Global Salafi-Jihadism Ideology
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Taliban's Return to Power: Boost for Global Jihadism?
www.rsis.edu.sg No. 129 – 25 August 2021 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected]. Taliban’s Return to Power: Boost for Global Jihadism? By Abdul Basit SYNOPSIS The Taliban’s return to power, following the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, will potentially rejuvenate Al-Qaeda’s brand of global jihadism. The Taliban’s military victories validate the jihadist doctrine and provide Islamist militants with a new impetus. Given its charm offensive, is a “new Taliban” emerging or will the same militant posture return? COMMENTARY WHAT HAS been referred to as the US-led "War on Terror" (WOT) started with the toppling of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan in 2001. This has now culminated in the Taliban’s return to power 20 years later in August 2021. The United States had intervened in Afghanistan to undermine Al-Qaeda’s brand of jihadism. However, the maladroit US exit from Afghanistan this month has put Al-Qaeda on the potential path to recovery. The lightning speed of the Taliban’s territorial gains and the meltdown of the Afghan National Defence Security Forces (ANDSF) will potentially rejuvenate the global jihadist movement, sans IS and its affiliates. -
SALAFI- JIHADISM in AFRICA BRIEF / 12 June 2021
SALAFI- JIHADISM IN AFRICA BRIEF / 12 June 2021 A winning strategy by SERIES Giovanni Faleg* Senior Analyst, EUISS Katariina Mustasilta Postdoctoral Fellow, Finnish Institute of International Affairs Summary › Violent extremism has become a grow- ing threat throughout the African conti- INTRODUCTION nent: all sub-regions have experienced the emergence of groups active across state Violent extremism keeps spreading in Africa, showing boundaries. notable resilience despite years of counter-extremism › Today, armed actors engaging in violent and prevention efforts by governments and interna- extremism in the continent are mainly af- tional actors (1)*. In addition to killing thousands, it filiated with Islamist militant groups and costs the affected regions an estimated $97 billion in particularly Salafi-jihadist ideology. lost informal economic activity each year (2). › The spread of Salafi-jihadism in Africa is Today, armed actors engaging in violent extremism fuelled by a combination of localised griev- in the continent are mainly affiliated with Islamist ances and transnational ambitions, while militant groups and organisations and particularly tactical and strategic flexibility has in- Salafi-jihadist ideology (3). Recent data indicates a creased the resilience of insurgent groups. dangerous expansion of Salafi-jihadist armed groups › Once it has emerged as a potent force, de- — often simply labelled as violent extremist or ter- feating Salafi-jihadism on the battlefield rorist organisations (4) — beyond the traditional hot- proves very difficult as groups show enor- spots in the Sahel, Lake Chad Basin and the Horn of mous resilience, even when facing tacti- Africa to West Africa’s coastal states and Central and cal defeats. Southern Africa. -
Three Generations of Jihadism in Iraqi Kurdistan
Notes de l’Ifri Three Generations of Jihadism in Iraqi Kurdistan Adel BAKAWAN July 2017 Turkey/ Middle East Program In France, the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri) is the leading independent research, information and debate centre on major international issues. Ifri was founded in 1979 by Thierry Montbrial, and is an officially recognised non-profit organisation (Law of 1901). It is not subject to any government supervision, freely defines its own research agenda and regularly publishes its work. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together international policy-makers and experts through its research and debates Along with its office in Brussels (Ifri-Brussels), Ifri is one of the few French think tanks to position itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this article are the author’s alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. ISBN: 978-2-36567-743-1 © All right reserved, Ifri, 2017 Cover: © padchas/Shutterstock.com How to quote this publication: Adel Bakawan, “Three Generations of Jihadism in Iraqi Kurdistan”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, July 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 – Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Adel Bakawan is a sociologist, associate researcher at the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences (EHESS, in French) in Paris, and the Centre for Sociological Analysis and Intervention (CADIS, in French). -
The Jihadi Threat: ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and Beyond
THE JIHADI THREAT ISIS, AL QAEDA, AND BEYOND The Jihadi Threat ISIS, al- Qaeda, and Beyond Robin Wright William McCants United States Institute of Peace Brookings Institution Woodrow Wilson Center Garrett Nada J. M. Berger United States Institute of Peace International Centre for Counter- Terrorism Jacob Olidort The Hague Washington Institute for Near East Policy William Braniff Alexander Thurston START Consortium, University of Mary land Georgetown University Cole Bunzel Clinton Watts Prince ton University Foreign Policy Research Institute Daniel Byman Frederic Wehrey Brookings Institution and Georgetown University Car ne gie Endowment for International Peace Jennifer Cafarella Craig Whiteside Institute for the Study of War Naval War College Harleen Gambhir Graeme Wood Institute for the Study of War Yale University Daveed Gartenstein- Ross Aaron Y. Zelin Foundation for the Defense of Democracies Washington Institute for Near East Policy Hassan Hassan Katherine Zimmerman Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy American Enterprise Institute Charles Lister Middle East Institute Making Peace Possible December 2016/January 2017 CONTENTS Source: Image by Peter Hermes Furian, www . iStockphoto. com. The West failed to predict the emergence of al- Qaeda in new forms across the Middle East and North Africa. It was blindsided by the ISIS sweep across Syria and Iraq, which at least temporarily changed the map of the Middle East. Both movements have skillfully continued to evolve and proliferate— and surprise. What’s next? Twenty experts from think tanks and universities across the United States explore the world’s deadliest movements, their strate- gies, the future scenarios, and policy considerations. This report reflects their analy sis and diverse views. -
Alternative Narratives for Preventing the Radicalization of Muslim Youth By
Spring /15 Nr. 2 ISSN: 2363-9849 Alternative Narratives for Preventing the Radicalization of Muslim Youth By: Dr. Afzal Upal 1 Introduction The international jihadist movement has declared war. They have declared war on anybody who does not think and act exactly as they wish they would think and act. We may not like this and wish it would go away, but it’s not going to go away, and the reality is we are going to have to confront it. (Prime Minister Steven Harper, 8 Jan 2015) With an increasing number of Western Muslims falling prey to violent extremist ideologies and joining Jihadi organizations such as Al-Qaida and the ISIS, Western policy makers have been concerned with preventing radicalization of Muslim youth. This has resulted in a number of government sponsored efforts (e.g., MyJihad, Sabahi, and Maghrebia (Briggs and Feve 2013)) to counter extremist propaganda by arguing that extremist violent tactics used by Jihadist organizations are not congruent with Islamic tenets of kindness and just war. Despite the expenditure of significant resources since 2001, these efforts have had limited success. This article argues that in order to succeed we need to better understand Muslim core social identity beliefs (i.e., their perception of what it means to be a good Muslim) and how these beliefs are connected to Muslims perceptions of Westerners. A better understanding of the interdependent nature and dynamics of these beliefs will allow us to design counter radicalization strategies that have a better chance of success. 1 Dr. M Afzal Upal is a cognitive scientist of religion with expertise in the Islamic social and religious movements. -
Sayyid Qutb: an Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory Joseph D
Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Masters Theses Graduate Research and Creative Practice 4-7-2008 Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory Joseph D. Bozek Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/theses Recommended Citation Bozek, Joseph D., "Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory" (2008). Masters Theses. 672. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/theses/672 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Research and Creative Practice at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory By Joseph D. Bozek School of Criminal Justice Grand Valley State University Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory By Joseph D. Bozek August 7, 2008 THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master’s of Science in Criminal Justice in the School of Criminal Justice of Grand Valley State University Grand Rapids, Ml Thesis Committee Dr. Jonathan White (Chair) Dr. William Crawley Dr. Frank Hughes Acknowledgements To the faculty and staff of Grand Valley State University’s School of Criminal Justice to whom I am truly grateful for all of the support and guidance both inside and outside of the classroom. I hope I can one day impact someone’s life in the same way you have impacted mine. 11 Abstract The purpose of this research is to provide a comprehensive analysis of a salient jihadist philosopher by the name of Sayyid Qutb. -
INTRODUCTION Shaykh Muḥammad Ibn ʿabd Al-Wahhāb Was Born in 1703 in the Village of Al-ʿuyayna in the Remote Region of Najd
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Shaykh Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb was born in 1703 in the village of al-ʿUyayna in the remote region of Najd on the Arabian Peninsula. Coming from a lineage of Islamic jurists and trained within the same discipline, his life took a decisive turn in 1739 when he embarked on an extensive campaign of reforming the religious practices of his contemporaries. As captured in his seminal treatise, Kitāb al-Tawḥid (The Book of God’s Unity), the core point in Ibnʿ Abd al-Wahhāb’s teaching was the return to a total and exclusive worship of God alone. Embedded in this was the rejection of veneration at physical sites such as shrines or graves and other practices generally considered as bidaʿ (innovations). The alliance formed between him and the tribal leader Muḥammad ibn Saʿūd in 1744 provided Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb with the necessary political backing and was the starting point for the political and ideological unification of the Arabian Peninsula. The area was, however, haunted by internal strife and by repeated conflicts with the Ottoman (Egyptian) forces during the larger part of the 19th century, and it was not until 1932 that a lasting polity was established—the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. This political entity became pivotal for the dissemination of religious teachings that would later have a deep impact on numerous localities. Whereas I will return to the issue of Salafism more in detail in the next chapter, some remarks on my understanding and usage of the term are in order. The word itself is derived from the Arabical-salaf al-sāliḥ ̣, “the pious ancestors”,1 and refers to a theological trait within Islam emerging during the Abbasid Caliphate. -
Abu Mus`Ab Al-Suri's Critique of Hard Line Salafists in the Jihadist Current
DECEMBER 2007 . VOL 1 . ISSUE 1 Abu Mus`ab al-Suri’s Salafism identify contemporary jihadists as While the term Salafism is historically simply radicalized elements within, or Critique of Hard Line associated with a late 19th and early as by-products of, a broader Salafist Salafists in the Jihadist 20th century Islamic reformist phenomenon. Instead, it may be more Current movement, today’s Salafists are very fruitful to speak of Salafism as one of different. Their main characteristic is several competing ideological strands By Brynjar Lia their strict emulation of the practices within the jihadist current. Furthermore, of the Prophet Muhammad and his one may identify a spectrum, or a the recent scholarly literature companions at the pristine Islamic continuum, of positions within the on al-Qa`ida has focused on studying age, and hence an abhorrence of any contemporary Salafi-jihadism, defined internal divisions and ideological later “innovation” (bid`a) in belief and by two extreme positions. schisms in the global jihadist current.1 religious practice, an obsession with This literature has uncovered important God’s oneness (tawhid), a rejection On the one extreme are hard line Salafist fault lines with regard to al-Qa`ida’s of human rationality and an extreme purists for whom doctrinal purity is of priorities on issues such as media and exclusiveness, even hatred, toward quintessential importance, even if it 3 propaganda efforts versus military other Islamic schools and tendencies. means fighting side battles, alienating organization. Differences over the Even if only a small segment of today’s allies and shattering any semblance of primacy of religious-theological purity Salafists support al-Qa`ida, the term a common front against the “Zionist- versus military-strategic effectiveness “Salafi-jihadism” has nevertheless been Crusader” enemy. -
Variations Within the Salafi Movement
Variations within the Salafi Movement: Introduction My name is Jonathan Brown and I'm a professor of Islamic history at Georgetown University. I study Islamic law and Islamic intellectual history. By now, you've learned quite a bit about Islam. And you've probably heard a lot of foreign terms and confusing words. Sunni Islam, Shiite Islam, Sharia law. What exactly is Salafi Islam, or, as I'm going to call it, Salafism. Salafism is a brand of Sunni Islam. It's not a political movement or a institution. It's an approach to religion. It's an attitude. Actually, in Christianity there's a very good analogy, namely the difference between Catholicism and Protestant Christianity. In Catholicism, it's the church that defines Christianity. For 2000 years, the Church has interpreted the Bible, adjusted the teachings of Christianity according to time and place, added to them, taken away. And in Catholicism, it's the church the decides what Christianity means. Protestantism, on the other hand, decided that at some point, the church had gone wrong, incorporating elements into Christianity that were inappropriate or going astray at certain points. Protestantism wanted to go back to the scripture, back to the Bible. It wanted to go back to the sources. In Islam, Salafism is like Protestantism, and mainstream Sunni Islam is like Catholicism. Salafis believe that in the 1400 years since the Prophet Muhammad began the religion of Islam, mainstream Sunnis had gone astray, incorporating foreign beliefs, and corrupt practices into their religion. And Salafis call Muslims to go back to the original scriptures of Islam, to the Qur'an, the main revelation of Muhammad, and to the specific teachings of Muhammad. -
Should We Be Scared of All Salafists in Europe? a Dutch Case Study by Ineke Roex
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 8, Issue 3 Should we be Scared of all Salafists in Europe? A Dutch Case Study by Ineke Roex Abstract European governments consider the Salafi movement to be primarily a security threat. Yet developments in the Dutch Salafi movement reveal that quietist and political Salafists distance themselves from coercion and violence in the European context and also respect democratic authority. The movement manifests itself in very different ways worldwide. A more nuanced and contextual approach is necessary in order to assess and interpret potential threats. The peaceful branch of the movement should be understood as orthodox in nature, with the accompanying social and societal problems, but not by definition as a threat to the democratic rule of law. Keywords: Salafism, The Netherlands, Jihadism Introduction The Salafi movement is an orthodox Sunni Islamic movement. Like the Muslim Brotherhood, it has been rooting itself in Europe since the 1980s, due to the arrival of Islamic activists from the Middle East [1]. In the past decade, the movement has gained notoriety for acts of violence that are attributable to jihadist Salafism, a violent offshoot of the movement. Filmmaker Theo van Gogh was murdered in the Netherlands in 2004, and there were bombings in London (2005) and Madrid (2007) by Islamists. More recently, in 2012 and 2013, jihadists operating as individuals or in groups have carried out acts of violence in Belgium, France and England [2]. As a result, the Salafi movement as a whole is viewed as a security threat [3]. In this article, it will be shown that important sections of the Salafi movement distance themselves from violent extremism. -
HIZB UT-TAHRIR Islam’S Political Insurgency
HIZB UT-TAHRIR Islam’s Political Insurgency Zeyno Baran The Nixon Center December 2004 About the Nixon Center The Nixon Center is a non-partisan public policy institution established by former President Richard Nixon shortly before his death in 1994. Committed to the analysis of policy challenges to the United States through the prism of the American national interest, the Center is a substantively and programmatically independent division of the Richard Nixon Library and Birthplace Foundation. Major programs of The Nixon Center include the Chinese Studies Program, Immigration and National Security Forum, International Security and Energy Program, National Security Program, Regional Strategic Program, and U.S.- Russian Relations Program. Topics addressed by the Center’s programs range from U.S. relations with China and Russia to energy geopolitics in the Persian Gulf and Caspian Basin and European security issues. The Center is supported by the Nixon Library and Birthplace Foundation endowment as well as by foundation, corporate and individual donors. Copyright 2004 The Nixon Center. All Rights Reserved. “Hizb ut-Tahrir: Islam’s Political Insurgency” By Zeyno Baran The Nixon Center 1615 L Street, N.W., Suite 1250 Washington, DC 20036 Phone: (202) 887-1000 Fax: (202) 887-5222 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.nixoncenter.org Editing, Layout and Design by Thomas M. Rickers Order from the Richard Nixon Library and Birthplace Foundation 1-800-USA-8865 INTRODUCTORY NOTE This Nixon Center monograph, Hizb ut-Tahrir: Islam’s Political Insurgency, breaks new ground in exploring the danger posed by the spread of radical Islamist ideology. The focus of this monograph is Hizb ut-Tahrir al-Islamiyya (The Islamic Party of Liberation), which has successfully sown the seeds of an ideology encouraging a clash of civilizations in over forty countries. -
Radical Milieus and Salafis Movements in France: Ideologies, Practices, Relationships with Society and Political Visions
MWP 2014 /13 Max Weber Programme Radical Milieus and Salafis Movements in France: Ideologies, Practices, Relationships with Society and Political Visions AuthorMohamed-Ali Author Adraouiand Author Author European University Institute Max Weber Programme Radical Milieus and Salafis Movements in France: Ideologies, Practices, Relationships with Society and Political Visions Mohamed-Ali Adraoui EUI Working Paper MWP 2014/13 This text may be downloaded for personal research purposes only. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper or other series, the year, and the publisher. ISSN 1830-7728 © Mohamed-Ali Adraoui, 2014 Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Abstract This paper deals mainly with the issue of radical Islam within French society over recent decades. More particularly, this study illustrates evolutions and the radicalization processes among some militant Islamic groups in this country since the end of the 1970s. Focusing on connections between geopolitical issues born in the Arab world and their implications within a predominantly non Muslim society, enables highlighting the centrality of some actors and currents that have been the impulse for the emergence of a radical and militant activism in France. Some specific attention is paid to Salafist movements, whether they are primarily interested in political protest or whether they desire first to break with the rest of society in order to purify their beliefs and social relations.This paper has to do with the political vision, strategies, history and sociology of Islamic radical militancy in France.