. Donna Matthews provided important contributions, both substantive and editorial. Justin Thorp and Lyssette Goodman also provided excellent research assistance. The editors at Davis, in- cluding Linda Berg Othman, Alex Ceridwen, Jennifer Shih, Cynthia Hirschl, and Darolyn Hamada worked with great skill and dedication to improve this article.