14 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010

A Historical And Theoretical Look At Ritual Abuse Laws Part Ill: Applying An Integrated Conflict Model Analysis To The McMartin Case Jason S. Ulsperger, Arkansas Tech University Stan H. Hodges, TexasA&M University-Kingsville

Abstract This article further examines the social construction of ritual abuse statutes within the Integrated Conflict Model perspective. With content analysis findings based on a qualitative, historical phenomenologicalinterpretation, this piece examines the formation of ritual abuse laws in California. Examining circumstances su"ounding the satanic panic that took place in the mid-· 1980s to early 1990s, the article reviews the McMartin Preschool case. It supports previous research indicating the formation of ritual abuse laws involves structural foundations, public perceptions of crime, triggering events, and counter-triggering events.

On May 12, 1983, Judy Johnson nearly a decade. It capped itself off with dropped her son Billy off at McMartin new ritual abuse legislation in 1995 Preschool. It was his first day at the (Noblitt & Noblitt 2008). Manhattan Beach,Califomia, establishment. Often relating to satanic practices, Three months later, Billy told his mother ritual abuse is any symbolic, repeated that his anus itched. She took Billy to illegal behavior that fulfills cultural, social, the doctor and later contacted the local religious, sexual, or psychological police department claiming someone at needs. Laws associated with ritual abuse the school sexually assaulted him. include acts of child torture, unlawful Shortly after, police arrested McMartin underage marriages, forced interaction with employee Ray Buckey, the grandson of the deceased, and the explicit mutilation the preschool's founder Virginia of the deceased (Hodges 2008). As McMartin and son of administrator Peggy indicated by California's ritual abuse law, McMartin Buckey. Judy claimed Ray which no longer is in effect, a person sodomized Billy while pushing his head would receive a three-year extension to into a toilet bowl. Information from Billy their sentence in certain child abuse also indicated Mr. Buckey sometimes cases.This included situations involving dressed up like a satanic priest wearing simulated torture, sacrifice of any capes and participating with other mammal, or forced ingestion of human employees in ritualistic animal mutilation. or animal urine or feces. It also involved The following year, the McMartin circumstances where abusers externally Preschool closed its doors after applied flesh or blood to a child or placed interviews of students indicated 360 a child into a coffin or similar structure cases of sexual abuse. The police raided containing the remains of dead animals multiple preschools in California over or humans (1995). concerns about widespread satanic This article uses the circumstances rituals taking place in daycare centers. surrounding the McMartin case to By May 1984, prosecutors indicted examine the social construction of owners and employees of McMartin California's short-lived ritual abuse law. Preschool on 208 counts of child It starts by discussing theoretical ideas victimization (Eberle & Eberle 1993). The behind constructionist and Integrated drama related to the case lasted for FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010 15

Conflict Model of law formation conditions of society, as well as core perspectives. The article then reviews the values and ideological assumptions of methodology used to research the people in power that influence views of McMartin case. Finally, it provides criminal behavior. Perceptions of crime findings supporting the idea that ritual and demands for information and abuse law in California was the punishment involve media exposure about consequence of structural foundations, allegations surrounding an issue or public perception of ritual abuse and event. The point is that media exposure demands for information and punishment, has the potential to create an elevated triggering events, and counter-triggering sense of public awareness. Once the events. public is more attuned to a specific issue, they will demand that government CONSTRUCTION/SM AND THE officials do something about it. This INTEGRATED CONFLICT MODEL involves enforcing laws that already exist Part I and Part II of this series offer or creating new ones if necessary. detailed discussions of constructionist Triggering events produce an intense thought and the Integrated Conflict Model demand for action and public policy. of law formation (see Hodges 2008; They can occur simultaneously including Hodges & Ulsperger 2008). However, a aspects of election year politics, brief review is important. sensationalized crimes, and appellate Constructionist views imply that court decisions. The aforementioned humans create and maintain reality media exposure sets the stage for action, through interaction. Traditional sociology but the triggering events set the legislative implies this is a three-stage process. process into motion. They create a First, humans interact and create critical mass between various social something. Second, other people accept structures and their ideologies, the thing created. Third, over time prompting a reality construction battle multiple people internalize the thing between interest groups (for specific created into a concrete fact existing details and examples see Galliher & beyond human origins. The idea of Cross 1983; Hodges & Ulsperger 2005; socially constructed reality applies to McGarrell & Castellano 1991; Ulsperger everyday knowledge that orders our lives, 2003 ). In this article, we apply the three whether it concerns time, money, or core concepts of the integrated conflict religion (Berger & Luckmann 1967). perspective, but also focus on a fourth The Integrative Conflict Model extends concept, counter-triggering events (see this idea, implying laws are socially Figure 1). As discussed in earlier articles constructed realities. However, it in this series, counter-triggering events specifically argues that three factors involve law enforcement and academic facilitate the creation of law. They reports that serve to neutralize conflict include structural foundations, surrounding the issue of concern, in this perceptions of crime and demands for case ritualistic abuse. They promote the information and punishment, and repeal of legislation after structural triggering events. Structural foundations conditions and perceptions of a particular focus on issues such as levels of crime change (Hodges 2008; Hodges & heterogeneity, inequality, and economic Ulsperger 2008). 16 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010

Figure 1. The Integrative Conflict Model and the McMartin Case

STRUCTURAL FOUNDATION GROUPS Primary Basic Fundamentalist Christian Groups Secondary Mental Health Fields Tertiary Law Enforcement Ideologies D

PERCEPTION AND DEMANDS Public Demands for Government Explanations and Action Religious and Mental Health Moral Entrepreneurs Parental Group Activity D TRIGGERING EVENTS Sensationalized Crimes Political Moral Entrepreneurs

COUNTER-TRIGGERING EVENTS Unsuccessful Prosecution Scholarly Research New Law Enforcement Ideologies D RITUAL ABUSE LAW AND POLICIES

*NOTE: Factors do not have to occur sequentially (see Hodges & Ulsperger 2008)

METHODS We used a variety of sources to analyze This research involves content analysis the circumstances revolving around the findings based on qualitative, historical McMartin case (for a timeline of events see phenomenological interpretation of events Figure 2). These sources of data range surrounding ritual abuse law in California. between 1993 and 2004. Based on our FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010 17

previous work concerning ritual abuse law searches through library and Internet in Idaho (Hodges & Ulsperger 2008), we search engines such as WorldCat, were aware of several sources on the LexisNexis, ProQuest Direct, and topic. These included newspaper and JSTOR using search terms such as magazine articles from the time, peer­ "McMartin case" and "California ritual review journal articles, and legal abuse." documents. The limited number we were For each source found, we then familiar with was not adequate. We thoroughly examined references subsequently carried out several discovering even more sources. This

Figure 2. The McMartin Case Timeline

1983 In May, Judy Johnson files a police report aleging that actions related to satanic rituals let to her son Bill being sodomized at McMartin Preschool in Manhattan Beach, California. Ray Buckey and others are charged. By November, mental health professionals diagnose 360 students as sexually abused.

1984 Owners close the McMartin Preschool after 28 years in business. Television reports highlight the massive abuse sacandal and raids take place at several Los Angeles daycare centers. The L.A. Times reports McMartin children were photographed nude. In June, police hold Ray Buckey without bail. Seven McMartin teachers face charges.

1985 Parents dig up the school grounds looking for secret rooms not find­ ing any. Judy Johnson experiences a psychotic episode leading to hospitalization.

1986 Judy Johnson dies from alcohol poisoning before getting to testify. Prosecutors drop charges on all but two defendants. They begin to publicly express doubt.

1989 The courts release Ray Buckey on bail after he spent five years in jail.

1990 A jury acquits Peggy Buckey on all counts. The jury is hung in relation to Ray Buckey. Prosecutors retry him, but the jury is hung again. They decide not to have a third trial.

1991 McMartin Preschool is torn down.

1992 FBI reports problems with satanic abuse claims.

1995 With the support of Senator Newton Russell, California put new ritual abuse laws in place.

1997 The law falls into abeyance as the satanic panic dies down. 18 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010

process continued until we had what we perceptions and demands for punishment, felt was an exhaustive list of newspaper triggering events, and counter-triggering and magazine articles, peer reviewed events. journal articles, books, and government documents directly related to the Structural Foundations McMartin case. Structural foundations leading to the With our sources, we looked for passage of California's ritual abuse law sentence, paragraph, and page involve three main groups, which we label sequences that related to each of our primary, secondary, and tertiary. The four aspects of the Integrated Conflict primary group involves collectives with Model. As we found examples for each traditional Christian belief systems. They aspect, we held them to the side in order frame issues related to child abuse and to interpret and formulate our findings. sa.tanic rituals based on fundamentalist We should emphasize that both ideas of good and evil. The secondary researchers read and reread large involves a relatively small body of mental samples of documents separately in the health experts. They frame actions of early phases of the project. We then ritual abuse in terms of psychological jointly discussed our perspectives on the theories related to issues such as categorization. Shared discussions multiple personality disorder. The third produced a high level of agreement in our concerns a shift in law enforcement categorization process creating a valid values to occult concerns. level of intercoder reliability. We then With primary structural groups, from applied a deep reading to all of the the sources studied for this research, it sources while coding content along the appears that in the early 1980s, way. Christian groups across the country Once we finished coding and started producing a large amount of classifying issues related to the literature stirring up suspicions of child McMartin case, we each once more abuse links to satanic rituals. One group, reread samples of our literary sources the New York City Interfaith Coalition of looking for inconsistency in each other's Concern about Cults, copyrighted and coding. We concluded that our final distributed to believers a list on the ideas of structural foundations, public "Ritualistic Cults Methods to Induce perceptions and demands for punishment, Children's Involvement." They encouraged triggering events, and counter-triggering followers to become familiar with the list events corresponded with the original implying that the use of children in sources examined (for more on this satanic ceremonies was on the rise. In process see Hodder 1994). a related move, Reverend Earl Minton of the Christian Catholic Church of Zion RNDINGS issued a manuscript on the topic of The circumstances surrounding the Occultism and . It was widely McMartin case provided an ideal blend circulated among Christian groups. It of ingredients leading to the passage of aided the growing frenzy linking cults and ritual abuse law in California. The case the abuse of kids (De Young 2004 ). clearly reveals the importance of Ironically, literature produced by a variety structural foundation populations, public of secular outlets, including pornographic FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010 19

magazines, supported the scare music styles, dressing trends, and associated with ritual abuse claims occult ideologies. It emphasized that that produced by Christian publications. In the public was erroneously failing to 1986, while the McMartin trials were perceive occult-based crime related to ongoing, a widely publicized article in church desecration, rape, and murder as Penthouse implied physical evidence a serious problem, but it was. Moreover, existed to back up the claims of abused increased arrests related to these crimes children from the preschool (Norris & would be necessary (Olson-Raymer Potter 1986). As other media reports on 1989). the McMartin case did, the graphic descriptions included in the Penthouse Public Perceptions and Demands for story fed off of the imagination and fears Information and Punishment of the reading public. With the previously discussed With secondary structural groups, structural factors in place, the public anxiety over ritual abuse elevated when started to take notice of ritual abuse mental health experts started providing issues wanting more information and their expertise through newspaper and perpetrators to face punishment. As the television interviews. With the McMartin McMartin case played out, the public case, the mental health professional witnessed a series of interest group predisposition for some psychologists battles on the legitimacy of ritual abuse was to believe in survivor stories. issues. However, at the same time they attribute Legal scholars questioned the reality the effects of ritual abuse experiences of the satanic scare and accounts of to personality disorders, often created by young witnesses under the influence of repressed memories discovered through controlling adults. Key to their argument hypnosis and diagnosed in the American was the point that people were worked Psychiatric Associations Diagnostic and up into a satanic frenzy when no courts Statistical Manual of mental disorders. anywhere had found a satanic cult Debates surrounding repressed ritualistically responsible for killing memories are still current today. children in the United States (Eberle & However, their use in the McMartin case Eberle 1993). The public did not buy into indirectly supported the concerns of legal arguments and the power of groups Christian fundamentalist populations, determined to establish the existence of while providing scientific reasons and widespread ritual abuse continued to evidence fostering the perception of a true grow. problem that policymakers needed to Religious and mental health self deal with legally (Eberle & Eberle 1993). proclaimed "experts" on Satanism and With tertiary groups, it is relevant to ritual abuse held seminars on the topic note that in the early 1980s, police responding to public outcry for more departments began focusing on occult information. Whether these experts related crimes like never before. Police were altruistically acting to inform the publications argued that the rise of occult public, or acting as moral entrepreneurs activity had serious implications for the looking out for their own self-interests, criminal justice system. Police training remains a debate. started to focus on occult subculture 20 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010

With religion, consider . of the 300-member group of parents In the wake of the McMartin trials, he calling for more government action. Our was a self-styled ex-high priest of a findings indicate Catherine Gould, the satanic group who converted to clinical psychologist mentioned earlier, . His church, Warnke helped create Ministries, held seminars and training materials for distribution (Kam encouraged participants to purchase 1987; Eberle & Eberle 1993). tapes and publications that unraveled the dark secrets of Satanism (Warnke Triggering Events 1986). With mental health, people like The main triggering events that aided Brentwood, California, clinical in the passage of California's ritual abuse psychologist Catherine Gould elevated laws were the existence of the McMar):in their status and made headlines for case and the specific actions of key compiling reports with a checklist of politicians. The idea of ritual abuse was factors the general public could use to not a hottopic for California citizens until establish the presence of satanic ritual the McMartin case worked them into abuse (1986). At the same time, reports delirium. However, we believe California on ritual abuse claims by mental health ritual abuse legislation would have never professionals created a "halo effect." existed without the efforts of Senator The halo effect implies that if a mental Newton Russell. health profession produces information In 1993, two short years after the related to irrational claims, the public McMartin Preschool was demolished and tends to believe the claims must be true the public still had major concerns on (see Hodges & Ulsperger 2005). This is ritual abuse, Russell started crafting vital to the process of the social legislation to sharpen the punishments construction of ritual abuse law. Mental associated with child abuse if ritual health experts were the first professional abuse existed. Despite a lack of proof group to give anti-cult groups support from relating to ritual abuse cases, including a respected social institution. Moreover, the McMartin case, he garnered the ritual abuse allegations from children fit support of the Attorney General's office, well with popular multiple personality which created a report on the "realities" disorder and repressed memory ideas of ritual abuse in California. The report accepted by the mental health field and indicated the overwhelming support for the lay public during the time of the the legislation by mental health Satanism scare (Fredrickson 1992). professionals (Sauer 1994 ). Russell was Parents of ritually abused children privy to the public outrage related to the were quick to form groups demanding the McMartin case and others like it. He government do more about ritual abuse. capitalized on it and many citizens Consider the group "Believe the ended up viewing him as a true crime Children." Leslie Floberg, who argued fighter for pushing through legislation people at the McMartin Preschool ritually others would not. His bill on ritual abuse abused her three-year old son, helped made it through the legislature easier to form the group. She was dissatisfied than expected. Even those who did not with the efforts by the local police want to acknowledge any legitimacy of department and became the president ritual abuse claims, such as those in the FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010 21

McMartin case, seemed to believe that Malpass, & Shaw 1998). In other fields, the new law could hurt (Hart 1995). In a variety of scholarly pieces on ritual other words, they took the position of abuse emerged toward the end of the better safe than sorry. McMartin debacle. These included Richardson, Best, and Bromley's (1991) Counter-triggering Events sociological analysis of the satanic scare California's new ritual abuse law was and Goode and Ben-Yehuda's (1994) only in place for two years. Lawmakers work on moral panics. Recent research repealed it in 1997. It did not take long includes Noblitt and Noblitt's (2008) work for the fever surrounding ritual abuse and on the legal, psychological, social, and the McMartin case to lose its shine. By political dynamics of ritual abuse. 1997, juries acquitted all people accused Even the criminal justice field scaled in the McMartin trials. Court costs back on its firm stance that satanic ritual associated with the McMartin Preschool abuse was an undeniable reality. The extravaganza sucked around $15 million most notable information related to this from the California taxpayers pockets. involves Kenneth Lanning's work. He All that the public had was hyperbolic initially bought into the hype of ritual stories of child witnesses never proven. abuse, but after being involved in several There was a bad taste in citizens' high profile cases, he changed his mind. mouths, and trained professionals, who While working for the Federal Bureau of often supported the hype surrounding the Investigation's Behavioral Sciences Unit, satanic scare and McMartin case, were he wrote an updated investigator's guide changing their tune (Eberle & Eberle to satanic ritual killings (1992). In the 1993). report, he urged fellow law enforcement Scholars in the medical profession to realize that many ritual abuse claims argued members of the mental health are exaggerated. He argued many of profession should have taken a more them take away attention from objective stance on ritual abuse claims. circumstances involving real child abuse. They pointed out that the mental health It was a view adopted by many in law field wanted to support its ideas enforcement by the late 1990s (De Young associated with repressed memories and 1997). personality disorder more than they wanted to discover the truth of what really CONCLUSION happened behind the McMartin Building on the Integrated Conflict Preschool's doors. In addition, they Model of law formation, this analysis argued that psychologists and examined processes contributing to ritual psychiatrists associated with the case abuse legislation in the state of failed to realize the interview techniques California. Backing up our findings in used with children should not be the Part I and Part II of this series (Hodges same as those used with adults. Simply 2008; Hodges & Ulsperger 2008), we put, children, maybe more so than adults, found that the social construction of do sometimes make things up and legislation has ties to certain population exaggerate details of their everyday lives, structures that lay the foundation for new especially when interviewers provide law. We also found that those structural suggestive details (see Garven, Wood, 22 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010

factors facilitated a public demand for Over the past eight years, I information and punishment related to have become increasingly horrific events covered in the media and involved in the problem of debated by interest groups. Moreover, ritualistic abuse, as a treating this research indicates triggering events, psychologist researcher, and such as the McMartin case and the victim advocate. I have actions of important political figures can conducted in-depth interviews be the tipping points in passage of ritual with numerous survivors and abuse laws. Our findings build on experts. Reluctantly and with previous research (Taylor, Walton, & much sadness, I have been Young 1973; Galliher& Cross 1982, 1983; forced to recognize this Cross 1991; McGarrell & Castellano 1991; problem as widespread .... My Ulsperger 2003; Hodges and Ulsperger clinical experience, and 2005; Hodges and Ulsperger 2008) interviews with many other because they are one of the first to survivors and experts, indicate discuss counter-triggering events. Other that Satanism and witchcraft work using the Integrative Conflict Model are the two most common fails to mention the ability of academic belief systems in North and governmental publications in America associated with the neutralizing the panic associated with perpetration of sexual and scenarios leading to new legislation and physical abuse of children leading to the repeal of laws quickly after (2002:1). enactment. In the future, we believe analysts Will the public listen to the words of should use other methods to study the people like Lacter and demand that development of ritual abuse law. In policy makers put new laws in place to addition, they should extend the analysis deal with a once again overlooked social of law formation and ritual abuse to problem? We will probably have to have include events and legislation in countries another McMartin case to find out. other than the United States. As De Young (1999) argues, it is possible that moral panics such as those involving REFERENCES perceived satanic abuse reach beyond Berger, PL & T Luckman. 1967. The our borders and influence global trends. Social Construction of Reality. NY: The ritual abuse debate in California Anchor Books. is not over. A few years ago, Ellen Lacier, California Ritual Abuse Act. 1995. a psychologist and member of the California Penal Code, section California Association of Play Therapy, 667.83. argued in a newsletter that the ritual Cross, JR. 1991. "An attempt to legalize abuse problem is a real issue that gambling: The politics and morality citizens still need to accept and do of reverse stigmatization." Pp. 39- something about. In the newsletter, 64 in Gambling and Public Policy: Lacier states (2002): International Perspectives, edited by W.R. Eadington and J.A. Cornelius. Nevada: Institute for the FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010 23

Study of Gambling and Commercial Hodder, I. 1994. 'The interpretation of Gaming. documents and material culture." De Young, M. 1997. "The devil goes to Pp. 393-402 in Handbook of day care: McMartin and the making Qualitative Research, edited by N. of ." Journal of American Denzin and Y. Lincoln. Thousand Culture 20:19-26. Oaks, CA: Sage. De Young, M. 1999. The devil goes abroad: Hodges, SH. 2008. "A historical and The export of the ritual abuse moral theoretical look at ritual abuse laws panic. Paper presnted at the British from an integrated conflict Society of Criminalogy Conference. perspective." Free Inquiry in De Young, M. 2004. The Daycare Ritual Creative Sociology 36: 1-12. Abuse Moral Panic. Jefferson, N.C.: Hodges, SH & JS Ulsperger. 2005. McFarland. "Examining the X-Files: An Integrative Eberle, P & S Eberle. 1993. The Abuse of Conflict Model Adaptation For Innocence: The McMartin Preschool Contemporary Paranormal Thought." Trial. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus. · Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology Fredrickson, R. 1992. Repressed 33:93-104. Memories. New York: Simon & Hodges, SH & JS Ulsperger. 2008. "A Schuster. Historical and Theoretical Look at Galliher, JF & JR Cross. 1982. Ritual Abuse Laws Part II: Applying "Symbolic severity in the land of and Integrative Conflict Model easy virtue: Nevada's high Analysis to the Idaho Baby X Case." marihuana penalty." Social Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology Problems 29:380-87. 36:1-8. Galliher, JF & JR Cross .. 1983. Morals Kam, K. 1987. "Parents put up a fight." Legislation Without Morality: The Burrell November 8. Case of Nevada. New Brunswick, Lacter, EP. 2002. Advocating for NJ: Rutgers University Press. ritualistically abused children. The Garven S, Wood, J, Malpass, RS, & JS CALAPT Newsletter July 1. Shaw. 1998. "More than Lanning, KV. 1992. Satanic Ritual suggestion: The effect of Abuse. National Center for the interviewing techniques from the Analysis of Crime Quantico, VA: McMartin Preschool case." Journal Federal Bureau of Investigation. ofApplied Psychology 83:34 7-359. McGarrell, E & T Castellano. 1991. "An Goode, E & N Ben-Yehuda. 1994. Moral integrative conflict model of the Panics: The Social Construction of criminal law formation process." Deviance. Cambridge, MA: Journal of Research in Crime and Blackwell. Delinquency 28: 174-96. Gould, C. 1986. Symptoms Characterizing Noblitt, R & PP Noblitt. 2008. Ritual not Usually Abuse in the Twenty-First Century: Seen in Sexual Abuse Cases. Psychological, Forensic, Social, Encino, CA: Gould Collection. and Political Considerations. Hart, A. 1995. "The great debate." Pp. 1- Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. 10 in Mindnet, edited by Mike Coyle. Tucson, AZ: Vericomm. 24 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010

Norris, J & JA Potter. 1986. 'The devil Taylor, I, P Walton, & J Young. 1973. made me do it." Penthouse. The New Criminology. New York: January, pp. 48-52, 178-180. Harper. Olson-Raymer, D. 1989. Occult Crime: Ulsperger, JS. 2003. "Greed, ghost, and A Law Enforcement Primer. grand juries: The formation of Washington DC: Office of Criminal nursing home law and 's Justice Planning. Health Department scandal." Free Richardson, JT, J Best, & DG Bromley. Inquiry in Creative Sociology 1991. The Satanism Scare: Social 31:155-124. Institutions and Social Change. Warnke Ministires. 1986. The New York: A de Gruyter. Philosophy and Practice of Sauer, M. 1994. "Zealous senator pushes Satanism. Danville, : law adding ritual-abuse penalties." Counseling and Research The Union-Tribune June Department of Warnke Ministries. 16th_

ABOUT THE FICS SOCIOLOGICAL PRACTICE

Like the FICS Teaching Sociology, the FICS Sociological Practice is an­ other international journal published electronically in English, with an emphasis on sociological practice. Sociological practice refers to the wide range of roles, practices, functions, and activities in which sociol­ ogists are currently engaged. Therefore, the general editor is interested in manuscripts discussing sociologists' experiences at work and their applications of sociological knowledge and understandings. This elec­ tronic section will provide a forum in which to present and discuss so­ ciological and interdisciplinary applications of social theories and practices. Contributors should use their full names and institutional af- filiations when submitting manuscripts. The editors prefer texts of 10- 15 double-spaced pages. Accepted manuscripts will be indexed and ab­ stracted in the usual print journals and bibliographical searching tools, as well as in those specific to electronic media. FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010 25

"Encouraging Obesity: A Capitalist Pursuit" Bonnie Berry, PhD.,Director, Social Problems Research Group

Abstract This paper examines capitalism as it has influenced the obesity epidemic, largely by determining how fat and not-fat people respond to consumer choices offered by profit-seeking industries and service providers. After a brief address of the social meaning of size and the discrimination faced by fat people, I will describe the goods and services for purchase that both encourage and discourage fatness, all directed toward increased profits. A far more subtle social force encouraging size-related purchases is the normalization of large body size as advanced by the fat-acceptance movement and by a visible increase in the number of fat people in the US and other societies. A paradox is evident in the contradictory social messages brought on by the corporate provision of economically profitable goods and services that encourage obesity, making obesity seem socially acceptable, in contrast to the very real and enduring social barriers encountered by the people-of-size. The conclusion questions the normalization (acceptance) offat and offers avenues by which the fat majority can influence the economic market. The study of social aesthetics is an stigmatized for their physical appearance alternative way to consider social (Hudson, et al. 2007). inequality. Social aesthetics, as I use the Much of the social penalty paid for term, refers to the public reaction to not being socially-deemed attractive is physical appearance. This reaction economic, with those who are plain or shares much with other forms of social unattractive being denied employment as inequality, as seen in classism, racism, well as access to social networks such and sexism. Indeed, physical appearance as the dating and marriage markets but overlaps strongly with minority statuses also educational opportunities, club such that women face more stringent memberships, and the like (Berry 2007; expectations for bodily thinness, youth, 2008). Nowhere is this inequality made and beauty than do men and are treated more visible than in the social treatment more harshly by the economic and of people-of-size (Millman 1980; Rothblum dating-marriage market for failing to live et al. 1990; Bordo 1995; Goodman 1995; up to socially imposed beauty standards Stearns 1997; Roehling 1999; Goldberg (Wann 1998; Etcoff 1999; Wolf 2002). 2000; Solovay 2000; Braziel and LeBesco Likewise, non-whites are compared 2001; Freed 2003). The present analysis unfavorably with whites in terms of attends more specifically to the physical attractiveness and often undergo economic exploitation of fat people (the cosmetic changes to surgically widen preferred term of the fat-acceptance Asian eyes and alter the shape of the movement) by corporate profit-seekers. ethnic nose, whiten dark skin, and The purposes of this paper are to raise straighten hair texture (Kaw 1994; Gilman awareness about a topic that most 1999, 2005; Blum 2003; Edwards et al. members of the public may be unaware 2004; Herring et al. 2004; Hunter 2004). (size-ism) and to raise questions about The poor face financial hurdles such as the functionality of normalizing obesity. inability to afford dental care and are thus As to the former, there is a growing but 26 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010

still scarce academic address of the making desire since it provides for the social and physical barriers faced by sale of large-size items and services to people-of-size such as access to equal accommodate fat people's needs. But opportunities mentioned above as well capitalism also encourages size as actual physical obstacles that repression since it provides items and disallow access to buildings and modes services that promise to reduce size and of transportation. As to the latter, we instill shame. Thus, confusingly, we are may question whether normalization encouraged to buy fat-related products (acceptance of obesity) is a good idea, (plus-size clothing) and services (plus­ socially and personally speaking, given size resorts), thus allowing us to feel health concerns and the continuing social okay about being fat, while, at the same barriers faced by fat people. time, we are encouraged to lose weight. Since profit is the motive, it does not AMBIGUITY ABOUT SIZE matter to the industries and service There are two forms of ambiguity providers whether weight gain is surrounding the social and economic encouraged or discouraged, since money encouragement of obesity. One form of is made either way. To sum it up, ambiguity is public sentiment, with a capitalism profits from the sale of large segment of the public, though fat seatbelt extenders as well as diet pills. themselves, being repulsed by fat people While this is a win-win situation for the and fearful of becoming fat(ter). Many profit-seekers (clothing and furniture recognize that body size is, in large part, manufacturers, pharmaceutical genetic and that weight loss is difficult. corporations, and other entities seeking Yet, there remains the erroneous but profit from fat), and much of the public strongly-held view that fat is not only seems to accept such profit-seeking as aesthetically unappealing, but that fat a matter of economic fact, this win-win represents moral weakness, poor profit-seeking nonetheless reflects the character, sheer laziness, and gluttony ambiguity of the public's feeling about (Stearns 1997). fat. As well summarized by the A second form of ambiguity is that economist Paul Krugman (2005: 17), "fat some profit-makers (such as makers of is a fiscal issue" since the profit motive plus-size clothing) seem to be on the determines the size of our bodies and, side of fat people while others (such as simultaneously, the goods and services the pharmaceutical and medical accommodating our increased size. industries) seem to want to reduce obesity through weight loss drugs and GLOBAL/ZED PROFITS surgery (Grady 2000; Solovay 2000; Major influences in globalized obesity Egan 2002; Erman 2002; Gimlin 2002; ; are seen in the profits made by food Kolata et al. 2002; Bellafonte 2003; industries exporting their high-fat food to Pressler 2003a, 2003b; Scheiber 2003; poor countries with populations that are D'Amato 2005; Freudenheim 2005; not evolutionarily capable of metabolizing Tommasini 2005; Revill 2006). On a such food, endangering peoples superficial level, one might think that (Micronesians, Mexicans, and others) capitalism encourages size diversity or whose cultural histories cannot fills a market-driven need and a profit- accommodate the excess fat in their FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010 27

diets (Shell 2000).An additional influence that is, a major segment of a public must in globalized obesity is the increase in come to view the minority (statistical the sedentary lifestyle, decreased minority or power minority) as equal. physical activity (by choice and by denial While the fat-acceptance movement of exercise opportunities such as safe is becoming broadly known as a streets), the abundance of high-fat fast grassroots force to be reckoned with, food, and restaurant servings of large while laws are changing to prohibit proportions (Critser 2003; Goode 2003). discrimination against size, and while a At the same time that this pattern of growing awareness that fat is not as fattening is occurring globally, we find an volitional as long-held, we are stuck with increase in size-tolerance movements, widespread if narrowing prejudice against particularly in the US and Europe, such the fat. The U.S. and other societies as the National Association to Advance have a long history of fat prejudice, as Fat Acceptance (www.naafa.org), the well-documented by Bardo (1995), more localized organizations such as Stearns (1997), Wann (1998), Roehling SeaFATtle (www.seafattle.org), and the (1999), Solovay (2000), Braziel and International Size Acceptance Association LeBesco (2001 ); and Huff (2001 ). And (www.size-acceptance.org). In short, there while it is true that public views on fat are signs that we encourage increased have run the gamut from reverence to body size at the same time that we revulsion, definitions of fat and not-fat profess alarm about it. At this juncture have changed over time (per insurance in time, it may serve the public to charts, a growing sophistication of recognize the conflicting goals we emit medical criteria, etc.) and cross-cultural about the growing acceptance and views on fat vary widely, it is doubtful that continuing rejection of fat. the US and most of the world will revert to a time when fatness was seen in a THE SOCIAL MEANING OF SIZE positive light, for instance, as a sign of AND SIZE-ISM good health and prosperity. The fat are a statistical majority, with approximately one-third of the US THINGS TO BUY population being obese and an additional The products made available for one-third being overweight (Nagourney purchase by fat people include plus-size 2006; www.cdc.gov); yet they are a power clothing, plus-size furniture, diet minority. Numbers are less important supplements, seatbelt extenders, plus­ than social power (as measured primarily size caskets, and so on. The services by economic power and occupational provided to fat people include multiple prestige);witness the same phenomenon airline seats, size-friendly resorts, plastic as applied to women who are a statistical surgery (gastric bypasses, liposuction, majority while remaining a power minority and removal of loose skin), and gym with less earning power. Gaining social memberships (Berry 2005). Food power requires a significant segment of producers deserve a place of their own the population, whether they are of the in the pantheon offat-marketed products minority (women, fat, non-white, gay, to buy and will be awarded a separate disabled, and so on) category or not, section below. adhering to the n9tion of equality for all; Of the plus-size clothing offerings, it 28 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010

would seem a good thing that ample-size such resort in Mexico, offers plus-size clothing is now offered for purchase and armless chairs, wide steps with railings that much of this clothing is as chic as in swimming pools, walk-in showers smaller-size clothing (Frater 2005). rather than bathtubs, stronger Recent larger-sized clothes offerings are hammocks, and a staff that has been deliberately not drab and not intended trained to be sensitive to size issues to hide the body, and are presently one (Chakravorty 2003). of the fastest growing segments in These all seem to be good things, apparel (Erman 2002). Plus-size apparel supportive of the reality that fat people sales have risen about 14 percent exist and have the money to buy the compared to 5.6 percent for all women's things they need in the sizes they need. clothing sales increases (Bellafante And if these products and services cost 2003). a bit more, so what? That's economic Bear in mind, however, that plus-size reality. Well, there is reality and then clothing is often offered at a higher cost there is usury. Take the airline industry, than smaller-size clothing. Check your for example. Most airlines accommodate mail-order clothing catalogs and you will fat passengers as well as they can, find that "women's" sizes (sizes 1x-3x) loaning them seatbelt extenders, moving are priced as much as $10 more per item them to a place on the airplane where than the identical "misses" sizes. The there are two seats together to explanation for the increased charge is accommodate the larger body (see that there are more materials involved in Frater 2005 for a guide of fat-friendly the manufacturing of bigger clothes. If airlines). But one, Southwest Airlines, that logic were valid, petite and small­ has been especially noted for its size­ sized clothing would cost less than ist policies. Even if a fat person can fit medium-sized clothing. Another between the armrests, can wrap the indicator of discrimination is the fact that seatbelt around the waist, and not lap a lot of large-size clothing is nearly over into the neighboring seat, the fat always located in separate sections of passenger may be charged for an extra department stores and often exiled to seat. The decision is arbitrarily made and online shopping, indicating a continuing highly discretionary, suggesting a profit exclusion from the mainstream shopping motive (Dilley 2002; British Broadcasting experience and an instilled sense of Company 2002; Ellin 2005). shame for the wearers of such clothes (D'Amato 2005). THE FOOD INDUSTRY We also have available larger hangers A troubling global development refers upon which to hang our bigger clothes, to the profit motive of food industries as bigger bedding, office chairs built with visited not just upon the U.S. but also heavy-gauge steel and high-tension other cultures. The food that we eat in support, automobiles with extra inches the U.S. and the food that we export to of elbow room in the interiors, and extra­ other cultures is cheaply produced and large. coffins that can hold up to 700 high in fat content (such as Spam). Such pounds (Scheiber 2003; Pressler 2003). food has caused looming health hazards Another entrepreneurial venture is "size­ on our own culture and on cultures that, friendly" resorts. Freedom Paradise, one physiologically, can not handle the FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010 29

change in diet, notably people in convenience and fast foods (French fries, transition, such as Micronesians, Native margarine, pastries). As with HFCS, it Americans, aboriginal Australians, and has the added advantage of keeping Polynesians. Such people are subject products "fresh" for a long time thus to dramatically altered and altering ending the need to replenish supermarket environmefltS regarding food sources shelves and junk food machines. and availability, migration patterns, and Regardless of the disadvantage for health economic instability (Shell 2001 ). and size, price was the determinant in Clearly, there is a great deal of money palm oil's use: the concern at the U.S. to be made by selling fast food to Asians Department of Agriculture, which was and importing high-sugar, high-fat food thoroughly behind the development of to Micronesians. Better yet, from the HFCS and palm oil, was "pure farm profit-motive point of view, we can economics" (Critser 2003: 10-11 ). The manufacture food more cheaply by using same goes for· partially hydrogenated ingredients (like high fructose corn syrup vegetable oils, used in fried food and palm oil) that are unhealthy to preparation (fried chicken, French fries) consume and that dangerously increase and food processing (tortilla chips, our body weight, forsaking the traditional margarine, pies, microwave popcorn). and more-expensive-to-produce ingredients Though aware of the health hazards, like cane sugar and vegetable oil. In the many restaurants continue to use 1970s, food scientists developed a partially hydrogenated oils (instead of method by which to make a sweetener vegetable, canola, and olive oils} as a called high fructose corn syrup (HFCS), money-saver: it doesn't spoil and it can made from corn. Importantly, HFCS is be used repeatedly (Johnson 2006). six times sweeter than sugar and the Another good way to make a buck in cost of producing this HFCS is markedly the food industry is to increase portion less than that of ordinary sugar. size, variously called "supersizing" or Moreover, HFCS ensures a long shelf­ "value marketing." Value marketing life, allowing high-caloric junk foods (as became an effective tool to increase found in vending machines) to be kept sales and profits at fast food and other fresh-tasting for along time with no need restaurants and at movie theater which to replace them frequently (thus saving offers huge bags of popcorn at a small money). Soda companies went from a price (Critser 2003). Not surprisingly, it 50/50 blend of sugar and HFCS to 100 was found that if people were offered percent HFCS because it's cheaper, more food at a low price, they would buy never mind that it is health-hazardous, it. So portion sizes increased, prices skewing the metabolism toward fat were lowered, food manufacturers made storage (Critser 2003). a lot of money, and people became fatter Likewise, palm oil, aka "tree lard," (Goode 2003). unlike vegetable oil, is chemically similar Public schools rely on profit-oriented to beef tallow and is a highly saturated food corporations (Pizza Hut, Coca Cola, fat. It is also incredibly cheap to produce. candy companies, etc.) to provide Palm oil, transformed into a viable educational materials (for instance commercial fat in the 1970s, is widespread books) in exchange for the opportunity in usage today in the manufacture of to sell high-fat food in the schools. Due 30 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010

to budget cuts, schools can not afford diabetes and thus their vision improves), basic needs, like books. Enter to plastic surgery (when their bodies McDonalds and other purveyors of high­ shrink and the excess skin is removed). fat foods, risking school children's health Plastic surgery alone can cost $25,000 in exchange for profit (Critser 2003). for skin removal. Plus, the dieters pay rent, set up temporary workplaces, and SECONDARY SERVICES some purchase permanent housing (Saul AND PRODUCTS 2005). By-products or products that are purchased for fat people include plus­ MEDICAL AND PHARMACEUTICAL size medical equipment (stretchers, PROFITS blood pressure cuffs, and mobile toilets Some fat people are willing to undergo that do not collapse under the weight of fat-reduction treatment in the form of diet large bodies). For example, medical pill prescriptions and fat-reducing equipment manufacturers have super­ surgeries (gastric bypasses, liposuction, sized stretchers, with thick aluminum plastic surgery to remove the abdominal frames, bulkier connectors and extra "apron" and other loose skin after weight spine supports to create stretchers with loss, etc.; see, for example, Kuczynski a capacity of 650 pounds (Associated 2006). Another high-profit treatment is Press 2003). These secondary fat­ the inpatient weight reduction programs relevant products are manufactured for requiring long-term hospitalization for purchase by those who are involved with "drastic" weight loss, to reduce hundreds fat people in some service-provider way; of pounds. thus, these goods and services are Pharmaceutical companies, never purchased by individuals and organizations known for their altruism, develop diet targeting services toward fat people. "remedies" to presumably aid in weight Residential diet programs are an loss as well as "treatments" for fat­ excellent example of secondary services related medical symptoms (diabetes, for and products for sale to fat people. instance). To wax draconian, ifthere is Durham, North Carolina is the diet capital money to be made in the treatment of of the world, the hometown of the Rice diabetes and other fat-related illnesses, Diet, the Duke Diet, and Structure it seems reasonable that the industry House. These diet programs themselves would not want to ruin a good thing and are quite expensive, as witnessed by actually reduce the fat. Weight loss Jean Renfro Anspaugh's intriguing programs, pharmaceutical "remedies" for ethnography of her experience at the obesity, and weight-loss surgery in the Rice House (Anspaugh 2001 ). But the name of health care, even if undertaken diet programs are just the starting point with the best health-care intentions, are for the money to be made in local profitable pursuits. Given that these Durham. Dieters in Durham pump more regimens often are ineffective, perhaps than $51 million per year into the local because they are not accompanied by economy. The secondary spending, behavioral or lifestyle changes or beyond the diet center fees, includes because of genetic predisposition, one new sneakers (when the dieters' feet must question how different they are shrink), new eyeglasses (when their from obviously bogus treatments such FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010 31

as diet supplements and fat-reducing unconcerned with their weight belts as advertised on television. (Nagourney 2006). As judged by the capitalist market CONCLUSION support for increased body size, as I Fat is an aesthetics and moral issue, have described herein, we may conclude as well as a health issue, with fat still that fat and not-fat members of society being seen as socially repellent, physically are coming to view fat as the norm; or unattractive, and as a personal matter that fat people view themselves as normal of self-discipline. If we come to see fat relative to others. We find that a greater as merely a physical "difference," we can number of fat people are not viewing then come to better grips with capitalism's themselves as unusual, as they look influence on body size. around and find themselves surrounded by other fat people. Moreover, they see Normalization no reason to alter their appearance "Normalization" is a phenomenon because they are "normal" (Stenson relevant to, though not exactly the same 2005). All the better for marketers since as, equality. We are coming to view the they can profit from all these newly­ fat, by virtue oftheirnumbers, as average normal people. lffat people see no need or normal. Fat people are, in fact, average to buy gym equipment and low-fat food, and normal, numerically-speaking and as they can easily convert their purchasing measured by national studies but not in power to buying sedentary entertainment the manner in which size plays out in devices (like TVs), order in high-fat pizza, everyday social life. Fat people are while wearing plus-size sweats. None marginalized in real and subtle ways by of this is to say that being fat is "okay" virtue of physical barriers and social or not okay. It is to say that being fat is barriers. common and thus catered to as a source Fat children are increasingly seen as of profit. common, and, while their size and accompanying illnesses are not accepted Fat Consumers: A Grand New Market by the medical community, they are Given that fat people comprise a increasingly accepted as such by majority of the US population, they are broader society as common if not not a niche market (Erman 2002; admired (Weil 2005). As to public opinion Chakravorty 2003; Pressler 2003b). about the preponderance of fat people in Thus, in true market-forces tradition, the population, the Pew Research Center recognizing that fat people need the reports that nine out of ten Americans same things as thin people do, a huge believe that their fellow Americans are market has opened up. As a result, we fat. Amusingly, only four of ten of these have a demand for fat-relevant products and same respondents believe themselves to services and this demand has joyously be fat, which defies logic since they view been met by manufacturers, retailers, and 90 percent of everybody else as fat. One service providers. Naturally, businesses might infer from these figures that those supply plus-size items such as larger who do not count themselves as fat, towels, larger beds, larger clothes, larger assuming that they really are fat, realize clothes hangers, larger jewelry, larger that they are not supermodels but are furniture, larger coffins, seatbelt extenders, 32 FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY V9/ume 38 Number 1 Spring 2010

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