THE JESUITS AND GLOBALIZATION
Historical Legacies and Contemporary Challenges
THOMAS BA CHOFF AND JOSE CASANOVA, Editors
Georgetown University Press Washington, DC
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JOles: O~nchofT.ThonuJ F. 19(too$cdllor l ~n(J\.;I.} GlobabZJtlon-Rellgiow.:lspe ($- thchc burch. Iassificarion: L 8X3702.3 .J47 2016 I DO 271 .53-<14:23 LC record available at htrp:/lkcn.loc.govI201 5024223 e This book is printed on acid-free paper meenng the requirement of the American National tandard for Permanence 111 Paper for Pnneed Library Materials. 16 15 98765432 First printing Printed in the United States of America Cover design by Pam Pease The cover image is a combination of rwo public domain images: a quasi-traditional version of the IHS emblem of the Jesuits by Moransk! and the inset map Grbis Terramm NO'I{l et Accuratissima Tabllia by Pierer Goos (17th century). 12 JESUIT HIGHER DU 10 AND THE GLOBAL COMMa GOOD THOMAS BA H FF The dual global and civic character of']e uir higher education ha histori- caUyset it apart. Wirhin flfry years f it founding in 1540, the ociery of Jesus managed an international nerw rk of colleges and univer itie dedi- cated co humanistic education for the common g ad. The network disap- peared with the suppression of the ociety in 1773 and was reforged during [he cenrury after its reestablishment in 1814. Over the last fifty years, with [he opening of the econd Vatican ouncil (1962-65) and the acceleration of globalizarion, the global and civic dimensions of Jesuit higher educa- tion have grown more tighrly interconnected. Today most f the more than 150Jesuit institutions of higher learning around the world aspire not JUSt to academic excellence, clIm personalis (care for the whole person), and service of faith but also to the promotion of justice on the international as well as the local and national levels. The Jesuit higher education network is increasinglv oriented to the global C0l111110n good. Jesuit institutions are not alone in the contemporary higher education landscape in seeking to combine the global and the civic. Educating global citizens and leaders has become a mantra for many colleges and universities worldwide, whatever their founding mission and ethos. If Jesuit institu- tions are to remain at the fromier of global education, they will have to find creative new ways to build on a unique 475-year legacy of global and CiVIC engagement. This chapter tracks the evolution of the global and civic dimensions of Jesuit higher education through the three successive phases of globaliza- tion: the early modern, modern, and contemporary. It shows how both 240 Thomas Ballch~ dimensions, present at the outset, have grown more imerrwined as succes- sive waves of globalization have made the world-and its economic, social and political problems-more interdependent. It concludes that deeper collaboration across the Jesuit network to promote the global common good. through teaching, research, and outreach, will succeed best when 1t is grounded in a distinctive educational philosophy and advances specific institutional interests. The Emergence of the Jesuit Higher Education Network The worldwide growth of Jesuit colleges and universities in the decades following the founding of the Society of Jesus in 1540 was rapid and un- foreseen.' Ignatius and his first companions had met at the Universiry of Paris, and they placed a high value on broad humanistic studies. But as John O'Malley notes in chapter 7 of this volume, education did not fig- ure in the initial concept of the order; rather, the original impetus was a missionary one. Jesuit colleges began mainly as training instirucions (or unexpectedly large numbers of young recruits and as residences at existing universities. But soon the Society was accepting invitations co run schools to meet a wider social demand for education. First at Messina in Italy in lS48 and then gradually across Europe and in overseas colonial empires in Asia and Latin America, an international educational network took shape. By the time of Ignatius's death in 1556, the number of'jesuir colleges had reached more than thirty. By the mid-eighteenth century, it would reach more than seven hundred. The word "college" in the early modern era was not at aJI synonymous with our contemporary concept of a college or university. Before the sup- pression of the Society a rypicaljesuit schooJ was organized around a rigor- ous seven-year program cenrered on the liberal arts and accepted students as young as ten years of age." Smaller numbers of students might go on to study law, medicine, or theology at one of the Society's universities. defined as an institution with the authority to confer master's and doctoral degrees. Some Jesuit institutions, such as the Roman College. founded in 1551, began as colleges and soon offered advanced degrees, gaining university status. Mixed models emerged when the Society accepted in- vitations from the patrons of existing universities to set up facuJties of theology or philosophy, or to assume overall academic administration, as was the case of the University of Vienna in 1623. Outside of Europe. universities such as St. Paul's in Macau, founded in 1594, and St. Francis Xavier in modern-day Bolivia, founded in 1624, depended on the patron- age of the Portuguese and Spanish colonial empires. Efforts to distinguish Jesuitcolleges and umversine •• nd r track their numbers rhr ugh time. are complicated by th, msnruu nal hererogeneuy and range f drffercnr ownership and management models.' The global pread ofJe uu in nrun n wa no' Imply a rcspon e 10 cialdemand and imperial expan I n. It wa al 0 anunarcd b)' the gl bal casr oflgnatius's vinon of the order. I el in pired by the 1111 I nary horiz n that opened during the Age f I every, HI l,m,".1 Exmises. rrglllally composed III the 1520 • P lied the ge graphic and cultural cxpan c f'the world a the arena f r God' plan of alvatl n. In a remarkable pa age. he challenged the believer to imagine od gazmg WIth compa I non pe pie across"the face of the earth. III uch gr at diversity in dre and manner of acting.Some are white. orne are bla k: orne at peace. orne at war.'?' In this vein the original 1540 "Formula of the In nturc" po ired the world a a frame of reference. Je uus are to r. II w the pope. "whether he hall send us to the Turk or .n)' other infidels. even those who live in the regi n calledthe Indies, or among an heretics whatever, or chismarics, or any of the fairhful." Thi gl bal onenrauon, more pronounced than that f either the Franciscan or the Dominicans, shaped the je uits' internari nal higher education enterprise from the tan, While global e rpansion wa enabled by social and geopolirical changes and promoted by a global orientation. it wa su rained in practice by str ng organization. The growth and maintenance of the network grew out of a creative combination of standardization and flexibility. tandardization arrivedearly with the course of study, Or Rario sr"diorwu, that was final- ized and approved by rhe eneral ongregation of the ociery in 1599. The Ratio provided detailed and binding instruction for administrators and teachers acros multiple years and subjects. In practice it was enforced through a detailed system ofrepoering and accountabiliry within particu- larJesuit provinces and all the way to Rome. entralizadon did not breed uniformity, however, as the Ratio provided for ome flexibility in the selec- tion and presentation of course materiaL Education, like other Jesuit min- iseries, was often marked by pragmatic adaptation to local circumstances around the world. Ln the powerful indigenous empires of hina, India, andJapan,Jesuit missionaries learned the local languages and customs and, where they were permitted to set up schools, sometimes educated Chris- tians and nOD-Christians side by side. In the Americas, where the Society's schools and universities operated under the authority of colonial empires, less accommodation rook place. But here too the Ignatian emphasis on the unity of all humankind and on Renaissance humanism often fostered an appreciation of native culture and traditions in ways that other educational institutions did not . ... 242 Thomas Bal/choff This combination of global reach and sensitivity to local circumstances in the Jesuit educational enterprise should not be confused with liberal cosmopolitanism. Ignatius and his followers saw the breadth and diversity of the world, made imaginable in an age of exploration, not as an op- portunity to encounter other civilizations as equals but as an invitation to expand the scope of Jesuit missionary and educational activity. The great missionaries of the early decades, including Francis Xavier, Matteo Ricci, and Roberto de Nobili, were of course persuaded that Catholicism was the one true faith. The encounter with non-Christians in their particular circumstances, an occasion to appreciate and adopt certain elements of their cultures, was embedded within the missionary enterprise. As Francis Clooney and Daniel Madigan argue (in chapters 2 and 3, respectively, of this volume) on the Jesuit approach to Hinduism and Islam, the Jesuits' ap- preciation of other traditions had clear limits. Even in Funai.japan, where as Antoni Ucerler points out in chapter 1, some students read European and Japanese classics side by side, the curriculum was built on a Western model. Education for Civic Life and the COIIJIIlon Good An important distinguishing strand of Jesuit higher education in its early centuries was its public or civic dimension. The Society's overriding goal was, of course, religious. The 1540 "Formula of the Institute" presents the Jesuits as "founded chiefly for this purpose: to strive especially for the progress of souls in Christian life and doctrine and the propagation of the faith." When they adjusred the formula in 1550, rhey made a strong social component explicit: Jesuits should also be ready "to reconcile the estranged, compassionately assist and serve those who are in prisons or hos- pitals, and indeed to perform any other works of charity, according to what will seem expedient for the glory of God and the common good:" As the Constitutions, a subsequent founding document, made clear. the Christian call to service was the founding rationale for the educational aposrolare. "Through a motive of charity," it noted, "colleges are accepted and schools open to the public are maintained in them for the improvement in learning and in living, not only of our own members but more especially of those from outside the Sociery."? The openness of Jesuit schools to the wider society, including to stu- dents of lesser means, embodied a particular Christian understanding of the common good, a concept borrowed from the Stoics. And the invocation in the Constitutions of livillg as well as learning underscored the humanist ideal that a classical education should have a moral as well as an intellectual rationale.The n r rhe R••"~ w ,d. Ig"ed I blllid h ... global in its reach, existing transnational communications and transporta- tion technologies limited its social and political engagement. Moreover, in an era when international and not just national and local political hierarchy was accepted as normal-where the division of the world into empires of rulers and rhe ruled went largely unquesrioned-rhe idea of a global com- mon good was underdeveloped. As Jose Casanova points out in chapter 13 of this volume, some influential early modern Jesuit scholars. such as Francisco Suarez, did insist on the universal dignity of all humanity and did criticize the abuses of colonial domination in the Americas. But for the most part, the Jesuits and their educational network shared their contem- poraries' axiomatic presumption of the cultural superiority of the West and its right to rule wherever it might prevail. From Reestablishment through the Second Vatican Council During the century and a half berween the reestablishment ofr.he Society of Jesus in 1814 and rhe Second Vatican Council in the 1960s, rhe relation- ship between the global and civic dimensions ofJesuit higher education be- gan to change. Amid a renewed wave of globalization, rhe ]e uits reforged a higher education network particularly in the United States but aJso in Latin America and in the French and British empires in the Middle East and South Asia. In the era of intense nationalism and ideological conflict. their institutions were generally conservative in outlook, oriented to the political status quo, and opposed to the liberalism and socialism identi6ed by the papacy as hostile to Christian civilization. OnJy with the emergence of Catholic social teaching in the late nineteenth century, to which Jesuit scholars and practitioners made significant contributions, did the Society's global educational enterprise begin to incorporate a civic dimension that went beyond dutiful national citizenship and Jocal works of charity to encompass wider questions of social justice with an international reach. A Global Network Reforged While it never achieved its earlier levels of prestige and influence, the Jesuit educational network made an impressive global comeback during the nineteenth century. In Europe the Jesuits gradually constructed a net- work of schools and universities in response to a growing demand from the upper and middJe classes for education. In the United States, a rapidly expanding immigrant nation, the growth was more dramatic; asJohn Mc- Greevy notes in chapter 6 of this volume, twenty-two new colleges and universities were founded over the course of the nineteenth century, with - European-trained Je Ult d minanng eheir eeaching ranks. ver the arne period. Jesuit 1111lonnie and educar rs accompanied :1 SeC nd wave r Western colonial expansion. which wa enabled b revolunon III rnilrrary, transportation. and cornmurn anon technology. r example, pam h Jesuits founded what became Atcne deMallllaUl1Iverlry.nI859..er- manJesuits founded t. Xavier's liege m B mbay in 1869. and rench Jesuits founded t. Jo eph Umversuy m Beirut in I 95. As it had during early modern gl balizati n, the expan Ion ftlm higher education network often entarled accornm dation [ local and national circumstances. The ]e Ult uria III I me 100Clally re 1 red two prominent trends-a grea imperial mind-set of the age. In 1900, for example, Pope Leo XIII praised Jesuits for "settling amongst savage tribes in order to civilize rhern.?'! Jesl/it Education and the CO/limon Cood The Jesuits' approach to their educational enterprise during the modern phase of globalization was related to the wider political and ideological constellation in Europe. The reestablishment of the order in 1 14 took place after the defeat of Napoleon and in the context of reactionary eflons to shore up the alliance of throne and altar against the Enlightenment, lib- eralism, and the specter of renewed revolution. Pope Pius VII, in hi Bull of Res corat ion, made this political context explicit. "Amidst these dangers of the Christian Republic," with the bark of Peter "tossed and assailed by continual storms," the pope hailed "the vigorous and experienced rowers, who volunteer their services."!" Dependent on an embatrled papacy and much less influential than in earlier centuries, the Jesuits fashioned them- selves as a bulwark against modernity, which the Church identified with the rise of liberalism, socialism, and atheism. This conservative stance shaped the horizon of'jesuir higher educarion into the twentieth century. Jesuit scholars at the Roman College-e-re- christened as the Gregorian University in 1887-were prominent drafters of major anti modern papal manifestos, with the most famous among them being Pius lX's Svllaous of Errors (1864)lS In Europe the Society's colleges and universities gained a reputation for social and political conservatism. Jesuit educators, who were often dependent on patronage from the wealthy classes, saw in liberal individualism and socialist collectivism threats £0 Christian civilization. In this context the Jesuit mission to educate others for service to the common good upheld order and rradirion. «The public and the press busy themselves much about the Society's attitude towards the various forms of government:' Superior General PeterJan Beckx noted in 1879. Its sole preference, he suggested, was "fulfilling loyally the duties ofa good citizen and a faithful subject of the power which ruJes his coun- try."16 Leo Xl ll echoed a conservative view of the Society's educational role in 1900. emphasizing "the principles of religious virtue and dury, on which public peace and the welfare of states absolutely depend."!" The political complexion ofjesuit higher education, and its relationship with the wider society, varied considerably across countries and continents over this period. In the France of the Third Republic and in Orto von Bismarck's Germany, Jesuit institutions were periodically persecuted as extensions of clerical and papal power. In Italy, where national unification in the 1860s stripped the Church of its temporal power, anticlerical forces ~.- targeted the jesuu and their m mun n , And repeated cxpul • n from LatinAmerica over the mncreentb century h bbled the Je Ult cdu auonal enterprise. at surpn ing, tlu onsrcllan n remf r ed nvcrvauve siege menrahry wuhan the order. he envrr nmcnt \..l more favorable m the United tat ,where colleges and uruversm crved Immll(TJOI com- munities in major cine mcluding ew Y rk llY. h. ago, B sron, and Washlllgton, D ,I nfronted wuh an ften ann- arhohc Pr rcsrant majority,Jesuit educate went ut rherr way to underscore their patriot- ismand III" t on the c mpaubihry betw en lhelf Iradlll nand American value and mstuun n ,. By and large the lrntegy worked over nrne. At Georgetown Universuy's cent 'nary in 18 9, r. r example. President Gro- ver leveland lauded "an army f AlumOl. learned. parrronc, and useful, cherishing the good f rheir c untry a an bjccr of! flle" efTi rr."?" The me of the nanon-state a d mmam frame r. r je uu cducanon, most evident In the Urnred rates. reflected the compcnnve dynarrucs f globalization 10 the fun-up to two \V rid war. At the turn r the twen- tieth century, jesuits were caught up in the rr mg nanonah 111 of the era; one apologist for the ociery .,'en III I led that "Jesuit cuden" yIeld to none in ardent 3nd e1f- acrificlng 1 ve of counrry:',ll By the time war broke our in 1914. and many Je Ult -and therr scudencs-enthusla'tically sen'ed and djed on both side f the conflict, a gap had opened between Ignatiu 's origlllaJ global vLion and the ocial and p htical engagement of Jesuit illStitutions, The idea of erving the globol common g od made little headway ill a nationalist era in which the mo t powerful form of interna- tionalism on offer wa one of the hurch's avowed enemie , revolutionary socialism. Call1Olic 0<;01TirOl/girl alld 0 Global Fmllle for tire Comllloll Good Interestingly, when the atholic hurch and the Society of Jesus did begin to approach the common good in ~ more global frame, it was through the development of a social teaching that shared the socialists' concerns about the depredations of the Second Industtial Revolution. The start of Leo XIII's seminal encyclical Rerllmllovorll/ll (1891). the fOllndjng document of modern Catholic social thought. placed the economic and social disloca- tions confronting humanity in a global context. referring to "the spirit of revolutionary change, which has long been disturbing the nations of the world."n In urging a program of social reforms to address the excesses of industrialization, Leo drew on the works of Luigi Taparelli, SJ (1793- 1862), who had been rector of the Gregorian in Rome, one of his teach- ers, and one of the inventors of the term "social justice." As articulated 248 71wmas BanchoJf by 'Iaparelli and championed by Leo, rhe idea of social jusrice was nor revolutionary; indeed, it focused less on class conflict than on how mod- ern working conditions corroded the family and the wider social order. But by linking the idea of the common good to question of economic and social inequaliry and exploirarion, it broke new ground. While the body of Rerum ,wI/arm" focused on problems internal to nations, it placed them in a transnational context. hying the groundwork for a more global understanding of the common good. Jesuits and their institutions played a critical role within the Church in positioning issues of social justice and the common good within a more global frame. In response to Leo's new departure, the Society constructed a network of social institutes around the world to promote workers' educa- tion and linked some organizations to existing institutions of higher edu- cation. In France. for example, the lnstitut d'Etudes Sociales was founded in 1923, and a Catholic Workers' College was set up in the United King- dom at Oxford in 1921. A decade larer German Jesuit scholars helped to draft the second major encyclical on tbe social question, Pius Xl's Qlladra- gesimo amlO (1931), which was more global in outlook than Rerum "ollan"". Pius noted that "with the diffusion of modern indusrry throughout the whole world, the 'capitalist' economic regime has spread everywhere" and has "invaded and pervaded the economic and social life of even those out- side its orbit." The rise of a global economic system placed issues of social justice in a new light: "Public institutions themselves" were "to make all human society conform to the needs of the common good; that is, to the norm of social jusrice."> After World War fI, wirh the creation of the US-led United Nations system, the Jesuit superior general Jean-Baptiste Janssens began to connect the new world order with the social and educational mission ofrhe Society. In his 1949 "Instruction on the Social Apostolate," be combined a strident anticommunism with a critique of "liberal materialism" that favored the wealthy and the "comforts and privileges they seek to promote rather than the common good of the whole human race."?" A focus 00 the global com- mon good, he argued, should inform solidarity with the world's poorest "In regard to our missions," he wrote, "I cannot refrain from stressing not only the necessity of teaching the true social doctrine, bur even more of promoting social works and a public order that is in conformity with justice and human dignity." Jesuit institutions of higher learning, through "the foundation of chairs or faculties dealing with social questions in our universities," should also be part of this orientation to a more global corn- mon good." Jesuit social institutes continued to expand around the world during EdllCD,icmami ,I.r Commo,. ood 249 the postwar decade. For example, an In tirure of Indu tria I Relanons wa founded at Loyola University in New rlean in 1947. he lnsritute f Social Order, created in Manila in 1946, later became parr of Atene de Manila University. In 1951 rhe ]e uir founded the Indian cia! In ritute in Delhi, and in 1962 in Abidjan, ote d'Ivoire, they created the African Institute for Economic and ocial evel pmcnr, which became the hub of a trans-Africannetwork. It i worth noting that much of this in tirutional innovation took place 011 the margins of the gl bal jesuu higher education network. Most Jesuit colleges and universities at mid-twentieth century were relatively rraditionali r and con ervative in orientation. with a hu- manistcore cenrered on the We tern canon, :I national and anticomrnunisr outlook fueled by the Cold War, and little institutional engagement with questions of social justice.'" The 1960 would mark a turning point in ef- forts to connect the je uir educational enterprise with the promotion of the global common good. Vatican II and a New Departure Only in the fifty years since Vatican II have the gl bal and civic dimen- sions of'jesuit higher education begun to fully converge. At the ouncil, several Jesuit scholars made decisive contributions to three declarations published in 1965 that marked a theological and political opening to the modern world." The German cardinal Augu tin flea, former rector of the Pontifical Biblical Institute, was a driving force behind Nostra aerate, which opened the Church to dialogue with Judaism, I lam, and other religious traditions.P john ourtney Murray, an American at the theolo- gate in Woodstock, Maryland, contributed to Dignitatis Ilfmwtlae, wh ich abandoned rhe Church's traditional hostility to full religious freedom." And Jesuit scholars who had led the development of atholic social teach- ing between the wars, including Gustav Grundlach and John LaFarge, influenced Gaftdiul1J et spes, the Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modem World. J() Caudiu11I er spes most clearly captured the dynamics of a new era of globalization, driven by the diffusion of revolutionary transportation and communications technologies-at the time, passenger air travel and long distance telephony. "Never has the human race enjoyed such an abundance of wealth, resources and economic power," it noted, "and yet a huge pro- portion of the world citizens are still tormented by hunger and poverty." In the context of a "growing interdependence of men one on the other," the idea of the common good took on "an increasingly universal complex- ion and consequently involves rights and duties with respect to the whole 250 71lOl1Ias Ballchr.d[ human race."?' Caudium et spes, building on rwo of John XXIII's seminal encyclicals, Maler et magistra (1959) and Pacem in tetris (1963), called[or nothing less than a rethinking and redirection of Catholic identityand mission on a global scale. The decade after the Council saw the Society's rapid, if contested,em- brace of the global outlook of Caudium et spes. Considerable Jesuit support for a new departure emerged with the election of the Spaniard Pedro Arrupe as superior general in 1965. Under his leadership Jesuits emerged as the most visible and influential advocates of a global turn within the Church, one toward a dialogue with ocher faiths and culrures and aglobal socialjustice agenda. As early as 1966 this new orientation wasexpressedby the Thirty-First General Congregation, which asserted that "dialoguein this pluralistic world is both possible and desirable" and which encouraged Jesuit educational institutions CO "willingly cooperate with other organi- zations, even if these do not depend either on the Church or the Society ... especially in the less developed ccumnes.":" The change in (Onefrom the decrees of the Thirtieth General C ngregado» in 1957-they hadstill used the traditional language of "missions to the infidels"-was striking." The clearest expression of the reorientation of Jesuit education toward global social justice was Arrupe's July 1973 address "Men for Others: Training Agencs of Change for the Promotion of Justice" to an interna- tional alumni gathering in Valencia. Speaking in Francisco Franco'sSpain, Arrupe criticized the conservative political orientation of muchjesuit edu- cation in the past and up to the present. Arrupe posed a rhetorical question: "Have we Jesuits educated you for justice?" The answer, he suggested frankly, was, "No, we have not. 1f the terms 'justice' and 'educationfor justice' carryall the depth of meaning which the Church givesthemtoday, we have not educated you for justice.":" Two years later the famousDe- cree 4 of rhe Thirry-Second General Congregation of 1974-75 officially recognized the Jesuit mission as "the service of faith and the promotion of justice." On the educational front, Jesuits were to "help prepareboth young people and adults to live and labour for others and with othersto build a more just world.?" By the mid-1970s Arrupe had worked out his vision of what he called "Jesuit internationalism," which he traced back to Ignatius. It included not only a willingness to go around the world but also an opennessto global issues: "According to this principle, qllo universaiius eo divinius [what is more universal is more divine], universal problems that affect the whole globe, or vast areas of it, have to be considered a top priority in the Soci- ety's 'mission.''' These problems, ranging from poverty and migrationto humanitarian disasters and civil strife, demanded the intellectual and pas- t1 EducatioIJ aud ,ife Com mOIl Good 25\ rcralresourcesof the whole Jesuit network, The ociery, he argued, "must be more and more censer us of these new international fields of labour, which-becau e of the \'I3St and variegated zones affected by each prob- lematic. and the complexrry f the problem that have to be analyzed from different mtcr-dr iphnary vantage pomrs-e-require 3 world-wide and in- rerdisciphnaryeollaboran n:'~ The mcsr tangible expression of this new mrernarionalrsmW3S the creation of the Jesuit R.efugee ervice in 1980 as aresponse(Q the plighc of the Vietnamese and ambodian boat people, This mteruational rcorreutari n continued under Peter-Hans Kelven- bach.who served a upenor general from 1983 to 2008, The Thirty- FourthGeneral ongrt'gatl n ttl 1995 formalized a new understanding of theumversrryand IU global social and civic mission. The new "Comple- mentary orms." 3, document expanding on the founding Constitutions, proclaimed."Unwersmes and til rirutions of higher learning play an il1- creasmglyunporrarn role In the Iormanoo of the whole human commu- nit)'. (or in them our culture l shaped by debates about ethics, future directionsfor ec nomic and polmcs, and the very meaning of human ex- istence.")?Kclvenbacb deepened these themes in his 2000 address at Santa Clara Umversuy on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Thirty-Second General cngregancu. Drawing out the implications of the commitment 10 faithand jusncc 10 an increasingly global era, he concluded that "Jesuit umversmeshave Stronger and different reasons than many other academic andresearch In utuu n for addressing the actual world as it unjustly exists andfor helping to reshape lt in the light of the Gospel.v" Co",u:l1ilt<~Ihe Global and the Civic at Jesuit Institutions By the turn of the twenty-first century, most Jesuit universities had taken on a global and social justice orientation often reflected in their mission statement. The regorian, for example, referenced "the social sense of a fanh that works for peace, truth and justice." St. Joseph in Beirut was "open to spiritual values and based on the principles of freedom, respect- ability, critical sense. peaceful initiatives and social solidarity," while stu- dentsat the Ateneo de Manila were to "devote their lives to the service of others and. through the promotion of justice, serve especially those wh.o are most in need of help, the poor and the powerless." Georgetown Ul11- versiryreferred to "our commitment to justice and the common good, our intellectual openness and our international characrer.Y" .. It is not hard to fi nd concrete examples of a global and CIVIC outlook at these and other institutions across the Jesuit higher education network. In the curriculum and co-curriculum and through campus ministry and 252 Thomas Banch'?ff community engagement programs, most Jesuit colleges and universirie introduce students to issues of social justice from a range of intellectual, cultural, and practical perspectives. The globaJ dimensions of those i sues are explored through teaching, research, and outreach, including rudy abroad and international summer programs. The avowed goal is whar Kolvenbach called "a well-educated solidarity," an orientation to a global social justice that can accompany students wherever they go in the world and whatever their professional path. Progress in this direction, however uneven, has taken place through a deeper Jesuit-lay collab ration at the institutions of the Society as the number ofJesuits has declined from a peak of about thirty-five thousand worldwide during the early 1960s to about half that number today. The turn toward global social justice has not gone uncontested in Jesuit institutions. Since the 1960s more conservative faculty and adrninistrarors have periodically warned against any politicization of the university that might detract from the core teaching and research enterprise. And in prac- tice no institution has completely redefined its mission in the social justice direction that was advocated by Ignacio Ellacur ia, aJesuit theologian who was deeply influenced by liberation theology. In a much-cited address in 1982, Ellacurfa insisted that "a Christian university must take into account the gospel preference for the poor" and work to "provide science for those without science; to provide skills for those wirhour skills; to be a voice for those without voices; to give intellectual support for those who do not possess the academic guaJifications to make their rights legitimate." In 1990, the year after Ellacur-ia's martyrdom at the hands of death squads in EI Salvador, jon Sobrino, Sj, one of his collaborators, extended this radical logic further: "If a Christian University never, never, never gets into some sort of serious conflict with those who have power in this world, it is not a Christian University.?'? A radical orientation to the poor or a confrontation with the powerful is not a practical option for most Jesuit institutions. AlJ depend to one degree or another on the patronage of the powerful-that is, governments, which provide political approval and legal frameworks, and those who cover op- erating costs and contribute other material resources through tuition and philanthropy. Given these constraints, which vary considerably between time and place, a university's option for the poor and the marginalized and its embrace of an activist social justice agenda risk undermining the po- litical and material support upon which the academic enterprise depends. One can argue, of course, that Jesuit institutions have an impact on the common good precisely because they educate elites, those best positioned to serve the cornmon good in practice. That was part of Ignatius's vision ar the outset. But [Ot!.')' II r.II\I.·' .111lIfltclJu'nruhl,- qllnuuu II • "".1111- guishes Je uir 1I1'H!W (I011 , trom rhc rc\c 0' the lu,:he( c;l!u.,:..rtou 'C C r, In which the formation ol'~I(lh;11 <;1I1(e:'I' and lc..Jer,\ 'nt .he (.p,nnauh .lJO\I is an increasingly conuuonpl.icc l1l.uHr,1~ In a seminal speech In 20)0 to JC\lIH unl\'(,-,",U~ I"(e u,1 nl\ ltv ..... ftlu"d the world in MeXICO ('Ily. Superior (:cnc:r ..1 AJoltu ',(oJ.. ~JI'C1: d this question. He hlghiJ~htcd two dl\Un~uJ ..llIn,.: urcntotdl 0')( ul( 'u~hct education-a strong hutrranrvt ethos and a Lir-tiufllllntcm.auon.l' II I\H'" Nicolas framed his argument about the unporrancc ofhum.IfHsc pcd ... ~ with a powerful mdicrmcnr of (he "giobahz.nron of urcr6 1~11l\", tcred by a combination of insrant COIllI11UnIC.lt1on\. convumcr uhure, nd m roll relativism. He called 011 jesun mstuuuone t revuahzc the'f c mmumcIU to Cum perso"alis through attention to the deep splruu.ll. cmouon ..1. ;,uuJ social, as well as academic and profc IOJ nal, needs of tudene (I hJc\ulI educarion, he insisted, "integrates mrclle (U,lJ rigor wuh reflecnon on the experience of reality together with the creative rmagrnanon to w r1. toward constructing a more humane, Just. cusramabie. and (<1llh..tilled world." And, he continued. "'he experience frealor)' on lude' the broken world, especially the world of the poor. waiting r. r healong.'~l Nicolas's invocation of the creative lIuagm3non. draWing Ii the pm- lllal Exercises, highlights a distinctive contribution f Jeo ult edUC;)[,1 n to a global, humanistic formation. There is no nonage of articulate plea. across the academy, for a more global liberal arts education that sensitizes students to cultura] differences and complexitie . And call to link educa- tion with service to the community, both at school and afrer graduari 0, are prominent across a wide range of colleges and univer ides, \I,fhatever their religious or secular idenrity. To insist on the spiritual dimension of rhe human person, the infinite dignity and eternal destiny of every hu- man being, gives the imperative of education for che global common good a greater deprh. It links education with self-reflection and self-transfor- mation through service to others. In the posr-Vatican II era, few Jesuit educators describe the primary goal of the educational enterprjse as «the salvation of souls." But the broader Ignatian formulation of"he1ping souls" is very compatible with Nicohis's call ro arms againsr the "globalization of superficiality." "The times in which we happen to live are radically different from those Jived by Ignatius of Loyola," Kolvenbach has argued in this connection. "But the 'help of souls; the on lusion The juxtaposmon of the "loh.\ and CI"c duncn ronv ofJe\uu higher edu cation across rhn ..'c hl\torll'JI cPOdl rc\'cJh n c nlv p.ltlcrn p(conUnUH" and change bur alvo somc lcvcon (or the pre cut. 1\ to all three peruxh of globalizari n-lhe carly modern. modern .• ud lllemp0rJry-the je\Ull\ maintained an uupressive Illtlornattonoll nctwork or educ;atlona.11n nrunon- aspiring to the as the local and national. COlnJllon good has emerged a 3 more salient imperative that is often difficult to realize in practice. The rapid international expal1sion of the Jesuit higher educarion net- work, from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, coincided with the early modern wave of globalization. As part ora wider luissionary effon to spread Christianity to the ends of the earth and to srrengthen the Church in Europe, the Jesuits developed a characteristic \\fay of proceeding that was marked by adapting to local circumstances. Through an opening to intercultural encounter, particularly in Asia, India, and China, jesuit edu- cation helped to transfer knowledge between East and West. And son1.e jesuit thinkers developed the idea of global humanity as a kind of extended community bound by mutual obligations. But over the early modern pe- riod such efforts to imagine and pursue the universal, global common good in mjssionary and educational enterprises were constrained by taken- for-granted assumptions about political and social hierarchies in European kingdoms and in new, world~spanning empires. The jesuit higher education network that was re-created during the ------nund. modern W.1Vl" of globalixan n, during the nineteenth and early rwcnucrh ccmuncv. also had extensive reach. It wa carried by a new wave ol Iurup('~n colomah ..1ll :\1'Id.m the United rates, flourished in a new and II\( rt'.l\.II1~ly powcrfulll1lllHgr:Hll nation. In a world more closely intercon- nn tnt bv the tClhnologlc'\ of the Industrial Revolution, Jesuit educators were 1t111UUY \\",1)" Il'" 3ffomlllod3tlOg f'culrural differences than in ear- her ,-("nturlt" Mll\l nfH."n dO\l·ly allied with an embattled papacy opposed tn fevolUlIUlury hbcr.rhvm and ..ocialism, they were generally conservative III n"tI()()~ ..nd did !lOl divtancc themselves fr 111 the growing dominant unrcfuh'l1\ and 1).11101"1:111\11\ that arose before World War I. nly with 111<1l,.d'l.1l emergence or Carhohr social teaching from the 1890s did the Ide .. of ..n, 1.\1JU'cu.:c .1nJ the g.lob.1i COI1lI1l n good begin co shape the Jesuit Iu ·hrr nlUc..ltlOll cutcrpr tvc. \ .1IU,.:&o II .wd the .iccclcr.iuon of globalization since then have trans- 'ufl1lnt the connccuon hctwccu the gl bal and the civic at jesuit colleges ..n I un» cr 1(1(" udcr t hc lcaderslup f Pedro Arrupe, the ociecyand .. ' nhhJllUl1.11 1I1..tltUlHlIl\ redefined their mission in 1975 as the ervice ul '-4.th .lml the prull1UllOI1 of Ju'\,tlCC at the I cal, national, and interna- l UII1 .. 1lcvclv In t he uucrvcn 1ng forty years, Je uic institutions have sought, thro\l.,:h l tlrfle. ul.l .H1d (o-(urncu)ar activitie , to orient wdents to ques- 'U'U' of JU'UlC Jlld ..ol1d.Hlt)' ,llld to prepare them for lives ofservlce to the" ~Io~.ll Ol1unUllll\ dolfo Kohls's address in Mexico Ciry in 2010 II1UIA('d A decper ph.I'(' ofrdlcctlon on what is di tinctive abour the So- ICC\ -.... pproAch to hum,llll\t1C CdUC3tlOn in a globalizing ern. His caB to J\' \Ill III tlHItIOO\ .If(lund the world t collaborate around pressing global ,...un" h .... Ill'" \\ Ilh 'om" \un:c\,\ to date. pardcularly regarding work with f('hl~("C'" 1(1 .11l\WCr the Lll1 ~01l1g forward. Jesuit institutions will have III 11,.,...f Imu' uh I.u:I,', po\ed by a'yl11mctries of power and differences of , f'pc .. ll\.C ..UfO"'\ Ih"lf glllh.llnl.:lW rk. 1 he ,de< "oil of .lorI'" M.m" Uergoglio as pope in 2013 marked a hope- lui JU'" lure I,,, .Ie""' hIgher education and ir global mission. In his first 1\.. 0 \CAr III IlllilC:'. Pnpt· FranCis,. himself a Jesuit, astounded the world "" nh hi 1.111 ,c,'lr.:l [(:Iurn to Ihe \ll11plicity of Gospel values. He reminded (.1chllh And jC\UIl 11I~hcr cdUC3110n institutions of their responsibility '0 e h,< Ale ,h~ whole P"""" md to accompany the marginalized. In the " d' h' . g to acadenllcs "III \ .lpO loll .. l·,hort.l[lOl1 EI'tW.t!l'1I <-{!dll "ml, IS warnli1 :" I ,.ther prole ""n.1\ ., "one 'must say rhat they cannot be close to Ihe I "or bee." e thelf own l.restyle demands more attention to other ar- c." "J\ • "uk dullcnge ro both II1dividuals and instiru,ions." Through 'r utKul.lIon "rthe conneCtIon between contemplation, love. and I'I' (Ie. . . h . d a caIJ ~r" I c, n~(llcJ1I1 tll~ own Ign3t1an spiricuality, FranCIS as Issue to con renee .1lldto .ic rron lor j("\tIU nllt1C 1,,,J UfU nlll" \ ri t .Jt" Their em rt til .ld\'.lIH (' rhe' ,.:.loh,,1 eutllUUn ~ood. .It chI;" cnCe',", ....."'Ih(" margtn of powcr: \\ III rnlulfc thC" lurtht"f ,rc- ..II\(" de" clC1plUC'fU lll .. h\ mg rradiuon re I F r more ~m the 011).:111\ 01 )C'UII edu .lIion. \C'{" John \\' 0' bUe\ '), I 4 Fint jcmuJ (t ,IIHt" utto:C'. ;\t ..\ f I.ln J,J IU\Ct'tC Pre '. 1 )C1l) ( n Ofh' JC'uu UnI\'CI"Ule III pJrlh ular. sec 11I1\k de Ridder ....\UlPcn\. cod. ,i 11'11.,'), .~ Ihi L'mllfl1uy'" 1-1"111'(" "01 2, l '''l1 ....ml'l UI l:.Jdr \1•..1,.", I Utl'~ (ISOtJ-1 Ot}) ( m- bridge: ..mbrrdgc Umvcrvuv Pre". 2(0) n 2. For an overview ul I.,:IuIHI'\ uude:f',,,,othng or che tl"JnlUUO (l( uru .. versuy tudrcv. '"'C' (;cor~c I (;,\n", 'J.. ~wi 1~''''lIIu.f·IJr.1 1!(;JJCSUli l '''U'fNf/r (MIlwaukee' Marquette U'l1\"cr'u)" Pre ,IQS-4). cb 4. 3~ ThcOIKC JC\UII Unlvcf'lt)" u(UJml>cQtpro\'ldC",ullllu ,(;teJon ftha\com- plexiry, It bq~,lIl .1' ,1 thcoIOl;IC,l1 J,(Jdt"Ul)" ukcn over by the ]e'UU In 1611 Jod offered bachdor dq;rCl'\ ,cHung III 164ft I-',)cu!u, or l;J;w ,)nd mcdl inc \\"ere added In 1735. hut the LItle: o("unavc~1C)''' \\",), onl . conferred I.uer. In 1773. il(ccr the unlvcr It W3~ rcmovcd from Jc ull cOlUtOl. ce Itadder- )'meon . HUlory (!/ tire m'l·ersil)'.2:()9. 4. Igll3tim of Loyol.l, SpmlllllJ ExcuutJ. lr.an ,LOUIS). Puh!. ~ (\ estnllllStcr. MD: Newman Prc~~. 1957). no. 106.50. 5. Ignatlus of Loyola :md the OCiety of Je UIi, T"t COlistilll';OrlS cif'lh, «itt)· of JCSlU mli! The" C(lmpkm,u,ary I.....''''",S: A Comp[t:tt E"Jtislr Trl1"sJatlotJ of tlrt Ol ficinl Lati" 1I:X15. trans. arl J. Moell. ~ ( t. Louis: Institute of Jesuit ources. 1996),68. 6. Ibid.,67. I am grateful to Philip EI1dc3n, J. for pointing Qui the nuances between the 1540 3nd 1550 versions of the formula. See further Antonio M. de Aldama, rhl' Formula of tIle Institl/le: Notesfor 1I COttIltl(::tItlIry, trans. Ignarius Echaniz (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit ources, 19 9). 7. Reprinted in Ganss, SlI;lI( [gulltius' Idetl, 319. 8. Ignatius to Antonio de Arao2, December I, 1551, cited in ibid., 28-29. 9. Reprinted in ibid., 319, to. Ignatius of Loyola and the Society of Jesus, CO,l5lirltfiotls, no. 662. 11. In 1906 it was officially decided that each Jesuit province was free to adapt the Ratio to its particular circumstances. See Philip Gleason, Cotltending with A1oder- /lily: CatflOfic Higher Edllclltiotl ill Ihe TUle,,,ielh Cetlwry (New York: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1995). On the transition away from Greek and Latin, see Raymond A. Schroth, SJ, The Americol/jesllits: A History (New York: NYU Press, 2009),110. 12. Professional schools were only officially endorsed by tbe Twenty-Eighth General Congregation in 1928. 13. Pope Leo XIlI in his letter to the Archbishop of Paris, December 23, 1900, cited in Robert Schwickerath,jesJlic Education: Its History alld Principles Viewed ifI 258 Thomas &",choff lltr U.flill "I .\l~)tl("", EdU(dtIO,1Il1 Problems (Woodstock, MD: woodsrcck ollege. 19l14), 277. 14 1)1u\ II, ollidtudo 0"111/11I11 ealcsiamm, August 7, 1814, as cited In J. F MJdcM. cd.. Cllllrch fwd Stille UI ,lfe Modern A,l?c:A Dot:lllJlcma'l' HislOry ( xford. Oxford Unlvcr'\lC)' Prcw, 19H5), 120-21. 15 PIU:SIX. 1'1.(" Syllabus of Errors. December 8, 1864, http://www.cwrn.com Ilbr. rv /papaldoc 11'9\yl I.hnu. 16. L'( '''tI'rr.s. Parl'l. january 20. 1879. cited in chwickerath.jesllil EduCiJtion. 262. 17. Leiter of I co XIII 10 the Archbtsb I' of Paris, I ecembcr 23.1900. cued 111 Ibid .. 277 18 Oil rhc development of jcvuit higher education in the United States. see \1 tlham P Leahy. Sj. Ad"pt,,','! 'I) Amaica: ell/holies, jesuits, and H(l?her EdllllJlion III thr 7i,'t'UI,Cllt Cmlflry (W3'lhlllglon, I corgerown University Press, 1991). 19. One vpc a kcr Jt -corgcrown Umvcrsuy's centenary professed a con erva- 1I\'c warmc 'I o( demo racy that was more typical of uropean jesuits at the time: .• II free gOVCfIII1lCllt. however democratic in theory, is necessarily aristocratic in Iace The few must always administer it; the few must always guide and control II" M.lftlll Morns cited In R. Emmett ur ran. 5J, "Georgetown's Self-Image .n It~Centenary.' III Cro~l?t·tOll'1t at 'n"O !-!I1I1({rcd, ed. William C. Mcfadden, SJ (\V.lsh Ington , DC: Georgetown University Press. 1990), 10. 20. Cleveland quoted In Scbwickcrarh. jcsuit Education, 261. The issue of howjcvuu institutions fit into American society was aired in an extended public courrovcrw unleashed by Harvard president Charles Eliot's disparaging remarks about the qunhry ofjesuu educanon in 1899. harles Eliot, "Recent Changes in \ccond.lf1' Educatlon," Tire rlt/alllic i\lonth/)' 84 (October 1899): 433-44. 21 SdlWlckn3th ..IesUlI Educatioll. 256. 22. l co XIII. Rerum tlOI'aTJlIII (Of New Things), May 15, 1891, https://w2.vaci ['.111.\'.1 'contcllt/leo-xlll/cn/cllcyelieal'i/documcnts/hCI-xiii_cnc_IS0S1891_rerum -l1ov;anll1l.htllll. :23. Plm X I. QlUldmgcsuno CUIIIO( n Reconstruction of the Social Order), May 15. 193I. http:/ Iw2.vatlcan.va/conrenr/pius-xi/en/encyclicals/documents/hCp -x l_cnc_1931 05IS_quadragesimo-arl no.htm!. 24. jcan-Bapti'\tc jallSscm. SJ. to all Jesuit provincials, "Instruction on the 500:11 Apo~lOlatc," DelCber 10, 1949. http://www.sjweb.info/sjs/documems jJlwicns_cng.pdf. 25. Ibid. The Twenty-Eighth General Congregation, meeting in 1938. had <1lrc;ldy lIIsi'lted that "the principles of charity and social justice be carefully im- prc';'ied upon rhe minds of the students in our schools, 011 both the higber and the middle levels:' See "Decrees on the Social Apostolate," nos. 5~lO, http://www .sJweb.1 n fo/sjs/ docu mems/CG24-30_ eng. pdf. 26. As late as 1941. for example. Fordham president Robert Gannon, 5j, w<1rned: "'n a cap and gown anyone has rhe privilege of uprooting all the tfue foundations of life and of robbing the young of all the principles on which OUf civilization rest v ·· I [c counnucd. "All due he: need do '" hide behind 4,1~t('nu, freedom." uotcd 111 "f ordh.nu'c IOU YeJn," ,"rHl l~/k [nnr v, eptcmbcr' I-l . 1941. 27. For more 011 1I1l' JC'UIl ...· ITllpoin .11 the Councrl. iCC lh.tpctr H by l>.Ivit,1 Hollenbach. ~. 1111111.. volume 28. Paul VI. .'-M'''' /11'1111(". ))cd.lrJCltUl on the."Rd.ilt()n of the hUfi"h to on hrisrian Rclrgrous. October 2M, 1965, hup www \'.111("30 va/.JI"ch,,"e/hl ..t _CQUllcils/il_ vane ,In_cou mi l 'cioc umcnt ..I\·.;ar_ll_dccl_196SI02 _n o,rr.;a·.lcr,uc _en.hem!. 29. Paul VI, f)',l!IIIItIIH hnmonar, Dccl.lr.1t1 non Rell!p LI Freed ru.De ember 7, 1965, lutp:llwww.v:ltic.IIl.\.:tluchl\·c/h •.f.t_coLlncllc.l1_vJII- _vadca Il_COU n(11/docu Illcl1tlio/v:u-ll_con ..t_19651207-82udlUm-et-~~_cn.l1t 011. 31. Ibid. 32. Pedro Arrupe. SJ. Prdrtl Arrupc : J.:.utnltalll;;I;".~, ed, Ke\'10 Burke (Mary- knoll. Y: Orb.. Books. 2(04). 231. 33. "A worldwide outlook. n t only III the 1111 sions to the mfidels but III ev- ery part of the vineyard of the Lord. demands that the ..pestle be adapted to the conditions of the region:' Thirtieth General ongregaricn of'rbe ociery of Jesus. Decree 25, "On A ids to the Apcseclare" (1957). in For Afaltrr5 of Grealrr /\[ome",: The First Thirry jesuit eneral COtl.C?rr..i?al;otlS. cd. John W. P3dberg. ~, 1artin D. O'Keefe. SJ, and John L. Me arllty. 5J (5c. Louis: Institute for Jesuit ources. 1994),660-61. 34. Pedro Arrupe. SJ. "Men for Orhers: Training Agcms of !lange for the Promotion of Justice;' in justice wilh Faith Today: Selened utlers and Addresses, ed_ Jerome Aixala. 5J (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources. 19 0), 125. In addition to the Council's documents, Arnlpe referenced Pope Paul VI's 1967 encyclical Popll/orlll/l progrcssio and rhe 1971 Synod of Bishops in Rome, which famously concluded that "action on behalf of justice and participacion in the rransformation of the world fully appear to us as a constitutive dimension of the preaching of the Gospel, or, in ocher words, ofrhe Church's mission for the redempcion of the hu- man race and irs liberation from every oppressive situation." Cited in Kenneth R. Himes, cd .. Ivfodem Catholic Social Teaching: Commentaries alld InterpretatioNs(Wash- ington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2005), 341. 35. Thirty-Second General Congregarion of the Society of Jesus, Decree 4, "Our Mission Today: The Service of Faith and che Promocion of]ustice" (1975), no. 60, http://www.sjweb.info/docu.nents/sjs/docs/D4%20Eng.pdf. 36. Pedro Arrupe, SJ, "Some Far-Reaching Vis cas of Decree 4 of GC32," in Arrupe,jllstice with Faith Today, 161. 37. Society of Jesus, "Complementary Norms, Pan VII, 277-297," no. 289, http;/ Iwww.sjweb.info/docu memsl educationlCom p%20N orms%20V' I, %20 277-297.pdf. 260 Thomas Banchoff 38. Peter-Hans Kolvenbach, 5J, "The Service of Faith and the Promotion of Justice in American Jesuir Higher Education," conference on Commitment to Justice in Jesuit Higher Education, Santa Clara University, October 6, 2000. http://wwW .marquette. edu/ mission/ docu men tsl TheServiceofFait h andrhePro mocionof]usticeinAmericanJesuitHigherEducatiOn-Kolvenbach.pdf. 39. Pontifical Gregorian University Steering Committee, "Mission State- ment," November 27,2009, httpJlwww.tlnigre.it/Univ/documenti/091127_PUG _dichiarazione_intenti_en.pdf; 5t.Joseph University, "Mission," 2007, http:lhV'i.v,\ .usj.edu.lb/en/fl1es/mission.httnlQ1; Areueo de Manila University, "Vision-Mis- n sion Statement," http://www.ad111u.edu.ph/ateneo-de-mani la-u niversiry-visio _mission-statement; and Georgetown University, "University Mission Statement:' http:// govern ance.georgetown.edu/mission-sta tement/. 40. Ignacio Ellacuria, 5J, Commencement Address at Santa Clara Univer- sity,June 1982, http://www.scu.edu/Jesuits/ellacuria.html;andJonSobrino.SJ. Commencement Address at Regis University, May 6, 1990, http://academic.re:gis .edu/tieining/Word%20Docs/John%20Sobrino%20SJ%20commencement%20 speech.doc For more on Ellacuria, liberation theology, and the struggle over higher education in Latin America, see chapter 9 by Maria Clara Bingemer in this volume. 41. Adolfo Nicolas, 5J, "Depth, Universality, and Learned Ministry: Chal- lenges to Jesuit Higher Education Today," address to the International Confer- ence on NetworkingJesuit Higher Education: Shaping the Future for a Humane, Just. Sustainable Globe. Mexico iry, April 23, 2010, http://www.scu.edu/scm Ifa11201o/upload I mex ico-city-con ference.pdf. 42. Peter-Hans Kolvenbach, SJ."The Jesuit University in Light of the Ignarian harisrn." address to International Meeting of Jesuit Higher Education, Rome. May 27. 2001. http://www.sjweb.info/documcnts/phk/university_en.pdf. 43. Thirty-Fourth General ongregation of the Sociery of Jesus. Decree 1-, "Jesuit" and Ulllvcrslty Life" (1995), no. \0, http://www.sjweb.info/documenG IcduC>t1on/CG34_DI7 _E G.pdf. 44. icolas, "Depth, Universality." 45, Pope Francis. EV(I"gelii g(llldilll1l, Apostolic Exhortation Oil the Procla- mation of the Go"pel in Today's World, November 24, 2013, sec. 201, http> w2 .VJ,l ican.va I conte nr/fra ncescol en /apost.; exhaTtationsl docu ments/papa-fran cc {o_c"ort.lZlonc_ap_20131124_eVangelii-gaudium.html.