Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic by Michael Habib
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The Clash of Thoughts Within the Arab Discourse
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2009 The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse Chadia Louai University of Central Florida Part of the Political Science Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Louai, Chadia, "The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse" (2009). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 4114. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/4114 CLASH OF THOUGHTS WITHIN THE CONTEMPORARY ARAB DISCOURSE By CHADIA LOUAI L.D. University Hassan II, 1992 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts In the department of Political Science In the College of Sciences At the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2009 Major Professor: Houman A. Sadri ©2009 Chadia Louai ii ABSTRACT The Clash of Civilization thesis by Samuel Huntington and the claims of other scholars such as Bernard Lewis reinforced the impression in the West that the Arab world is a homogeneous and rigid entity ready to clash with other civilizations. In fact, some in the West argue that world civilizations have religious characteristics, for that reason the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will be primarily cultural and religious. However, other scholars argue that there is no single Islamic culture but rather multiple types of political Islam and different perception of it. -
Rediscovering the Arab Dimension of Middle East Regional Politics
Review of International Studies page 1 of 22 2011 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S0260210511000283 The New Arab Cold War: rediscovering the Arab dimension of Middle East regional politics MORTEN VALBJØRN AND ANDRÉ BANK* Abstract. This article provides a conceptual lens for and a thick interpretation of the emergent regional constellation in the Middle East in the first decade of the 21st century. It starts out by challenging two prevalent claims about regional politics in the context of the 2006 Lebanon and 2008–09 Gaza Wars: Firstly, that regional politics is marked by a fundamental break from the ‘old Middle East’ and secondly, that it has become ‘post-Arab’ in the sense that Arab politics has ceased being distinctly Arab. Against this background, the article develops the understanding of a New Arab Cold War which accentuates the still important, but widely neglected Arab dimension in regional politics. By rediscovering the Arab Cold War of the 1950–60s and by drawing attention to the transformation of Arab nationalism and the importance of new trans-Arab media, the New Arab Cold War perspective aims at supplementing rather that supplanting the prominent moderate-radical, sectarian and Realist-Westphalian narratives. By highlighting dimensions of both continuity and change it does moreover provide some critical nuances to the frequent claims about the ‘newness’ of the ‘New Middle East’. In addition to this more Middle East-specific contribution, the article carries lessons for a number of more general debates in International Relations theory concerning the importance of (Arab-Islamist) non-state actors and competing identities in regional politics as well as the interplay between different forms of sovereignty. -
Arabs at the Crossroads: Political Identity and Nationalism
Book Review of Hilal Khashan's Arabs at the Crossroads: Political Identity and Nationalism (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000), The Arab World Geographer/Le Géographe du monde arabe 3(2):141-147, 2000. In the book Arabs at the Crossroads, Hilal Khashan, an associate professor of political science at the American University of Beirut, provides a vivid description of Arab political performance since the decline of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century and the subsequent formal abrogation of the Islamic Caliphate in 1924 amidst rising European colonialism and Zionism. The book is small (149 pages of text) but concise and well written. Despite raising some very controversial issues, Khashan has combined the coolness of scholarship with intellectual rigor and political concern. His dispassionate perspective is refreshing and makes the book unapologetically independent and provocative. The book consists of nine chapters mostly focused on Arab political experience during the twentieth century. Chapter 1 examines the roots of the identity crisis in the Arab world, especially the ways in which “nineteenth-century reformers disturbed the Arab mind by sowing distrust in the Ottoman empire, without securing a tenable ideological alternative to that religious state and to Islam which it embodied” (page 1). Chapter 2 discusses the birth and the universalization of the European nation-state model of secular nationalism and its many incomplete versions in non-Western cultures, particularly in Muslim countries where “the clash between ethnocentrism and religion seems to resolve itself to the detriment of the former, without the latter emerging as a clear victor” (page 24). While this is a brilliant description of how modern Arab identity seems to swing constantly from Arab nationalism to Islamic identity and back, it stops short of an in-depth theoretical analysis of what constitutes the essence of identity in the Arab world. -
Algeria Joint Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review 27Th Session of the UPR Working Group
Algeria Joint Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review 27th Session of the UPR Working Group Submitted 22 September 2016 Submission by CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, NGO in General Consultative Status with ECOSOC And Ibn Khaldoun Center for Research and Maghrebi Studies (IKCRMS) CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Ibn Khaldoun Center for Research and Participation Maghrebi Studies CIVICUS UPR Lead, Email: UPR Lead Ammar Djeffal [email protected] Email: [email protected] Ms Renate Bloem, Email: [email protected] Tel: +213 (0)662826248 Fax: +213 (0)23817103 Tel: +41 22 733 3435 Web: www.civicus.org 1. (A) Introduction 1.1 CIVICUS is a global alliance of civil society organisations and activists dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society around the world. Founded in 1993, we proudly promote marginalised voices, especially from the Global South, and have members in more than 160 countries throughout the world. 1.2 Ibn Khaldoun Center for Research and Maghrebi Studies (IKCRMS) is a Research Institute dedicated to the documentation and research in the key issues of democratic transition in Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco, economic and social rights and public freedoms processes. 1.3 In this document, CIVICUS and IKCRMS examine the Government of Algeria’s compliance with its international human rights obligations to create and maintain a safe and enabling environment for civil society. Specifically, we analyse Algeria’s fulfilment of the rights to freedom of association, assembly, and expression and unwarranted restrictions on human rights defenders (HRDs) since its previous UPR examination in May 2012. To this end, we assess Algeria’s implementation of recommendations received during the 2nd UPR cycle relating to these issues and provide a number of specific, action-orientated follow-up recommendations. -
Soft Power and Cross-Border Mobility in the Middle East
IPS0010.1177/0192512118759902International Political Science ReviewTsourapas 759902research-article2018 Article International Political Science Review 2018, Vol. 39(3) 400 –416 Authoritarian emigration states: © The Author(s) 2018 Reprints and permissions: Soft power and cross-border sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512118759902DOI: 10.1177/0192512118759902 mobility in the Middle East journals.sagepub.com/home/ips Gerasimos Tsourapas University of Birmingham, UK Abstract Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making. Keywords Soft power, diasporas, Egypt, Middle East, authoritarianism, migration, case study, Arab–Israeli conflict Introduction Can labor emigration serve a state’s foreign policy goals? In particular, how do authoritarian states use labor emigration in their foreign policy-making? The emerging academic literature on the poli- tics of international migration has yet to fully explore this phenomenon as a separate field of inquiry. -
Nasserism 1 Nasserism
Nasserism 1 Nasserism Nasserism Ideology Arab nationalism, Pan-Arabism, Arab socialism Nasserism is an Arab nationalist political ideology based on the thinking of the former Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. It was a major influence on pan-Arab politics in the 1950s and 1960s, and continues to have significant resonance throughout the Arab World to this day. It also metamorphosed into other nationalist movements during the 1970s. However, the scale of the Arab defeat in the Six Day War of 1967 severely damaged the standing of Nasser, and the ideology associated with him. Nasser himself died in 1970, and certain important tenets of Nasserism were revised or abandoned totally by his successor as Egyptian President, Anwar El-Sadat. During Nasser's lifetime, Nasserist groups were encouraged and often supported financially by Egypt, to the extent that many became seen as willing agents of the Egyptian Government. Ideology Nasserism is an Arab nationalist and pan-Arab ideology, combined with a vaguely defined socialism, often distinguished from Eastern bloc or Western socialist thought by the label 'Arab socialism'. Though opposed ideologically to Western capitalism, Arab socialism also developed as a rejection of communism, which was seen as incompatible with Arab traditions, and the religious underpinnings of Arab society. As a consequence, Nasserists from the 1950s to the 1980s sought to prevent the rise of communism in the Arab World, and advocated harsh penalties for individuals and organizations identified as attempting to spread communism within the region. Though mindful of the Islamic and Christian heritage of the Arab World, as with Ba'athism, Nasserism is largely a secular ideology.[1] [2] Just as with other manifestations of Arab nationalism, this led to direct conflict with Islamic orientated Arab political movements from the 1950s onwards, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood. -
Keesing's World News Archives
Keesing's World News Archives http://www.keesings.com/print/search?SQ_DESIGN_NAME=print&kssp_search_... Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 32, February, 1986 Libya, Page 34199 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Internal and foreign affairs Summary and key dates General People's Congress session (Feb. 26-March 5, 1985). Passage of budget (March). Formation of ‘Pan-Arab Command’ by Col. Kadhafi (March). Proposal for creation of ‘Arab Union’ (June 11). Economic situation (to February 1986). Expulsions of foreign workers (August 1985). Relations with Arab countries (to January 1986). Military agreement with Iran (June 23, 1985). Severance of diplomatic relations by Iraq (June 26). Col. Kadhafi's visit to Soviet Union (Oct. 10–14). Relations with USA–alleged CIA destabilization plan (to January 1986). Contacts with France and Norway (April-October 1985). Convictions of Libyans in United Kingdom (February-May). Deportation of assassination team from Egypt (April). Attacks on Libyans abroad (February-November). Appeal by Col. Kadhafi to exiles to return home (Sept. 3). Internal politics–criticisms of government (1985). Government appointments (May 7). Conflict between Army and revolutionary committees (1985). Assassination attempts on Col. Kadhafi (March- September). Death of Col. Ishkal (November). The 10th ordinary session of the General People's Congress (the Libyan equivalent of a national assembly) took place in Tripoli, the capital, on Feb. 26-March 2, 1985. The Congress debated the various decisions made during the year by the basic people's congresses (BPCs–Libya's local decision-making bodies) and passed a number of resolutions on internal and foreign policy, of which the most important are detailed below. -
Archives in Medieval Islam by ERNST POSNER
Downloaded from http://meridian.allenpress.com/american-archivist/article-pdf/35/3-4/291/2745727/aarc_35_3-4_x1546224w7621152.pdf by guest on 03 October 2021 Archives in Medieval Islam By ERNST POSNER N A CHAPTER of his Muqaddimah: An Introduction to His- tory, which deals with royalty and government, Ibn-Khaldun I (1332-1406) observes, "Royal authority requires soldiers, money, and the means to communicate with those who are absent. The ruler, therefore, needs persons to help him in the matters concerned with 'the sword,' 'the pen,' and finances; and among them the pen ranks high."1 It may have been thought to rank even higher than the sword and finances, for, according to Muslim tradition, the pen was the first object God created.2 Of its power and creativeness in Islamic culture there can be no doubt, and those who wielded the pen enjoyed great esteem. Poets and literati lent their talents to the business of government and, according to Ibn al-Sayrafl, achieved "with the pen what the sword and the lance over a long period of years had been unable to produce."3 Unfortunately, the use of the pen as an instrument of Muslim policy and the preservation of the products of the pen, namely offi- cial documents, have received too little attention so far. As a re- sult, archives-keeping in the Muslim states during the Middle Ages has not been fully recognized as a continuation of preceding prac- The author, Fellow and past president of the Society, continues with this essay his history of archives administration begun in Archives in the Ancient World [Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press; xviii, 283 p., illus.; bibliography, index; $>io] pub- lished in May 1972. -
Strategic Panorama 2014
Strategic Panorama Spanish Institute of 2014 Strategic Studies MINISTERIO DE DEFENSA Strategic Panorama Spanish Institute of 2014 Strategic Studies February 2014 MINISTERIO DE DEFENSA GENERAL CATALOGUE OF OFFICIAL PUBLICATIONS http://www.publicacionesoficiales.boe.es/ Edita: SECRETARÍA GENERAL TÉCNICA www.bibliotecavirtualdefensa.es © Autor y editor, 2014 NIPO: 083-14-130-4 (impresión bajo demanda) NIPO: 083-14-129-1(e-book edition) Legal deposit: M-2156-2014 ISBN: 978-84-9781-960-2 (e-book edition) Printed by: Spanish Ministry of Defence Relase date: august 2013 The authors are solely responsible for the opinions expresed in the articles in this publication. The exploitation righits of this work are protected by the Spanish Intellectual Property Act. No parts of this publication may be produced, stored or transmitted in any way nor by any means, electronic, mechanical or print, including photocopies or any other means without prior, express, written con- sent of the © copyright holders. This publication is printed on chlorine-free obtained from certified sustainable forestry. INDEX Introduction ............................................................................................................. 9 Other lessons of the Great War ....................................................................... 13 A century on ........................................................................................................ 15 Strategic Panorama 2014 ................................................................................. 22 -
Common Misconceptions and Stereotypes About the Middle East
Common Misconceptions and Stereotypes about the Middle East The Middle East does not have clear-cut boundaries. There are cross-cultural connections that stretch from North Africa through Western Asia into Central Asia. The most basic map of the Middle The Middle East is a clearly defined East includes Bahrain, Cyprus, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, the Palestinian Territories, Qatar, Saudi place. Arabia, Syria, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. People in the Middle East live as nomads. Very few people in the Middle East live as nomads. The Middle East is quite urbanized and has some of the oldest cities in the world. There is nothing but desert and oil in 60% of the region’s population lives in major cities such as the Middle East. Damascus, Istanbul and Cairo. Ancient Middle Eastern kingdoms such as Sumer, Babylon and Egypt were all cradles for western The Middle East and the Islamic World civilization. are the same. Everyone in the Middle East speaks There is more than desert and oil in the Middle East. The geography of the Middle East is diverse and includes everything from fertile Arabic. river deltas and forests, to mountain ranges and arid plateaus. Some Everyone in the Middle East is Muslim. countries in the Middle East are oil rich, while others have little or no All Arabs are Muslim. oil reserves. Violence in the Middle East is The Middle East and the Islamic World are not the same. While inevitable. Islam first developed in the Arabian Peninsula and Arabic is its Everyone in the Middle East hates the liturgical language, the majority of the world’s Muslims are not Arab and live outside the Middle East. -
Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions
Durham E-Theses Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. SMAIRA, DIMA How to cite: SMAIRA, DIMA (2014) Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. , Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10810/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Changing Security: Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. Dima Smaira Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations. School of Government and International Affairs Durham University 2014 i Abstract This study is concerned with security; particularly security in Lebanon. It is also equally concerned with various means to improve security. Building on debates at the heart of world politics and Security Studies, this study first discusses trends in global governance, in the study of security, and in security assistance to post-conflict or developing countries. -
“The Sorrows of Egypt,” Revisited in Knowledge He Sought Years Idol Masses
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY on A us strateGIC vision in A CHANGING WORLD “The Sorrows of Egypt,” Revisited SAMUEL TADROS The sorrow of Egypt is made of entirely different material: the steady decline of its public life, the inability of an autocratic regime and of the middle class from which this regime issues to rid the country of its dependence on foreign handouts, to transmit to the vast underclass the skills needed for the economic competition of nations; to take the country beyond its endless alternations between glory and self-pity. (Fouad Ajami, “The Sorrows of Egypt”) In his authoritative 1995 essay “The Sorrows of Egypt,”1 Fouad Ajami, with the knowledge and experience of someone who had known Egypt intimately, and the spirit and pen of a poet who had come to love the place, attempted to delve deeply into what ailed the ancient land. The essay moved masterfully from the political to the social and Islamism and the International Order International the and Islamism from the religious to the economic, weaving an exquisite tapestry of a land of sorrows. This was not the first time that Ajami had approached Egypt. The country his generation had grown up knowing was the Egypt of promise and excitement, where Gamal Abdel Nasser’s towering presence and deep voice had captivated millions of Arabic speakers. Ajami had been one of those young men. He had made the pilgrimage to Damascus, watching and cheering as Nasser made his triumphant entry into the city in 1958, crowned as the idol of the Arabs by adoring masses.