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Games, Pornography, Perceptions. Children and Media Violence Yearbook, 2000

Games, Pornography, Perceptions. Children and Media Violence Yearbook, 2000

DOCUMENT RESUME

ED 444 757 PS 028 853

AUTHOR von Feilitzen, Cecilia, Ed.; Carlsson, Ulla, Ed. TITLE Children in the New Media Landscape: Games, Pornography, Perceptions. Children and Media Violence Yearbook, 2000. INSTITUTION United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, Goteborg (Sweden). International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen. SPONS AGENCY Nordic Council of Ministers, Copenhagen (Denmark). ISBN ISBN-91-89471-01-6; ISBN-91-89471-03-2; ISBN-91-89471-02-4 ISSN ISSN-1403-4700 PUB DATE 2000-00-00 NOTE 417p.; Two bibliographies compiled by Johan Cronstrom are attached: "Research on Pornography and Sex in the Media Bibliography: A Selection (1970-)" and "Research on Video and Computer Games Bibliography: A Selection." AVAILABLE FROM UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen, Nordicom, Goteborg University, Box 713, SE 405 30 Goteborg, Sweden; Tel: 46-31-773-10-00; Fax: 46-31-773-46-55; e-mail: [email protected]. PUB TYPE Books (010) Collected Works - General (020) -- Reference Materials - Bibliographies (131) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC17 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Aggression; Annotated Bibliographies; *Childhood Attitudes; *Children; Computer Games; .Foreign Countries; Internet; *Mass Media Effects; *Media Research; *Parent Attitudes; Pornography; Television; Video Games; Violence IDENTIFIERS United States

ABSTRACT This document consists of three sources which compile research on the influence of media sex and violence on children's development. The first is a collection of articles on children and the media; the remaining two are bibliographies of research--one on pornography and sex in the media, the other on video and computer games. The articles in the collection are: (1) "The Monster Massacre or What Is a Violent Electronic Game?" (Christofferson); (2) "Video Game Violence and Aggression: A Review of Research" (Griffiths); (3) "Killing Time? A Canadian Meditation on Video Game Culture" (Kline); (4) "Video Games and Violence: Controversy and Research in Japan" (Sakamoto);(5) "Computer Games and Aggression: Research in Australia and New Zealand" (Durking and Low); (6) "Competitive Aggression in Australian Adolescent Males during Videogame Play" (Ask, Augoustinos, and Winefield); (7) "Boys, Girls, and Violent Video Games: The Views of Dutch Children" (Nikken);(8) "New Media and Young People in Sweden" (Petrov); (9) "It Isn't Real: Children, Computer Games, Violence, and Reality" (Sorensen and Jessen); (10) "Perceptions of Video Games among Spanish Children and Parents" (Casas); (11) "Violent Elements in Computer Games: An Analysis of Games Published in Denmark" (Schierbeck and Carstens); (12) "Classifications of Interactive Electronic Media" (Christofferson); (13) "Effects of Sexual Content in the Media on Children and Adolescents" (Wartella and others);(14) "Sexual Messages on Entertainment TV in the U.S.A." (Kunkel and others);(15) "Does Pornography Influence Sexual Activities?" (Forsberg);(16) "What Is the Internet? Basic Technology from the User's Perspective" (Evjen and Bjornebekk);(17) "Sex on the Internet: Issues, Concerns, and Implications" Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best thatcan be made from the original document. (Griffiths); (18) "Violent Pornography on the Internet: A Study of Accessibility and Prevalence" (Bjornebekk and Evjen);(19) "Paedophile Information Networks in Cyberspace" (O'Connell);(20) "Child Sex Iconography: Iconic Narratives of Child Sex Myths" (O'Connell);(21) "Child Abuse on the Internet" (Arnaldo);(22) "The Audience's Perception of Media Violence: Review of Research in the UK" (Hargrave);(23) "Violence on Chilean Television and Audience Perception" (Silva and Souza); (24) "Censorship and the Third-Person Effect: A Study of Perception of Television Influence in Singapore" (Gunther and Ang); (25) "Attitudes to Television Content in Australia" (Cupitt);(26) "A Study on Canadian Family Discourse about Media Practices in the Home" (Caron and Caronia);(27) "The Internet and the Family: The View of U.S. Parents" (Turow with Nir); (28)"U.S. Adults and Kids on New Media Technology"; (29) "Kids Discuss Safety on the Internet" (Childrens Express);(30) "Opinions in Australia, Germany, and the U.S. on Control of Misuse on the Internet" (Waltermann and Machill); and (31)"The Protection of Minors in the Public Opinion: An Austrian Perspective" (Geretschlaeger). Each article contains references. (HTH)

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The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE AND on the Screen DISSEMINATE THIS MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY at Nordicom

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3 The UNESCO The UNESCO International International Clearinghouse Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on Children and Violenceon the Screen on the Screen, at In 1997, the Nordic Information Centrefor Media and Nordicom GOteborg University Communication Research (Nordicom)set up an Box 713 international clearinghouseon children and violence on SE 405 30 GOTEBORG, Sweden the screen, financed jointly by theSwedish Web site: Government and UNESCO. http:I /www.nordicom.gu.se The Clearinghouse aims to expand and DIRECTOR:Ulla Carlsson deepen our understanding of children, young peopleand media Sadiddic CO-ORDWAMR: Cecilia von Feilitzen. violence, seen in the perspective of the UNConvention Tel:+46 8 16 28 64 on the Rights of the Child. The prime task isto make Fax: +46 8 661 03 04 E-mail: feilitzen @jmk.su.se new knowledge and data known to prospectiveusers all over the world, with Docunadolusr: Pia Hepsever a view to informing relevant Tel: +46 31 773 49 53 policy decisions in the field, contributingto Fax: +46 31 773 46 55 constructive public discussion of the subject,and E-mail: [email protected] furthering children's competenceas media users. It is also a hope that the work of the Clearinghousewill THE CLEARINGHOUSE stimulate further research on children andthe media. IS LOCATED AT NORDICOM The UNESCO International Clearinghouseon Nordicom is an organ of co-operation between the Nordic Children and Violence on the Screen focuseson the countries - Denmark, Finland, Iceland, following areas: Norway and Sweden. The overriding research on children, young people and goal and purpose is to make the media and communication efforts undertaken media violence in the Nordic countries known, both children's access to the media and their throughout and far beyond our part of the world. media use Nordicom uses a variety of chan- media education and children's participation nels - newsletters, journals, books, databases to reach researchers, in the media students, decision-makers, media pertinent legislation and self-regulating practitioners, journalists, teachers and interested members of the general initiatives. public. The Clearinghouse is user-oriented, which Nordicom works to establish and means that strengthen links between the Nordic our services are offered in response to demand andare research community and colleagues in adapted to the needs of our users researchers, all parts of the world, both by means of unilateral flows and by linking policy-makers, media professionals, voluntary individual researchers, research groups organisations, teachers, students and interested and institutions. individuals. Nordicom also documents media trends in the Nordic countries. The joint Central to the work has been the creation ofa Nordic information addresses users in world-wide network. The Clearinghouse publishesa Europe and further afield. The production of comparative media statistics yearbook and a newsletter. Several bibliographies,and forms the core of this service. a register of organisations concerned with children and Nordicom is funded by the Nordic media, have been compiled. This and other information Council of Ministers. is available on the Clearinghouse's web site.

BEST COPY AVAILABLE Children in the New Media Landscape GamesPornographyPerceptions Children in the New Media Landscape Games Pornography Perceptions

Editors: Cecilia von Feilitzen and Ulla Carlsson

The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen at Nordicom

U r. EST COPY AVLABU 6 Published by The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violenceon the Screen Nordicom Goteborg University Box 713 SE 405 30 GOTEBORG Sweden

Editors Cecilia von Feilitzen and Ulla Carlsson

© Editorial matter and selections, the editors; articles, individual contributors

Cover by Roger Palmqvist Printed by Livrena Grafiska AB, Kungalv, Sweden, 2000

ISSN 1403-4700 ISBN 91-89471-01-6

In? COPYAVAIIIABIE Contents

Foreword Ulla Carlsson 9 Electronic Games, Pornography, Perceptions. Introduction Cecilia von Feilitzen 13

Violence in Video and Computer Games The Monster Massacre or What Is a Violent Electronic Game? Jan Christofferson 27 Video Game Violence and Aggression. A Review of Research Mark Griffiths 31

Killing Time? A Canadian Meditation on Video Game Culture Stephen Kline 35 Video Games and Violence. Controversy and Research in Japan Akira Sakamoto 61 Computer Games and Aggression. Research in Australia and New Zealand (-1998) Kevin Durkin & Jason Low 79 To Kill or Not To Kill. Competitive Aggression in Australian Adolescent Males during Videogame Play Alexander Ask, Martha Augoustinos & Anthony H. Winefield 83 Boys, Girls and Violent Video Games. The Views of Dutch Children Peter Nikken 93 New Media and Young People in Sweden Peter Petrov 103 It Isn't Real. Children, Computer Games, Violence and Reality Birgitte Holm Sorensen & Carsten Jessen 119 Perceptions of Video Games among Spanish Children and Parents Ferran Casas 123 Violent Elements in Computer Games. An Analysis of Games Published in Denmark Lisbeth Schierbeck & Bo Carstens 127 Classifications of Interactive Electronic Media Jan Christofferson 133

Pornography and Sex in the Media Effects of Sexual Content in the Media on Children and Adolescents Ellen Wartella, Ronda Scant lin, Jennifer Kotler, Aletha C. Huston & Edward Donnerstein 141 Sexual Messages on Entertainment TV in the U.S.A. Dale Kunkel, Kirstie Cope, Wendy Farinola, Erica Biely, Emma Rollin & Edward Donnerstein 155 Does Pornography Influence Sexual Activities? Margareta Forsberg 159 What Is the Internet? Basic Technology from the User's Perspective Tor A. Evjen & Ragnhild T Bjornebekk 163 Sex on the Internet. Issues, Concerns and Implications Mark Griffiths 169 Violent Pornography on the Internet. A Study of Accessibility and Prevalence Ragnhild T Bjornebekk & Tor A. Evjen 185 Paedophile Information Networks in Cyberspace Rachel O'Connell 207 Child Sex Iconography. Iconic Narratives of Child Sex Myths Rachel O'Connell 211 The Naked, Hairy Caveman. Child Abuse on the Internet Carlos A. Arnaldo 233 Audience Perceptions of Violence and Sex in the Media The Audience's Perception of Media Violence. Review of Research in the UK Andrea Millwood Hargrave 247 Violence on Chilean Television and AudiencePerception Veronica Silva & Maria Dolores Souza 263 Censorship and the Third-Person Effect. A Study of Perception of Television Influencein Singapore Albert C. Gunther & Peng Hwa Ang 279 Attitudes to Television Content in Australia Margaret Cupitt 295 Contents in Context. A Study on Canadian Family Discourse about Media Practices in the Home Andre H. Caron & Letizia Caronia 313 The Internet and the Family. The View of U.S. Parents Joseph Turow with Lilach Nir 331. U.S. Adults and Kids on New Media Technology 349 Kids Discuss Safety on the Internet Children's Express 351 Opinions in Australia, Germany and the U.S. on Control of Misuse on the Internet Jens Waltermann & Marcel Machill 355 The Protection of Minors in the Public Opinion. An Austrian Perspective Ingrid Geretschlaeger 361

Authors 375 Foreword

A new media landscape and a new media order are emerging. Media cultures are changing, in: both the public and the private sphere. Information flows ever more freely, and with ever looser ties to time and place. The volume of information conveyed via new media technologies continues to expand, while the distinctions between computers, television, radio, the press, books and telephony gradually dissolve. We speak of fragmentation and individualization. Media culture today is intensive and all-pervasive. We also witness a comprehensive restructuring of media markets around the world. National markets, once distinct, are becoming integrated into a global power structure. National frontiers are, for that matter, fading away in other respects, as well. The new order allows people all over the globe to hear sounds and see images from many different places, near and distant. At the same time, we note that a very few global media corporations, principally headquartered in the USA, Europe and Japan, deliver products of mass culture to larger, broader and more far-flung audiences than ever before. Digitalization is advancing into new phases of development, which have palpable effects on our cultures. Digital technology changes the conditions of media consumption. Internet is often considered the most salient example of the digital revolution. Increasingly, Internet serves as a sort of mass medium, accessible to many in a continuous flow, unbound by the constraints of time. Internet is in many respects a young people's medium. Viewed in the longer term, new media technology and the changes we note in the media order have a profound influence on the conditions and cultures of children and young people. For many children in the world today culture is something they partake of via electronic media. What is the nature of the content in this burgeoning media output? Whose values and judgements does it represent? Many voice concern about the media's influence on their audiences, and not least the youngest of them. Mediated violence is the object of especial concern. The media's role is not unequivocal. A frequently debated question is to what extent children are helpless victims in the glow of the television screen or, alternatively, can master the challenges contemporary content poses. To answer the question requires a greater understanding of children, of the media,

9 Ulla Carlsson

and of children and the media in a variety of perspectives, and particularlyan understanding of the influence of mediated violence on children and youth. In 1997, Nordicom began building up the UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen, whose operations are financed jointly by the Swedish Government and UNESCO. The overall point of departure for the work of the Clearinghouse on the subject of children and violence inmass media is the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (cf. Articles 13 and 17). The work of the Clearinghouse aims to increase our understanding of children and media violence, particularly in the light of new media like satellite television and Internet, with a view to informing relevant policy decisions and contributing to a constructive discussion of the subject. Greater knowledgecan also help to heighten children's media literacy and competenceas media users. Further research in the area is a key factor, and stimulating such research is naturally a central objective of our work. The International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen informs various groups of userspolicy-makers, journalists, media represent- atives, teachers, interest organizations, researchers, students about current research and research findings on media violence, about children'saccess to the media and their media use, about media education and children's participation in media productions, and about pertinent legislation and self-regulating initiatives. The Clearinghouse is user-oriented, which means that the informationwe publish is adapted to our users' needs. Central to our work has been thecrea- tion of an effective network. Today the network links about 800 participants in different user groups: the research community, the media industry, politics, public authorities, voluntary organzations, and so forth. About 150 countries are represented in the network. The Clearinghouse publishes a newsletter. Issues generally havea theme in addition to reporting notices and articles of current interest. Examples of the subjects treated to date include: Internet, Fear and Emotional Responses, Child- ren's Programmes, and Paedophilia on Internet. The newsletter reaches roughly 2,000 subscribers in about 150 countries. Our bibliographical programme got under way in 1997 in conjunction with work on the first Yearbook. It has since been further developed, withrespect to both the documentation system and entry content. In Spring of 1999we published our first bibliography in hard copy. The documentation work continues and is accessible via Internet on Nordicom's and the Clearinghouse' homepage (www. nordicom. gu.se). A register of institutions and organizations has also been compiled. This, too, is accessible via the home page. An initial version was included in the 1999 Yearbook. An updated hard copy edition will be published in spring thisyear. The register comprises more than 240 entries. One of the most important tasks of the International Clearinghouseon Children and Violence on the Screen is the publication ofa Yearbook. The first volume, Children and Media Violence, appeared in 1998. The focus thatyear

10 Foreword

was research on the influences on children of depictions of violence in the media. This first volume may be said to relate to the first goal toward which we work: to report what is known about children and media violence after decades of research on the subject. The next Yearbook, in 1999, focused on the second of the Clearinghouse' goals: to highlight initiatives and activities aiming to bolster children's competence as users of the media. Here we sought to gather researchers, teachers and media practitioners around the world who are involved in the development of programmes in the areas of media education and media participation. Now we are pleased to present a third Yearbook. The 2000 Yearbook treats two themes, both of which relate to newer features of the media landscape: violence in video and computer games, and pornography on television and on Internet. Some articles in the Yearbook also discuss findings on audience perceptions of violence and sex in the media. The choice of these themes has to do with the marked increase in the availability of such content to children and youth via new media technologies. The first theme treated in this year's volume concerns video and computer games. Games of this type have been on the market for over a decade, and as more and more homes acquire game consoles and computers, the market has mushroomed. These interactive games have achieved permanence as a favourite children's leisure activity. Acts of violence are not uncommon in these games; at the same time, computer games can be valuable educational tools. We know that many children and adolescents prefer violent games, but our knowledge of the contents of games is limited. And we know very little about the influences. The articles presented in this year's volume highlight selected aspects and point out areas for further research. The second theme treated concerns pornography in the media. Another form of violence has become more common in both satellite television and Internet, namely, violence in pornographic films and images. The acts of violence depicted in such images are important components of a social order predicated on the notion of women's subordinance to men. It is a form of violence that requires some new approaches alongside those followed in traditional studies of media violence. There has been rather little research on how pornography influences its audiences, and we know even less about how it might affect children. Studies of sadistic pornography are even rarer. Here it is important to stress that we know very little about how depictions of sex in the media influence children. We do know, however, that they are much more common on television and in films today than was the case only a couple of decades ago. How has this change affected young people's attitudes, values and behaviour? Knowledge of this sort must reasonably be a necessary prerequisite to studies of the influences of watching pornography. An inventory of the literature on sex and pornography in the media was conducted in conjunction with the work on this Yearbook, which presents articles based on some of the more interesting studies in this area. The articles

11 Ulla Carlsson

give us a comprehensive picture of the state ofour knowledge and the lacunae in it. Thus, they provide a fruitful point of departure for further study. Whenever one considers pornographyon Internet, the subject of child pornography presents itself. Because it is condemned in virtually all cultures, child pornography is considerably less accessible than other pornographic material on the Net. Maintaining one's anonymity isa priority to those who deal in illicit material, even in the 'virtual' world. Nonetheless, studies have found that even a moderately competent user of the Netcan gain access to images of child pornography. The book contains articleson this subject, as well. The problem complex raised in these articles is, ofcourse, considerably broader than the presence of such images in the media. How does thepresence and accessibility of child pornography on Internet relateto the underlying problem of sexual exploitation and abuse of children in the world today? Thisis a serious problem worldwide: Is the presence of child pornographyon Internet responsible for an increase in the sexual abuse of minors? Theanswer to this question must be sought in numerous disciplines: psychology, sociology,media sciences, criminology, law, political science, theology, philosophy. Media researchers are but onein this context perhaps even peripheraldiscipline among many that can cast light on such a complex problem as child pornography. In conjunction with the work on the third yearbook considerable effort has been put into the compilation of specialized bibliographieson the subjects treated in this yearbookchildren and computer games and, children and sex/ pornography on the screen. These special bibliographiesare presented in separate volumes. Stimulating further research on these new phenomena relatingto children and the media has been an overriding objective inour work with this year's book. We find major gaps in our knowledge relatingto computer games and to sex and pornography in the media. Filling these gaps will to some extent require new research methods, and the Clearinghouse hopes to help in the 'bridge- building' efforts between innovative and traditional media research methods. Let me conclude by thanking all the contributors who have made this Year- book possible and whose articles put the focuson these important areas of research. Thanks, also, to the Swedish Government and UNESCO without whose financial support the book would never haveseen the light of day.

Goteborg in May 2000

Ulla Carlsson Director

12 14 Electronic Games; Pornography, Perceptions Introduction by Cecilia von Feilitzen, Scientific Co-ordinator of the UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen

New technology, more and more globally spread media contents produced for an international audience, and deregulation of media in many countries have led to an increasingly changing media landscape. The 1990's can be summarised as a decade when ever larger parts of the world were flooded by TV and satellite TV, and also when electronic games and computers with CD-ROM and Internet connection were spread among well-to-do households. In 1996, 7 out of 10 households in the world were estimated to own a TV setfar more than had a telephone. This was a 100 per cent increase of channel expansion, hours of television watched and television ownership since the end of the 1980's. With that, TV reinforced its position as the most important mass medium besides radio, which is still more essential in large rural areas in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Satellite TV channels reached every country where there was television, while transnational satellite channels with miscellaneous contents multiplied, and an abundance of niche channels were launched with contents focused for special target groups, not least children and young people. With few exceptions, the pattern of prime-time television viewing among populations as a whole is similar throughout the worldentertainment, live action, sports and news. However, the output of national broadcasters attracts most viewers, and the general demand is for more local programming (Lamb 1997). The video and computer game industry has become the fastest growing and most profitable children's entertainment business, in 1998 earning an estimated $18 billion world-wide for the corporations that manufacture, design and sell console game systems, domestic computers, Internet play sites, and gaming arcades. In the U.S., digital entertainment won shares of the toy market in 1998 larger than the Hollywood box-office gross and ten times the amount spent on the production of children's television (Stephen Kline in this book). However, Japan is leading the world in the video game industry. In 1999, this

13 Cecilia von Feilitzen

Japanese industry sold over ten million machines and about one hundred million copies of software only on the domestic market. The total market sizes were about two hundred billion yen ($ two billion) for machines and over five hundred billion yen ($ five billion) for software (Akira Sakamoto in this book). The Internet is an even younger medium. It is true that the Internet has been available since the early 60's, when it was developed and established to protect military communication from external interference. However, it was when a new generation of softwarethe World Wide Web (WWW) browsers was presented in the beginning of the 1990's, that the Internet became widespread (Tor A. Evjen & Ragnbild T Bjornebekk in this book). The spread isnow explosive. In early 2000, the number of Internet users in the worldwas estimated to have almost doubled compared to only one year before, from 159 million people in March 1999 to 305 million in March 2000, that is, from less than 4 per cent of the world population to more than 7per cent (http:// www.nua.net/surveys April 2000). The figures represent both adults and children who had accessed the Internet at least once during the three months prior to the survey. However, almost three-quarters of the Internet users are estimated to live in North America and Europe (ibid.), areas inhabited by only 17 per cent of the world population. In countries with few media, collective listening and viewing are common. Many people gather in front of, for instance, the only television or video set in the village, if such a set exists. In countries where TV has becomemore common, as, for example, in recent years in India, radio has lost much of its previous glamour, especially for children, but children's TV viewing in India occurs almost exclusively within the family circle (Agrawar in press). Withmore and more media, individual media use becomes more frequent. If the household owns several TV sets, for example, one is often moved into the child's room and, consequently, children and adults often choose to watch differentpro- grammes. Children and parents use the media together less often, talk about the media contents less often, and parents are less likely to have rules for children's media use. To a greater extent than for TV, thisseems to be true for video and computer games (e.g., Ferran Casas in this book). At thesame time, it should be underlined that both in countries with more collective mediause and in countries with more individualised media use, children, toa high degree, watch programmes and use other media contents that are aimed primarily at adults. In regions with many media, children and young people as a ruleuse new media more than older generations do. This is not onlya result of the fact that young people are fascinated by new media, curious about them, or find them more "natural", since they are growing up with them, but also of purposeful marketing by the industry. By directing media contents and advertisingto the young, it is easier to attain penetration among adults, now and in the future.

14 1b Electronic Games, Pornography, Perceptions

Hopes and fears With new mediajust as with the advent of books, press, film, radio, etc. come both hopes and concerns. Satellite television has aroused expectations of greater freedom of choice and equal access to information for all, but also fear of standardisation, more violent entertainment, advertising, pornography and discriminating portrayals of gender, social groups, cultures and nations. These hopes and fears are not altogether the same for all media, but depend on the output and character of the medium. Video and computer games are not only an extension of moving images on film and television, but also of play. The electronic games form an interactive medium in the sense that the player in several respects can steer the course and outcome of the game. Opti- mists, therefore, believe that video and computer games mean an educational revolution and a different socialisation. The games are regarded as a fabulous gateway to the future, training children and youth to cope with virtual reality in cyberspacetraining that increases young people's perceptual-motor skills and social competence, as well as providing them with a greater sense of agency and control of the changing digital environment, yes, empowering them in their lives. Pessimists, however, remark that the contents of video and computer games are overwhelmingly violent, sexist and racist, leading to possible aggression, desensitisation, fear, decreased empathy even destroying the mental processes, social relations and culture that are essential for humanity (e.g., Stephen Kline in this book). Hopes and concerns about the Internet, computer-mediated communication and cyberspace are, in turn, somewhat different. Optimists point out that the Internet offers gateways to education, culture, self-improvement and social contacts, that the Net is a means for enlightenment and increased democracy. Others wonder if the Internet does not cause user addiction and isolation, and it is a fact that many children and adults have come across material on the Net that they do not want to be acquainted with. The Internet not only involves interactivity; much of the Net's possibilities and contents also depend on its anonymity, easy availability, immediate world-wide distribution and lack of control. And this is a mixed blessing. The Internet may enable breach of privacy and economic crime by unknown perpetrators. The surfer may also encounter oppression in the form of hate speech, racism and political propaganda, discrimination of gender and cultures, gratuitous depictions of violence, incitement to illegal acts, recipes for drugs and weaponry, violent pornography and child pornography. During the 1990's, the inherent risks with the ever intensifying transnational flow of satellite TV channels, electronic games and Internet have given rise to several discussions about what international means might exist to counteract undesired media contents and to support media that both guarantee freedom of expression for adults as well as children and that respect children's right to receive material that is good for them, while protecting them from harmful influences.

15 1 7 Cecilia von Feilitzen

The research Hopes and fears are important incentives for research. Questions about the influences of media violence have been withus as long as the media have existed, but have intensified internationally with the global spread of TV and satellite TV. Recently, similar questions about the digital media have also become more and more common: How are children affected by violent video and computer games? What risks are connected with the Internet, not least when it comes to violent pornography and child pornography? What are, after all, the audiences' views of violence and sex in the media generally, and whatcan be done about such contents? These are the questions the Clearinghouse wants to highlight in this, its third yearbook. In addition, two separate bibliographies have been compiled by Johan Cronstrom, one about research on video and computergames and one about research on pornography and sex in the media. Particularly with respect to violent aspects of video and computer games, and violent pornography and child pornography, the yearbook and the bibliographies combined cover a great deal of the research available world-wide. In the public debate and in the press, far-reaching conclusionsare often willingly drawn about the impact of media violence. However,many also turn to research to learn what has been established, and concerning electronic games and the risks of Internet pornography, pressure on the research community has become increasingly great. Hence, let me stress, insum: Research on video and computer games, as well as researchon children's relations to pornography and sex in the media, is very novel and, accordingly, scanty. One reason for this is that electronicgames and the Internet are youngand research takes time. Thus, the knowledge we have gathered in this book, containing both reviews of the state of research and presentations of new, concrete studies, provides more questions thanan- swers. Much more research is needed on both video and computer games and on children's relations to pornography andsex, as well as on the risks of the Internet in this context. The research on electronic games and the Internet is practically onlyper- formed in richer countries, one reason being that these mediaare most widely spread there. In spite of the fact that we addressedpersons on all continents asking for contributions, the research picturewe are able to present is, unfortunately, skewed. In this regard, it is important to remember that research conducted in one country orone culture often cannot be generalised to other cultures. Consequently, there isa need for corresponding research in more countries and from more perspectives. There isa particular need for international comparative research. We have found it essential with this yearbook, in combination with the two bibliographies, not only to give an orientation to much of theextant research on video and computer games, and pornography andsex in the

16 Electronic Games, Pornography, Perceptions

media, but also to ask questions revealing gaps in the research. One of the aim of the publications is, therefore, to stimulate ideas about where the future. research focus within these areas should be placed. Several of the authors themselves give recommendations for further research. With respect to the third area dealt with in the yearbook, audiencepercep- tions of violence and sex in the media, it appears from the articleswhich are slightly better distributed over the world than those treating digital games and children and pornographythat violence and sex in the media are issues of most concern in many countries. However, it also appears that the perceptions, opinions and attitudesare culturally shaped. So, within this area, too, more countries should carry out researchon their own terms and within their own cultural context, andwe should see more international comparative research.

Video and computer games The Clearinghouse's separate bibliography of researchon video and computer games indicates, among other things, that hopes for benefits of these games are represented by relatively extensive research onuse of games and multimedia for specific learning purposes in school situations, and researchon the possible contribution of the games to cognitive development, perceptual-motor skills, and social interaction. Electronic games have also been tested for therapeutic purposes. Regarding concerns, on the other hand, research has focused on possible harmful influences, such as increased player acceptance of violenceas a useful means to solve conflicts, desensitisation to violence, increased aggression, addiction, isolation, disregard for homework and outdoor activities,certain cognitive-emotional influences, as well as health issues, suchas epileptic fits, cramps, and the like. Concerning possible aggression as a consequence of playing,some people work from the hypothesis that the essence of electronicgames is their relations to children's play, pleasure and fantasy. Accordingly, the fictive violence the player engages in is just for fun and does not entail the desireor inclination to hurt or kill (e.g., Birgitte Holm Sorensen & Carsten Jessen in this book). There are also speculations that playing the games might serve as a vent for inner aggression, or at least facilitate the satisfaction of desires thatare not allowed to turn into behaviour in everyday life (e.g., Goldstein 1998). Others start instead from the hypothesis that game violence, justas film and TV violence, contributes to increased aggression, due to, e.g., social learning or competition. In this connection, some people point to the fact that games are more effective training in desensitisation and aggression than TV viewing precisely because they involve playcombined with the factors of game interactivity, individualprac- tice, repetition, engagement, as well as the rewards for violent actions and the fact that play is pleasurable and enjoyable (e.g., Grossman & DeGaetano 1999).

17 19. Cecilia von Feilitzen

In the yearbook, the central feature is what research has shown about the violent aspects of video and computer games. It is evident from the articles that electronic games are popular among children and young people, and also among young adults, in countries where the games are spread. In 1998-99, more than 80 per cent of school-aged children in the U.S. had at least one game console for video games, more than half had access to a home computer with CD-ROM, and almost half access to the Internet (Roberts et al. 1999), of which the last-mentioned platforms have hith- erto been more or less requirements for playing computer games and games online, respectively. In Sweden, children's home access to computers and the Internet was even more common in 1999 (Nordicom-Sveriges Mediebarometer 1999). In 1999 in Japan, about 90 per cent of elementary school children possessed video game machines for their own exclusive use (Akira Sakamoto in this book). When children have computers at home, they use them more often for recreational and entertainment purposes than for schoolwork. Playing digital games, and using the Internet, is a particularly male occupationboys more often own or have access to electronic games, video game consoles, computer and Internet connection than do girls, and boys use these media much more frequently. Technology is also primarily developed by, and the contents of these media produced by, men (e.g., Peter Petrov in this book; Roberts et al. 1999; Akira Sakamoto in this book). There is a great variety of video and computer games. Nowhere near all games contain violence (Lisbeth Schierbeck & Bo Carstens in this book). The electronic games that children and young people, above all boys, prefer, however, belong to the genres of 'action/combat', `sports/racing', 'strategy' and 'adventure' (Peter Petrov in this book, Roberts et al. 1999), genres that more often contain violence. The 'action/combat' genre contains most violence, which is often aimed at figures representing human beings (as opposed to machines, monsters, and the like). Salient sub-genres within the 'action/combat' genre are `first person shooters', that is, violence perpetrated from the perspective of the player, and 'fighting games' (fan Christofferson; Lisbeth Schierbeck & Bo Carstens, all in this book). A recent trend is also various meta-genres that mix previous genres. What, then, are the most fascinating characteristics of the digital games? Approaching the problem from different angles, several researchers in the book show that what players themselves find most motivating is not the violence per se, but the challenge, i.e., learning how to advance in the game, overcoming difficult situations, solving problems, and competing, something due to the interactive nature of the games. Essential is also the emotional excitement and immersion that the games give rise to. However, the violence in the games is a motivating factor, too, primarily for boys (Jan Christofferson; Birgitte Holm Sorensen & Carsten Jessen; Stephen Kline; Peter Nikken, all in this book). Regarding influences of the violence in electronic games, there is reason to repeat that this research is still in its infancymost research on these games has

18 20 Electronic Games, Pornography, Perceptions

been performed during the 1990's, and onlysome of the studies focus on the impact of violence. In comparison, research on film and TV has been inprogress since the 1930's, and studies on specifically violent contents and theirconse- quences amount to at least two thousand, according to some statements, four thousand. Furthermore, these studies employ different theories, complexes of questions, methods, materials and populations, and have been performed both in the short and long term, that is, certain investigations have followed the same individuals over many years. Taken together, this means that conclusions can be based on a variety of studies whose findings point in the same direction. Several authors in this book emphasise precisely the fact that inquirieson influences of the violence in electronic games are very few and have employed a limited number of methods. According tosome studies, young children become more aggressive in their subsequent play, but these studies have used only one type of method. Among the very few studies that have included the newer, more violent electronic games, there are some, both in the West and East, indicating that the games can contribute to aggression alsoamong older children and young people. At the same time, however, other studies have provided conflicting or inconclusive findings (e.g., Alexander Asket al.; Mark Griffiths; Stephen Kline; Akira Sakamoto, all in this book). Thus, in certain respects, research on digitalgames is similar to the early research on film and TV violence. Apart from the fact thatmore research is needed using different methods, the authors emphasise that the studies have insufficiently theorised the difference between watching moving imagesin film and on television and the activity connected to playing thegamesinteractivity may, for example, contribute to another kind of identification than does TV, and this and other emotional experiencesare in all likelihood different for boys and girls. In addition, extremely few studies have dealt with the long-term influences of the gamesthe only such studies we have found are presented in the Japanese article (by Akira Sakamoto) in this book. Thus, it isnot possible to simply translate the findings on the impact of film and TV violenceinto the impact of violent electronic games. Moreover, the research needsto distinguish more explicitly between different types of games and different types of harmful influences. Furthermore, the fact that thegames continuously change means that research findings on video and computergames during the 1980's and early 1990's cannot be generalised to thenew generation of games today, which are based on much more advanced technology and contain much more advanced and realistically portrayed violent elements.

Children's relations to pornography and sex in the media Research on children's and young people's relations to pornography andsex in the media is even sparser than researchon video and computer games. As an introduction to this second section of the book,we have included a few articles treating young people's encounters with, uses and impressions of pornography and sexually explicit media content in general. Muchseems to indicate that

19 Cecilia von Feilitzen

pornography and sex in the media do influence young individuals' thoughts, ideas, attitudes and behaviour, not least since they are in a period when curiosity about sex is great (Ellen Wartella et al.; Margareta Forsberg, all in this book), and since TV glamorises sex, seldom showing its risks (Dale Kunkel et al. in this book). Pornography research in general, in other words with adults, is much more comprehensive. This is evident from the separate research bibliography on pornography and sex in the media that the Clearinghouse has compiled. How- ever, the bibliography also shows that research on both violent pornography and child pornography seems to have increased during the 1980's and even more in the 1990's, whereas research on contents, uses, and effects of 'ordinary' pornography seems to have decreased proportionally, compared to the 1970's and 1980's. Meanwhile, there is a tendency towards an increase in material discussing regulations and policy matters in this context, something that in all likelihood has to do with the development of the Internet. Nevertheless, qualified research on violent pornography and child pornography is difficult to find. A few such examples are presented in the yearbook. As mentioned, the world of electronic games as well as Internet is male dominated. This is certainly valid also for pornography. Young women seldom actively search for pornography on the Net, whereas many young men confess that they do so, at least occasionally (Peter Petrov in this book). Pornography on the Internet has become a very lucrative branch. Mark Griffiths (in this book) refers to an estimation stating that over half of all spending on the Net is sex-related, and underlines that pornographers have always been among the first to exploit new publishing technologies (e.g., photography, film, videotape, satellite TV, Internet). Cyberspace is, thus, largely utilised by mainly male producers and mainly male consumers of pornographydue to easy availability, anonymity, speedy global distribution and the lack of control. This not only means oppression of women, but also that many children have come across content on the Internet that has upset or embarrassed them. What is worse, it also means that sex-related Internet crime is on the rise (Mark Griffiths in this book). Child pornography is one of the media's worst crimes against children, a crime justifying child sex myths and actual child sex abuse, as well as helping paedophiles to, via the Internet, make appointments with children. Child pornography is, thus, not only an expression of certain individuals' sexual fantasies, but may lead to a growing evil spiral of child abuse in practice (Rachel O'Connell in this book). In a similar vein, other forms of violent pornography can have a legitimising function. Also, studies with young adults generally find that pornography combined with violence leads to more callous attitudes towards rape and sexual coercion on the part of men (Ellen Wartella et al. in this book). The research on violent pornography and child pornography on the Internet has largely focused on its availability, prevalence and different forms of expression. The few analyses performed evince that violent pornographic material is very likely increasing on the Internet, and that, with time, it has become easier

20 22 Electronic Games, Pornography, Perceptions

to find and download (Ragnhild T Bprnebekk & Tor A. Evjen in this book). Child pornography is illegal in most countries, but despite the efforts of law- enforcement agencies and voluntary organisations, newsgroups for paedophiles, for instance, have not decreased on the Internet, rather the opposite (Rachel O'Connell in this book). Ellen Wartella and co-authors comment on the lack of research concerning children, young people and sex in the media generally, but their wordsare valid for research on violent pornography and child pornographyon the Internet, as well: "There is need for an accumulated body of systematic studies using a variety of methods, interdisciplinary teams of investigators, and a variety of populations. Given the paucity of available studies and the need to develop a systematic research base...the answers...will not be obtained simply or quickly. Nonetheless, we must begin to accumulate a serious, systematicre- search base that could serve as a catalyst to stimulate further research and provide a solid foundation for understanding media sexual content effects." Several authors in the book put forward concrete suggestions for futurere- search in this area.

Audience perceptions of violence and sex in the media One question is, then, if access to and use of electronic games and the Internet have resulted in children abandoning televisionsuch assertions often turn up in the press. The studies we are acquainted with do not support such assumptions. Children's and young people's TV viewing has not decreased over time, and there are also relationships showing that, on average, those who watcha great deal of television are also avid computer users (e.g., Johnsson-Smaragdi 1998; Nordicom-Sveriges Mediebarometer 1999; Roberts et al. 1999). Accordingly, TV is still the medium that dominates children's media leisure in large regions of the world, and in thefar fewerregions where children also have electronic games, computer and access to Internet, the use of these media is, if anything, added to that of television. More media and purposeful global marketing in a situation of increasing media competition have led to more, and more intensive, media violence violence that takes partly different shapes in the different media. We know from research that film and TV violence has multiple influences on viewers. Besides some desirable influences, media violence contributes to undesirable fear, erroneous conceptions of violence in reality, habituation to violence in the media, imitation and, to some extent, destructive aggressionif other and far more decisive factors promoting destructive aggressiveness are also present (e.g., von Feilitzen 1994). We asked several outstanding researchers throughout the world to summarise the research on influences of media violence for the Clearinghouse's first yearbook (Carlsson & von Feilitzen 1998). How do, then, audiences perceive TV's and other media's violent contents? In the third section of this yearbook, several studieswith the total adult population in various countries, with parents, and sometimes also with children and young people themselvesprovide examples of what people in differ-

21 Cecilia von Feilitzen

ent cultures perceive to be violence in the media. The studies also show whether people think that something should be done about media violence, and, ifso, what type of violence should be taken into consideration (e.g., Andre H. Caron & Letizia Caronia; Margaret Cupitt; Ingrid Geretschlaeger Andrea Millwood Hargrave; Joseph Turow, all in this book). Of course, findings from these studies cannot be generalised across frontiers. The questions, methods and cultural contexts of the studies vary greatly. More countries need to ascertain their audiences' thoughts on whaton TV, the Internet and in other media is problematic, who might be negatively influenced, who profits by it, andon what can be done. There are also general traps in opinion research, suchas, for instance, the fact that people expect media content to have a greater negative influence on others than on themselves (Albert C. Gunther & Peng Hwa Ang in this book). Nevertheless, it is remarkable that, in spite of the fact that violence andsex are important ingredients in people's lives and therefore for many may be exciting as media contents, violence and pornography in the media thatare perceived as contextually inappropriate seem to be issues of greatconcern among audiences in many countries. In those countries where such research questions have been asked, the majority also find that there is an augmenting and disturbing trend towards more problematic media contents (e.g., Veronica Silva & Maria Dolores Souza; Jens Waltermann & Marcel Machill, all in this book). At least according to a few studies, there also seems to be a tendencyamong new media audiences to widen the definition of what media violence isfor example, to include racism and child pornography. From the investigationswe have seen, there is also an explicit wish to change the situation. Perceptions of what types of media content are problematic are, as noted, dependent on the culture. The culture as a whole, the media system, the available media output and how it is regulated, the audiences' wishes touse different programmes, games, web sites, etc., and, not least, earlier experience of traditional as well as new media and what they offer,are some of the factors affecting perceptions of media contents. However, what is clear generally is that audience perceptions of and relations to the mediaare essential and should be taken into account when each country chooses to realise regulations and/or self-regulations on national and international levels.

Concluding words To make solutions possible, there is also need for extended researchon power mechanisms and states of ownership, as well as on the economic, industrial- technological and political interests underlying the ever-increasing mediaout- put. If large parts of the audience are concerned about the development, it is not only popularity, or a desire to watch violence and pornography on TV or to search for it on the Net, that guides media production, but marketing anda desire for profit on the part of media owners and distributors. In order to realise

22 el 4 Electronic Games, Pornography, Perceptions

solutions, the audience, global media corporations, other media professionals, politicians, voluntary organisations and researchers must meet. The realisation of solutions particularly concerns children in the new media landscape. According to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, ratified by all member states but two, the child, too, shall have the right to freedom of expression (article 13), which in today's society means, among other things, the right for children to appear and participate in the media. The child shall also have access to information and material from a diversity of national and international sources, especially those aimed at the promotion of his or her social, spiritual or moral well-being and physical and mental health, at the same time as the child shall be protected from information and material injurious to his or her well-being (article 17 about the mass media). And several articles state that children have the right not to be exploited or abused. Lastly, we want to extend our warm thanks to both the authors contributing to the yearbook and to all persons and organisations all over the world who answered the Clearinghouse questionnaire during Summer 1999. This questionnaire was an attempt to establish who had conducted and was currently conducting research within the above-mentioned areas. The answers were in- valuable to us in identifying research literature for the bibliographies and finding authors for the yearbook.

References (besides the authors' articles in this book) Agrawar, B (in press) "Children's Media Use in India. A Current Scenario", Newsletter from The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen, Vol. 4, No. 1, 2000 Carlsson, U & von Feilitzen, C (Eds.) (1998) Children and Media Violence. Yearbook from the UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen. Goteborg University, Nordicom von Feilitzen, C (1994) "Media ViolenceResearch Perspectives in the 1980s", in Hamelink, C J & Urine, 0 (Eds.) Mass Communication Research: On Problems and Policies. The Art of Asking the Right Questions. Norwood, N J: Ablex Publishing Corporation, pp. 147-170 Goldstein, J H (Ed.) (1998) Why We Watch: The Attractions of Violent Entertainment. New York: Oxford University Press Grossman, D & DeGaetano, G (1999) Stop Teaching Our Kids to Kill. A Call to Action Against TV, Movie & Video Game Violence. New York: Crown Publishers http://www.nua.net/surveys, April 2000 Johnsson-Smaragdi, U (1998) "Barn och ungdomar i 90-talets foranderliga medievarld [Children and Young People in the Changing Media World of the 90's], in Barn och ungdomar i det nya medielandskapet. Statistik och analys. MedieNotiser. Nordicom-Sverige, Goteborg University, No. 2, 1998, pp. 5-23 Lamb, R (1997) The Bigger Picture: Audio-visual survey and recommendations. New York, UNICEF. (Parts from this survey are reproduced in the Clearinghouse Yearbook 1998) Nordicom- Sveriges Mediebarometer 1999 [The Media Barometer 1999] (2000). Nordicom, Goteborg University Roberts, D F, Foehr, U G, Rideout, V J & Brodie, M (1999) Kids & Media @ The New Millennium. A Comprehensive National Analysis of Children's Media Use. Menlo Park, CA, Kaiser Family Foun- dation

23

EST (".on'AWARLABILE Violence in Video and Computer Games In perspective

The Monster Massacre or What Is a Violent Electronic Game?

Jan Christofferson

The report The Monster Massacre' is an For the most part, computer games are introduction to electronic interactive gam-designed to be played either as single ing for the uninitiated with emphasis onplayer games, i.e., against the computer, games with violent content. In the public or as multiplayer games, which means that debate, the most discussed aspect of video- you play against one or, usually, several and computer games is violence and the human opponents via the Internet or a Local possible negative influence of use of suchArea Network (LAN). In both cases, you material. The Monster Massacre report tries play alone in front of the computer. Video to explore and explain what the playergames, on the other hand, are often de- experiences when playing games of thissigned to be played one-on-one, which kind. The book is not an empirical study, means that there are at least two people in but a personal and subjective descriptionthe same room doing the same thing. If of the games and what they offer. This briefyou arrange a homemade tournament in, article contains excerpts from selected book for example, hockey, which is a very popu- chapters and deals with the absolute ba- lar kind of video game, as many people as sics of action gaming. desired can participate. Today, video games are being converted to PC-format, but this social way of playing is in the nature of video games, and original computer games Various platforms are not designed in this way. This is prob- Electronic interactive games come in dif-ably related to the normal TV-viewing situ- ferent forms. We have computer games, ation, which often is a social activity, video games, on-line games, etc. The term whereas sitting in front of a computer is computer game refers to games that you not (for one thing, you sit much closer to a play on a PCIBM compatible or Macin- computer, making it difficult and uncom- tosh. The term video game refers to gamesfortable to be many). Paradoxically, even played on a game console, such as Sonythough you play computer games alone, Playstation, Nintendo 64 and Sega Dream- sometimes the activity itself can be said to cast. All video games require a television be much more social than video game play- set, which acts as a display for the game. ing because of the sheer number of peo- Until recently, on-line gaming was onlyple you communicate with during a possible with computers via a connectionmultiplayer game over the Internet. Per- to the Internet, but the new generation ofsonal contact is often made through video game consoles, such as Playstationmultiplayer gaming on the Internet, result- II and Dreamcast also have on-line possi-ing in gaming clubs, among other things. bilities.

27 Jan Christofferson

Game genres look. Animated does not mean that they are "childish", but that they can be com- The most accepted and well-known cat- pared to an advanced superhero comic with egorisation of game genres is probably theexaggerated proportions and movements. following: The animation has advanced lighting ef- Action fects and even gives a certain illusion of realism. First person shooters are also dis- Strategy tinguished by their extreme tempo, especially when played as a multiplayer game Adventure via the Internet or LAN. This means that RPG (Role Playing Game) the violence (however brutal) mainly flick- Sports ers by and that lingering scenes of death or mutilation are extremely rare. The ab- Sim (Simulators) sence of slow deaths probably has little to do with the constructors' good taste; it is Many of these genre names speak for them-simply that such scenes would be an unac- selves, like sports, strategy and simulators; ceptable hiatus in gameplay and would others can be a bit unclear. Adventurework against the essence of the game. games, for example, refers to a specific type What is then the primary attraction of of game where the main focus ison solv-these games if it is not the violence itself? ing riddles and intellectual activity; this The attraction primarily lies in the challenge category does not refer to games only con-of overcoming difficult situations. The taining "adventure" in a broader sense. games are designed in such a way that they These genres can be divided into morebecome more difficult the farther you ad- specialised sub-groups, but there will al-vance in the game. As a player you will ways be games that cannot readily be cat- meet your death many times in situations egorised into any of the major genres men- that seem impossible the first timeyou tioned above. The action genre includes,experience them. As you try them repeat- by definition, the most "violent"games. Byedly, you will become more accomplished "most violent" is meant the amount of vio-and learn how to succeed in getting past lent content, not necessarily the qualityorthem. The goal for the player is to move explicitness of violence. Some of the moston and "beat" the game and its challenges. graphic violence can be found in "adult"The attraction of first person shooters is adventure games like Phantasmagoria. essentially the same as the attraction of child-oriented games like Donkey Kong 64 (where you shoot coconuts at your oppo- Action games nents) or Super Mario Bros. (whereyou have a vast arsenal of "funny" weapons and One of the Most popular sub-genres of the martial techniques), but with the added action genre is "first person shooters". Theelement of blood and guns. This added name describes the perspective of theelement, though apparent, could probably game. The action takes place from the play- be compared to the difference betweena er's point of view as a player you seeRoadrunner or Tom & Jerry cartoon and a your own hands and the weapon you hap-violent car chase movie like Mad Max. The pen to wield at the time. Your surround-former are aimed at children, the latter at ings and enemies take up the rest of the adolescents and adults, but the violent con- screen. Well-known titles are, among oth- tent remains essentially the same albeit with ers, Quake, Quake II and III, Unreal, Half- differences in visualisation. life and Kingpin. All of the popular first There are other sub-genres of theac- person shooters have a distinct "animated" tion genre. One violent and much-discussed

28 The Monster Massacre

genre is "fighting games". This term refers "fighting game" due to the one-on-one to games that exclude everything exceptnature of a "stand off' fight. the fighting (and violence) itself and that Gameplay in fighting games is simple: often have a martial arts backdrop of some with different combinations of button push- sort. Well-known games of this kind areing you kick, punch, and grapple with your Mortal Kombat and its successors, the Streetopponent until there is a winner. Some- Fighter series, the Killer Instinct series, thetimes there are weapons available, never Tekken series, and the Virtua Fighter ser-guns but sometimes swords, chains, sticks, ies, among others. Thc...re are many differ- and so on. There are variations in back- ences between these games and first per- grounds and appearances of the opponents, son shooters, the main ones being perhapsbut it is the fights themselves that supply the perspective and playing situation. In- the main attraction of these games. Because stead of a first person perspective you haveevery fight is different and you are not a third person perspective and the actiondependent on a "story" (that can become often takes place in a single environment,irritatingly familiar in first person shooter as the action is restricted to the fight itself. games), the fighting games have a long life. These games are largely developed as video The violence is largely illustrated in the style games meant for two players in a one-on- of "Kung Fu-, Karate-, Hong-Kong-" mov- one situation. You can play them by your-ies, with exaggerated sound effects, shout- self, too, but then you have to play against ing and sprays of blood. Similar to first the "game", which is generally regarded as person shooters, they are also distinctly much less entertaining than playing against animated at this point in timeand they a human opponent. Whereas multiplayeralways have been, something that should is quite popular with first person shooters, be taken into consideration when discuss- there is little point in having a multiplayering their absolute violent content.

Note

1.Christofferson, Jan (1999) Monstermassakern [The Monster Massacre]. Stockholm, Council on Media Violence, Ministry of Culture.

29 In perspective

Video Game Violence and Aggression A Review of Research

MArk Griffiths

One of the main concerns that has con- out in order to put the debate into an em- stantly been raised against video and com- pirical context. puter games is that most of the games are claimed to feature aggressive elements. This has led some people to state that children Areas of research on video become more aggressive after playing such game violence games. However, these assertions have been made without the backup of empiri- Self-report methods cal evidence. Despite the continuing controversy for over 15 years, there has beenThe presence of increased aggression has relatively little systematic research. The is- been measured by self-report question- sue is ever more important because newnaires in a number of studies (e.g., Lin & games are using more explicit representa-Lepper, 1987; Fling et al, 1992; Griffiths & tions of extreme and realistic violence. Hunt, 1995). Many of the results are contradictory with some showing violent video games have a calming effect whereas others claim violent video games increase ag- Theoretical concerns gression and/or hostility scores. The prob- Theoretically, video games might have thelem with all questionnaire research is that capacity to promote aggressive tendenciescorrelational evidence is unconvincing not (as predicted by, among other theories,only because correlations may be due to social learning theory) or to release aggres-backward causation (i.e., aggressive child- sive tendencies (as predicted by catharsis ren may be drawn to video games rather theory). Put more simply, social learning than and/or in addition to their aggression theory (Bandura, 1986) would hypothesise being a result of this activity), but for the that playing aggressive video games wouldmore plausible reason that the correlations lead to the stimulation of aggressive be-may not be directly causal at all but may haviour, i.e., children will imitate or in otherresult from mediating factors (e.g., low ways learn what they see on screen. In di-educational attainment, low socio-eco- rect contradiction to this, catharsis theorynomic status, etc.) that may themselves be (Feshbach & Singer, 1971). would hypoth- causally related both to video game play- esise that playing aggressive video gamesing and to aggressive behaviour. would have a relaxing effect by channel- ling latent aggression and therefore have a positive effect on a child's behaviour. The Experimental studies rest of this article briefly examines the grow- There have been a number of experimen- ing body of research that has been carriedtal studies (e.g., Lynch, 1994; Scott, 1995;

31 Mark Griffiths

Ballard & West, 1996) looking at the rela- Other studies (projective tests, tionship between aggression and videocase studies) game playing although a number of these studies use video games as an experimen-Other studies have used a mixture of meth- tal paradigm to investigate other theoreti-odologies (self-report, experiment and ob- cal concerns. Only experimental studies can servation) and have suggested that video hope to provide persuasive evidence re-games may have short-term beneficial ef- garding causality. However, the laboratory fects for children (e.g., Graybill et al., 1987). studies to date have examined fantasy ag- These authors have concluded that their gression rather than real aggression. Thisresults tended to be more consistent with is somewhat irrelevant, and the increasedcatharsis theory (i.e., the release of aggres- aggression in the fantasy and role-play sive tendencies), that violent video games measures, far from confirming the hypoth- discharge aggressive impulses in a socially esis that games cause aggression, is entirely acceptable way and that playing violent consistent with the catharsis hypothesis, i.e., video games may have a short-term ben- it might be precisely the fantasy aggres- eficial effect for the children playing them. sion that releases the energy that wouldHowever, longer-term negative effects were otherwise be expressed as aggressive be-not ruled out in any of these studies. haviour. Since laboratory studies cannot study serious aggressive behaviour for ethical reasons, what is required are naturalis- tic field experiments. However, such fieldGeneral concluding comments experiments have been non-existent up toAll the studies that have examined the ef- now in the field of video game research. fects of video games on aggression have only involved measures of possible short- term aggressive consequences. The major- Observational studies ity of the studies on very young children A number of studies have examined the as opposed to those in their teens upwards differences in children's behaviour after tend to show that children do become playing an aggressive video game by ob-more aggressive after either playing or serving the child's free play (e.g., Schuttewatching a violent video game but all these et al, 1988; Irwin & Gross, 1995). Thesestudies were based on the observation of a studies, all of which were carried out onchild's free play after playing a violent video young children, do seem to suggest thatgame. Such evidence suggests that at a the playing of violent video games has thetheoretical level, there is more empirical effect of increasing a child's aggressiveevidence supporting social learning theory behaviourat least in the short term. It isthan catharsis theory particularly in possible that this particular methodologyyounger children. However, there is much (i.e., the observational analysis of children's speculation as to whether the procedures free play) may itself be contributing to the to measure aggression levels are methodo- effect. For instance, the novelty of the play logically valid and reliable. room with new toys (including those asso- There is also the very important ques- ciated with aggression) may be played with tion of developmental effects, i.e., do video more than if it was done in the child's owngames have the same effect regardless of setting. Alternatively, this may be a genu- age? It could well be the caseand is prob- ine effect which mirrors research showingably the case in reviewing the research that young children imitate what they seeevidencethat violent video games have on television as a common way of reactinga more pronounced effect in young child- and learning (behaviour which diminishesren but less of an effect, if any, once they as they get older). have reached their teenage years. There is

32 Video Game Violence and Aggression

no evidence that violent video games haveing the definition of "violent" or "aggres- any effect in adult behaviour (although it sive" as there are numerous television car- must be pointed out that there are verytoons such as Tom and Jerry which may few studies using adult samples as most ofnot be regarded as violent within the op- the research has concentrated on childrenerational definitions employed in mass and adolescents). media research. Since all video games are Another important factor is the socialanimated, the same argument might be context of playing, i.e., if playing in groupsused for them also. Research into the ef- or individually, with or against each otherfects of long-term exposure to video games may affect the results. The findings of some on subsequent aggressive behaviour is researchers (Anderson & Morrow, 1995) noticeably lacking and at present remains suggest that competitiveness increases ag-speculative. gression. There are also problems concern-

References

Anderson, C.A. & Morrow, M. (1995). Competitive aggression without interaction: Effects of competitive versus cooperative instructions on aggressive behavior in video games. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21, 1020-1030. Ballard, M.E. & West, J.R. (1996). The effects of violent videogame play on males' hostility and cardiovascular responding. The Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 26, 717-730. Bandura, A. (1986). Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Feshbach, S. & Singer, R.D. (1971). Television and aggression: An experimental field study. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Fling, S., Smith, L., Rodriguez, T., Thornton, D., Atkins, E. & Nixon, K. (1992). Videogames, aggression, and self-esteem: A survey. Social Behavior and Personality, 20, 39-46. Graybill, D., Strawniak, M., Hunter, T. & O'Leary, M. (1987). Effects of playingversus observing violent versus non-violent video games on children's aggression. Psychology, A QuarterlyJour- nal of Human Behavior, 24, 1-7. Griffiths, M.D. & Hunt, N. (1995). Computer game playing in adolescence: Prevalence and demographic indicators. Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology, 5, 189-193. Irwin, A.R. & Gross, A.M. (1995). Cognitive tempo, violent video games, and aggressive behavior. Journal of Family Violence, 10, 337-350. Lin, S. & Lepper, M.R. (1987). Correlates of children's usage of video games and computers. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 17, 72-93. Lynch, P. (1994). Type A behaviour, hostility, and cardiovascular function at rest after playing video games in teenagers. Psychosomatic Medicine, 56, 152. Schutte, N.S., Malouff, J.M., Post-Gorden, J.C. & Rodasta, A.L. (1988). Effects of playing videogames on children's aggressive and other behaviors. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 18, 454-460. Scott, D. (1995). The effect of video games on feelings of aggression. Journal of Psychology, 129 (2), 121-132.

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33 Killing Time? A Canadian Meditation on Video Game Culture

Stephen Kline

After an introduction noting the explosive growth in the video andcomputer games industry, this article reviews some international literature about possible harmful influences of video game play on children andyoung people, adding Canadian research findings from studies of the role of videogames in adolescents' lives.

The coming out of interactive entertainment As industry legend has it, the first video game Space Wars tooka multi-million dollar, room size computer in the basement of M.I.T (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) to play. By applying the same cybernetic principles of 'feedback' originally associated with automation and office technologyto children's entertainment, Steve Russell created an entirely new medium out of the TVscreen. Because it demonstrated the novel possibility of using computers for fun, this innovation in computer programming has had a profound impact on contemporary children's culture around the world (Herz, 1997). Three decades after its invention, the video game industry it founded has become the fastest growing and most profitable children's entertainment business which earnedan estimated $18 billion in the world (1998) for the corporations that manufacture, design and sell domestic computers, console game systems, Internet play sites, and gaming arcades. Given the scope of this industry, video gaming has also periodically been subjected to critical examination for its growing impacton children and youth. It is important to realize that from the 1970's on, this industry's astounding growth arises from successive waves of innovation in technology andprogram- ming design. Home consoles like a Nintendo 64 (sold in 1996 for under $200 in Canada) pack more than 10 times the processing capacity of the originalPentium PCs. Industry sources claimed that by 1998, video games had already been incorporated into the daily routines of 65 percent of all US households, and 85

35 Stephen Kline

percent of those with male children. The recently release Sega Dreamcast is the first of a new generation of even more powerful processors which when augmented by recent advances in 3D graphics chips, DVD (Digital Video Disc) storage devices and fast modems means that future kids will be playing Doom, Mortal Kombat and Final Fantasy on extremely advanced consoles withcom- putational speeds and graphics display chips exceeding those of most engineering workstations. This is why, in his book Being Digital (1995), Nicholas Negroponte of the M.I.T. media lab claimed that video games are the clearest indication how computers will be transforming the specter of human communication: We are not waiting on any invention. It is here. It is now. It is almost genetic in its nature, in that each generation will become more digital than the preceding one. The control bits of that digital future are more than ever before in the hands of the young. Nothing could make me happier. (Negroponte, 1995: 231) Douglas Rushkoff in his book Playing the Future (1996) similarly writes opti- mistically about the effects of this new wave of interactive entertainmenton youth: While their parents may condemn Nintendo as mindless and masturbatory, kids who have mastered video gaming early on stand a better chance ofex- ploiting the real but mediated interactivity that will make itself available to them by the time they hit techno-puberty in their teens. (Rushkoff 1996: 31) He quotes Timothy Leary to support his optimism about interactivity: The importance of the Nintendo phenomenon is about equal to that of the Gutenberg printing press. Here you had a new generation of kids who grew up knowing that they could change what's on the screen. (Rushkoff, 1996: 30) To techno-enthusiasts like Rushkoff and Negroponte, video gaming isa perfect preparation for the high-tech cybernetic future that awaits the `screenager': "The games he plays are simulated drives through the very real data networks he will access later on with his computer and modem....Thanks to video games, kids have a fundamentally different appreciation of the television image than their parents. ... Rather than simply receiving media they are changing images on the screen" (Rushkoff, 1996: 182). `Screenagers' will attain a greater sense of agency and control in their ever changing lives, Rushkoff assures us, because theyare learning to live with a changing digital environment. Or as Herz writes in her book Joystick Nation (1997): Video games are perfect training for life in fin de siecle America, where daily existence demands the ability to parse sixteen kinds of information being fired at you simultaneously... Kids weaned on video games are not attention-defi- cient, morally stunted, illiterate little zombies who massacre people en masse after playing too much Mortal Kombat. They're simply acclimated to a world that increasingly resembles some kind of arcade experience. (Herz 1997: 2-3)

36 Killing Time?

Enthusiasm for digital technology has, thus, been forged into a promotional strategy for technologizing children's socialization in an 'information age'. Dig- ital megacorps promise a pedagogical revolution of 'interactive multimedia' pro- portionate to their own stake in the 'digital economy': Multimedia has the potential to revolutionize certain aspects of how educators manage education... TV in its time was going to do the same thing. They didn't because they couldn't. Unlike these earlier technologies, multimedia is interactive. It has the ability therefore to replicate some teacher/learner interaction. It also has the ability to link the student with tutors, his or her peers in other places, and with remote sources of information. (Henry & McLennan, 1994: 3) To today's youths, Commander Keen and Crash Bandicoot are as familiar as Mickey Mouse and Ninja Turtles were in previous generations, reflecting the current corporate repositioning around the digital channels of communication distribution. The $100 million launch of the Sega Dreamcast in North America in 1999 reminds us that the video game industry is becoming the most active and dynamic merchandisers of entertainment products to the young with promotional budgets exceeding those of the toy or movie industries. Digital entertainment has already won 30 percent of the US playthings market, earning $8.8 billion in the US (1998)winning an increasing share of entertainment spending larger than the Hollywood box-office gross ($5.2 billion) and ten times the amount spent on the production of children's television (Haynes & Dinsey, 1995). Digitalization has extended the capacities of the global media industries by adding interactivity to television. And with the increasing push of global marketing campaigns video game culture has been developing a similar loyal following around the worldmostly young and male, who prefer interacting with avatars in cyberspace to `vegging-our in front of the television, hanging around with friends, or playing street sports. Recent studies of children's media use have documented that a global 'gamer' culture focused on digital adventure is taking shape around interactive entertainment technologies (Livingstone et al., 1999). Indeed, just as contemporary pafents were becoming accustomed to their kids spending close to three hours a day with television much of it violent the video game came along and began changing the contours of children's leisure. While technophiles like Negroponte celebrate this new digital youth culture as empowering, parents, teachers, and researchers remain concerned about what the growth of interactive entertainment media means for their kids. The comparisons of video games with television are obvious, because the interactive entertainment industry emerged at the point of convergence of the twentieth century's two most important communication technolo- giesthe computer and television. Moreover, as Eugene Provenzo (1991) notes, this hybrid technology is a new medium, which fuses TV's spectatorship with cybernetic play control. This is why Provenzo wrote in his examination of this industry, that the real significance of video game technology for contemporary childhood is that:

37 Stephen Kline

It represents the first stages in the creation of a new type of televisionan interactive medium as different from traditional television as television is from radio. The remaining years of this decade will see the emergence and definition of this new medium form in much the same way the late 1940's and early 1950's saw television emerge as a powerful social and cultural force. (Provenzo, 1991: 105) The video game industry is a hybrid because it not only cultivatesnew uses of interactive technology, but is also a unique "entertainment experience". This experience has already changed how many kids allocate and spend their leisure time. And children's attachment to this hybrid medium is confusingat least to parentsbecause although the computer chips makes technology more "dynamic" and "engaging", the contents and themes of these games and entertainment appear to be extensions of escapist TV fare at its worst. A quick look at Messiah, Resident Evil II or Splatterhouse will leave anyone wondering whether we really have transcended the age of television in this new digital playground, when so much of the contents promote testosterone fantasy and grotesquely cartooned violence. Noting that the largest single target audience willno doubt be children, Provenzo (1991) worries that the video game industry is simply extending the troubled TV culture of the past: If the video game industry is going to provide the foundation for the development of interactive television, then concerned parents and educators have cause for considerable alarm. During the past decade, the video game industry has developed games whose social content has been overwhelmingly violent, sexist, and even racist. (Provenzo, 1991: 105) There can be no doubt that this 'hybrid' technology is poised to change the way children play and learn. Yet media analysts are only beginning to understand the implications of 'interactivity' for how children use and respond to the screen. Technophobes like Neil Postman (1993) have already warned that theemergence of interactive or computerized communication technologies possesses a serious threat to children's culture: "A new technology does not add or subtract something. It changes everything" (Postman, 1993: 18). He goeson to state his opposition to interactive media, which like television he sees "breaking a four- hundred year old truce between gregariousness andopenness fostered by oral- ity and the introspection and isolation fostered by the printed word". He continues: Stated in the most dramatic terms, the accusation can be made that theuncon- trolled growth of technology destroys the vital sources of our humanity. It creates a culture without a moral foundation. It undermines certain mental processes and social relations that make human life worth living. (Postman 1993: xiii) Postman's opposition, it turns out, is based less on his concerns about interactivity than about the way it will be used:

38 Killing Time?

Surrounding every technology are institutions whose organization not to mention their reason for beingreflects the world view promoted by the technology. Therefore when a technology is assaulted by a new one, institutions are threatened. When institutions are threatened, a culture finds itself in crisis. (Postman 1993: 19) Postman believes that our literate culture is in crisis because we have left this powerful new medium in the hands of the entertainment industry that has failed to develop new media in a way that is beneficial and helpful to children. Whether we agree with the technological optimists or pessimists about the consequences of digitalization, as media researchers it is clearly time we realized that our children's popular entertainment is becoming increasingly confusing to us. As cultural critic Allucquere Rosanne Stone (1995) recently observed: There seems no question that a significant proportion of young people will spend a significant and increasing proportion of their waking-hours playing computer based games. ... It is entirely possible that computer-based games will turn out to be the major unacknowledged source of socialization and education in industrialized countries before the 1990's have run their course. (Stone, 1995: 26-27) Yet, despite its ascent as the fastest growing and most profitable entertainment industry, there is remarkably little commentary on the development and acceptance of this new medium, on the range of games and their ratings, let alone studies of their impact on children's socialization and growth. Stone argues that we have very little understanding of the unique features of virtual presence and interactivity that make video gaming a unique cultural experience, comparing our ignorance about this medium "to holding a cocktail party in a house that is already ablaze".

A house ablaze? What the research says Stone is right. Compared with television, academic research on the impact of video games on young people amounts to little more than cocktail party chit- chat. Reviewing this literature one finds that there are almost as many reviews as there are original studies on the question of video games and aggression in youth. The 'moral panic' concerning the teen arcade culture of the late 1970's and early 1980's has been quelled by such repeated assurances that computerized play is empowering the digital generation, because these technologies provide opportunities for exploring, learning, developing eye-hand coordination and connecting with diverse sources of information (Greenfield & Cock- ing, 1996). Moreover, much of the supportive research has been undertaken in the context of schools' use of educational video games (Greenfield, 1984; Kafai, 1995) with little regard for the growth of arcade and domestic video game cultures which are arising in young males (Funk, 1993).

39 Stephen Kline

There does exist a small and slowly growing body of evidence concerning the potential negative effects of video games and the question of violence and addiction. Subsuming Albert Bandura's (1986) social learning paradigm, most is focused on whether the interactivity and realism of video gamesare likely to intensify identification with and modeling of violent behaviors. Durkin's (1995) review of these early studies for the Australian Office of Film and Literature Classification acknowledges that, like television violence, violence in interactive entertainment is of concern. Thereare a few studies which demonstrate the possibility of social learning from videogames, he finds, but this constitutes very limited evidence concerning the causation ofaggres- siveness: "Evidence does not lend strong support to the suggestion thatcom- puter game play promotes aggression in children." Overall he concludes: "Al- though the research is not exhaustive and by no means conclusive, it indicates that the stronger negative claims are not supported. Computergames have.not led to the development of a generation of isolated, antisocial, compulsivecom- puter users with strong propensities for aggression. To the contrary, some evidence indicates that there may be cognitive and perceptual-motor skill gainsas a result of computer game practice... and reviving patterns of family together- ness in leisure" (Durkin 1995: 71). Durkin notes two reasons why video game play may not result in violent behavior in kids: Firstly, by age 8 most kids understand the 'virtual'nature of video games and therefore the aggressive behaviors enacted in videogames are playful and cognitively distinct from real aggressive behaviors in daily conflicts or interactions. One of the key problems in attempts tocompare the effects of television violence and that of video game play is the difference between playing and watching. He points out that identification is a complex process that has been scarcely studied in relationship to computer game play, especially in respect of aggressive content. Secondly, many heavy playersre- port that they enjoy the experience of conflict and competitionsince playing makes them happy and relaxed rather than angry and hostile it isnot likely to result in aggression. In their more recent contribution to this Clearinghouse's Yearbook 1998 Durkin and Low note that problems in research methods makes it difficultto draw any conclusions on video games contribution to violent behavior: "There were only a small number of studies and these had yielded weak or inconsist-

ent findings" (Durkin & Low, 1998: 111). In this overview of Australian and, New Zealand research they .note that the limitations in design andmeasure- ment of effects are serious. Even more recent studies in Australia reveal that "aggressive responses are not an inevitable consequence of playing video games" (ibid.: 112) because studies often confuse conflict with aggression, and hostile feelings with aggressive behavior. Durkin and Low note that laboratory studies of effects are especially inconsistent in their results. Moreover,as in television research generally, correlations between judged aggressiveness and timespent playing video games are confounded by interpretations of causal direction. Durkin and Low also point out that most of the original research into the effects 40 8 Killing Time?

utilized earlier gaming technologies whose graphic capacity and game control bear little resemblance to the current and coming generations of young garners. Dill and Dill (1998) in their review of the literature weigh the evidence similarly: "Overall the majority of investigations have supported the predicted relationship between violent video game or violent virtual reality play and increases in aggression or aggression related outcomes... two studies show decreased pro-social behavior as a function of violent video game play" (Dill & Dill, 1998: 409). These two researchers have noted that only four studies have used the 'current generation of video games' (i.e., recognizing the important changes in the graphic qualities and design of the new 64 bit video game systems) and of these three did show effects on "aggressive behavior, hostility or aggressive thoughts". So they conclude: "The preponderance of the evidence from the existing literature suggests that exposure to video game violence increases aggressive behavior and other aggression-related phenomena. However, the paucity of empirical data coupled with a variety of methodological problems and inconsistencies in these data, clearly demonstrate the need for additional research" (ibid.: 410). Dill and Dill go on to cite the same reservations about this research as Durkin and Low (1998): "Precious few true experiments have been done to assess the effects of playing violent video games on aggression-related outcomes; too much has focused on very young children and used aggressive free play" and the studies of "aggressive affect studies often uses undergraduates". Moreover there is a failure to deal with the gender differences cogently, and to properly theorize the aggression effect or distinguish between hostile feelings, aggressive thoughts or fantasies, and behavior. They conclude that "there are a number of methodological problems in this literature, the majority of which were in efforts that found no differences or that failed to support their own hypotheses" (Dill & Dill, 1998: 420). Dill and Dill see the need for a more sophisticated theorization of the effects of mediaone which might better accommodate the growing diversity and realism of contemporary video games, the sophistication of our understanding of social learning, the gender and other individual differences that lead to susceptibility, and other external factors that mediate the processes of aggressiveness. Dill and Dill note the growing complexity in the theorization of TV violence, arguing: "A similar relationship should exist because the same conceptual variables are involved. Specifically, video game violence effects should operate through elaboration and priming of aggressive thought networks, weak- ening of inhibitions against antisocial behavior, modeling, reinforcement, decreased empathy for others and the creation of a more violent world view" as well as the possibility of catharsis and arousal effects (ibid.: 409). They go on to note, following Huesmann's theory, that playing violent games may prime in two ways: 1) by either exposing children to aggression which "can trigger related feeling and can bring to mind knowledge of aggression-related skills, memories and beliefs" or 2) by exposing children to aggression which "weakens inhibitions against engaging in aggressive behavior...

41 9 Stephen Kline

changing individual perception of what is normalor acceptable behavior". Noting that the video games generally "reward"violent responses as opposed to other means of solving problems, they argue thismay lead children to "chose aggressive responses to conflict situations in theirown lives". Dill and Dill also note that the increasing realism in thegames is of consequence, because the similarity of aggressive clues "most particularly theweapons, and moves used in fighting can be translated into real life". Theystate: "The child playing an aggressive video game may learn that hittingor even shooting another person is the appropriate response in a conflict situation andthat this type of aggression is likely to be reinforced" (ibid.: 410). These two researchers alsomean that the active participation of video game play where players choose and thenmanipulate characters from firstperson point of view, may accentuate the identificationwith his aggressor: "Identifica- tion with the video game charactermay be stronger than identification with television or movie characters, inpart because players choose a character and play the character's role in the videogame scenario" (ibid.: 413). For this reason desensitization effectsmay be accentuated. They point out that empathy has been found to be loweramong known aggressors than non-aggressiveper- sons. The degree that plots justify the aggression also playsa role, that is, if violent video games depict victimsas deserving attacks, and if these video games tend to portray other humansas targets, then reduced empathy is likely to be a consequence of violent videogame play. Dill and Dill observe that many of the problems in these studies arise from limitedtheorization of the differences between videogame play and television watching. Three general issues arise from this literature:the difference between watching TV and playing videogames; the need for new research that recognizes that video games have dramaticallychanged; and a need foran expanded theory of how playing aggressivegames may have long-term effects on children. Funk et al. (1999), reviewing the bodyof literature, note the positive health, educational and therapeutic implicationsof video games, stating that "edutainment is one of themost positive applications of electronicgames, but one whose impact has yet to be demonstrated throughlongitudinal research" (Funk et al. 1999: 117). Theygo on to say that many are more concerned about violent video games than films because"on a theoretical basis playing violent electronic games may influence behaviorthrough observational learning,practice and reinforcement... The criticaldimension of active participationmay increase the impact of electronicgames relative to time spent" (ibid.: 120-121). They find that surveys have identifiedvarious negative correlations between playing electronic games and varioustarget measures, such as aggression and self-concept, yet these resultsare correlational and do not at this point establish causality. As a whole, however, laboratoryand survey results suggest thatgame- playing, particularly playing violentgames, "may not be entirely benign for all players" (ibid.: 124). These authors havealso observed there is consistent evidence of gender differences inuse of and response to video games, as wellas

42 4u Killing Time?

in aggressive predisposition, which create problems for generalizing the effects of playing violent video games. As in the TV violence issue, the confounding of aggressive predisposition with preferences for aggressive entertainment makes it hard to explain both correlations between playing violent video games and real violence or its absence. As Dill and Dill (1998) note, the correlation between aggressivenessand video game play 1) might have a social learning explanationvideo games cause aggression (or its absence indicates catharsis); 2) might have a disposition explanationaggressive disposition leads to preference for more violent video game play; or 3) might relate to an underlying factor (e.g., low self esteem, social isolation) which leads to both aggressiveness and video game play. So the same problem of interpreting survey studies is endemic in this literature, too, because correlations cannot reveal the causal relations between gender, amount of violent play, and aggressiveness or hostility that researchers measure. And this is of concern because the 'experience' of those simulated conflict situations seems to be crucial to the mood altering qualities of the play experience that male garners seek and that young females avoid (Kubey, 1996; Goldstein, 1998). As Goldstein and Jukes (1993) have noted, there is strong evidence that boys develop a preference for aggressive toys and games and that this is related to arousal levels and chronic aggressiveness. Highly aggressive boys find war toys more appealing than other toysand prefer violent sports films and video games and television programs (Goldsten, 1998). "Both war and war play may reflect the prevailing values of the cultures in which they flourish, values that stress aggression, assertion and dominance" (ibid.: 67). Given the consistent evidence of gender differences in both aggressiveness and play preferences, correlations are theoretically problematic for media effects surveys, Goldstein points out, because it confuses issues of male aggressiveness and male entertainment preferences with those of media effects. Com- menting on the evidence of a relationship between aggressive play and war in children, he notes: "The reasoning underlying this research is that exposure to violence activates aggressive associations and images. These in turn heighten the preference for further exposure to violence" (ibid.: 59). Goldstein argues that it is crucial to understand why and how young males develop their preferences for violent entertainment generally. Real violence is different from play violence, he says, because there is the absence of intent to hurt another. Entertainment violence is consumed for distraction and mood management, to increase excitement and arousal, and to express emotions. Goldstein believes therefore that we must differentiate between violence experienced for its own sake and violence experienced as play and entertainment. He underlines that individuals differ in their need for excitement and tolerance for stimulation; those with a moderately high need for sensation find portrayals of violence more enjoyable than those with a lesser need. He cites a number of studies that reveal that enjoyment is the male response to violent entertainment, not hostility. And in order to experience anything like pleasure from

43 Stephen Kline

exposure to violent or threatening images, the audiencemust feel relatively safe and secure in their surroundings. Furthermore,there must be cues that the violent images are produced forpurposes of entertainment and consumption. In relation to video game violence he believes thatinteractivity may make video games seem less violent than similar images in film; since "videogamers have more control over the images, perhaps the effects of violentimages are reduced" (ibid.: 60). The implications of thisare that we need to better understand the developmentalprocesses through which simulated aggressiveness is socialized and turned into a form of pleasurefor males. Griffiths (1999), who also has reviewed theresearch literature on video and computer games, recently concluded: "Theone consistent finding is that the majority of the studies on veryyoung childrenas opposed to those in their teens upwardstend to show that children do becomemore aggressive after either playing or watchinga violent video game" (Griffiths, 1999: 210) but all the evidence is based on one research methodobserving children's free play. In this sense claims about aggression effectsare based on observations of ener- gized conflict play. Griffiths is scathingon the design and measurement issues, arguing that all the published studieson video game violence have methodological problems and that they only includepossible short-term measures of aggressive consequences. Differentiating between themodeling and catharsis explanations is especially difficult in correlationalstudies using self-report measures of hostility, he notes, and because subjectsvary in their predisposition to aggressiveness. He argues that not all videogames are violent or aggressive in the same way. There is confusion in the literature between cartoon-likeviolence and more realistic games (as in TV shows) and also betweencompetitive hostility (sports or racing) and aggressivecontest (fighting, shooting). There is therefore "a need for a general taxonomy of videogames as it could be the case that particular games have very positive effects whileother types are not so positive" (Griffiths, 1999: 210). Hegoes on to conclude that the question of whether video games promote aggressivenesscannot be answered for the present because the available literature is relativelysparse and conflicting, and there are many different types of video games which probably have differenteffects. He notes that it is evident that video gamescan have both positive and negative aspects. If care is taken in the design, and ifgames are put in the right context, they have the potential to be usedas training aids in classrooms and therapeutic settingsand to provide skills in psychomotor coordinationin simulations of real life events, for example, trainingrecruits for the armed forces.

Video games as military training? Bathed in a maniacal aggressiveness, filledwith a postmodern cynicism and urging a new tribalism of virtual comradery, thecontemporary multimedia entertainment industries have once again caught theeye of the popular press

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4c) Killing Time?

precisely because, as Griffiths notes, they are effective in training recruits to the armed forces. Unfortunately it was a series of school shootings in Paducah, Jonesboro and Littleton, in the USA, and in Tabart Alberta, Canada, that once again catapulted the long simmering debates about North America's media industry's contribution to the 'cultures of violence' into the public limelight, when some avid garners on the fringe of their schools'social life exacted vengeance on their peers with well planned and executedshootings. Perhaps not coinci- dentally, Jonesboro was also the place where Dave Grossman, author of On Killing (1996), had retired. Grossman was a lieutenant colonel who had devoted his career to figuring out how to train soldiers to kill. Recently he has become a leading US critic of the interactive entertainment industry, arguing that the main concern is that these violent video games are providing military quality training to children (Grossman & De Gaetano, 1999). Grossman's arguments are helpful in broadening our understanding of how video games influence kids. As a retired US army officer, he is well positioned to comment on the similarity between the tactics used inthe army to train soldiers and the use of violent video games among children today. The US military has long used simulation training for its soldiers because the "repetition and desensitization" of simulated killing effect kill rates (the actual percentage of soldiers that will pull the trigger in real life combat). Grossmanhas trained elite fighting soldiers and police officers how to kill, by adapting fighting simulations for training purposes. What he found was that by eliminating the blood, gore and emotions of the 'victims' on the computer screen, the soldiers begin to treat their training as more of a game. According to Grossman, the soldier's training is designed to be both practical and psychological. Simu- lation training enhances familiarity and physical skills with weapons while decreasing the soldiers' empathy towards their enemies. By firing at the computer-simulated images of enemies who die without blood and gore, the fighting simulation can sharpen the marksmanship of these soldiers at the same time as it trains them to see enemies as targets rather than humans. In desensitizing the soldier to the act of killing, the trainee becomes more capable of actually pull- ing the trigger effectively (Discovery Channel, 1999). It also shifts researchers' attention to the cognitive and emotional mechanisms by which violence is disinhibited. Like the training of these soldiers, Grossman believes that violent video games may have a similar effect on young people who playthem a lot because they help break down the psychological barriers that prevent killing: "Children don't naturally kill; they learn it from violence in the home and... from violence as entertainment in television, movies and interactivevideo games" (Grossman, 1998). Like in the army, the repeated shooting at targets in the video games may not only enhance weapons skills, but also desensitize some youngpeople to the horror of killing by turning enemies into targets. Like the soldiers, with constant practice players of violent video games will eventually have extremely low or even no empathy towards victims of violence. The engagement process from video games will decrease the players' empathy and negative reaction

45 Stephen Kline

towards violent acts. The disturbing blend ofparticipation, engagement, rewards and practice that videogames encourage, is a perfect instructional environment. One of the central thrusts of Grossman'sargument is that we see the rise of violent video gamingas more of a concern than violence in movies and on television. In other words, aggression training ismore effective to the degree it is experienced as not really violenteven pleasurable and enjoyable which is the case for mostgarners.

Video game research in Canada In Canada research on anti-social andaggressive implications of the emerging video game industry is far outweighed bythe massive promotional investment justifying the next generation of multimedia,and research facilitating their incorporation into schools (CANARIE project). TheCanadian government prides itself on wiring children into the digital future,and on cooperating with private media corporations to link classroomsthrough the Internet, although evidence of educational benefits and efficienciesfrom such investment isscarce. So although projects supporting theuse of interactive media in schools are plentiful in Canada, there is remarkably little researchinto the negative implications of video games. In a recent review of the extant literatureCanadian psychiatrist Craig Emes (1997) examines the thirteen outstandingUS studies concluding that aggressive behavior may result from playing videogames among younger children. As he notes, the evidence confirms that, like TV, videogame research reveals that a majority of these studies showed that especiallyyoung children become more aggressive after either playingor watching violent video games. Yet, as hegoes on to point out, like the TV violence literature, thereare contradictory finds and the reliability and validity of theprocedures used to measure aggression levels are questionable. And research into the long-term effectsof video game playing is lacking. Given the limited data, Emes believes thatvideo games have some adverse effects based on the scientific weightof evidence: 1) the physiologicresponse of playing videogames is similar to mild intensity exercise but not aerobic for fitness; 2) issues of seizures in susceptiblechildren; 3) many children do become aggressive after playing but not consistentlyso. But at the same time he finds that studies concerning thegeneralizability of these effectsare questionable. Emes also feels there isno support for arguments concerning psychopathology associated with videogame play, or clear causal relationship toaca- demic performance. But thereis some indication, he finds, that videogames may be also valuable learning tools and useful for jobtraining and management of mental illness. Like most other reviewersof this very limited literature, Emes calls for more and better research,particularly on the long-term effects of heavy video game play.

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Arcade play Since the arcade craze of the late 1970's and early 1980's, public concern about what excessive video game play did to children has from time to time piqued the public interest (Brody, 1992). Braun and Giroux (1989) were among the early researchers to explore interactive media naturalistically, observing young people's play in eighteen Montreal arcades to assess the social issues presented by interactive media. They note, given the growth of the industry, that parents, school teachers, school administrators and legislators are confronted with the challenge of making well-informed decisions regarding whether, or the extent to which, youngsters will be allowed access to video games, and also regarding control of the video game industry. They lay out the arguments both for and against video gaming, pointing out that the proponents argue that video games are rich in tasks that demand perceptual, motor and cognitive skills which imply psychological enrichment and skilling from playing. They also point out that the critics claim: potential addictiveness of video games; the preponderance of male players; the potential isolation of this play form; the promotion of competitive values; as well as the 'antisocial and aggressive content' of the games. In an observational "proxemic" study of arcade play they find strong evidence 1) that the most played games are dynamic and intensely engaging; 2) that players and themes are disproportionately male; 3) that players are mostly solitary; 4) that games are never cooperative and mostly sequentially competitive; and 5) that 80 percent of the game play is with violent and aggressive themes (war 35%, sport 20%, adventure 15%, crime 10%). On observing players in the eighteen arcades they conclude that video game play is a social occasion or point of congregation for adolescents and "there is reason to believe that skill acquisition and generalization, which have been demonstrated to occur on a small scale, may underestimate the benefits of video game play" (Braun & Giroux, 1989: 101). But they note that their data also warns that "we, the public, should be critical of arcade video games and attempt to exert some control on children's access to these games and on the video game industry". Their study supports the arguments that "reinforcement theory has been applied to the letter by video game designers" and that the "reinforcement parameters" of video games "represent the perfect paradigm for induction of 'addictive' behavior"; "there does not seem to be a safe arcade video game in this respect, at least not among the most popular ones" (ibid.: 103). They go on to comment that "it seems unfortunate, however, that micro- computers have not been used more to promote pro-social or cooperative behavior among youth" and this might especially encourage more female players. Moreover "the extreme saturation of arcade video games by violent content is to be deplored". They conclude that "more public concern about and awareness of, the video arcade phenomenon might also in turn influence legislators and decision makers in and around the industry to intervene in favor of im- proving the quality of life of youth, with regard to video arcades" (ibid.: 104).

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Video game play and gambling Gupta and Deverensky (1996), noting the high incidence of gamblingamong school children, argue that video games and gambling activities have similar attractive features and intermittent reinforcement schedules whichmay lead to a relationship between them. Since gambling has been associated with "criminal involvement, delinquency, truancy and poor academic achievement"it was important to understand this relationship. "Like gambling, videogames are reinforcing because they sharpen the contingencies of winning and losing", they argue. Video games and games of chance share several properties:"Both are exciting, contain elements of randomness and operate on schedules of intermittent reinforcement." They argue that "if the compulsive behaviors of gamblers and video game players are the result of similar mechanisms ofrein- forcement, then one might hypothesize that sophisticated videogame players will transfer their relentless effort to exert control ina video game over to a gambling situation" (Gupta & Deverensky, 1996: 380). Their study had 104 children aged 9-14 fill outa questionnaire, exploring issues related to video game playing and gambling behavior, respectively; subsequently they observed the youths as they playeda computerized blackjack game. Surprisingly, 70 percent of the sample had gambled, and 53 percent gamble at least once a week. Frequent video game playersare more likely to see themselves as skillful, go to arcades, and gamble morebut males disproportionately so. 55 percent of female video game players also gambleonce a week, compared to 10 percent of the infrequent videogame players. Motivations for gambling are also largely the same as for gaming, suchas enjoyment, excitement and pass time. It turned out that males report more excitement than females. Moreover, gamblers find videogames more exciting than non-gamblers. And frequent video game players wageredmore money in the blackjack game, although there was no difference in their gross winnings. Males alsoexhibited greater risk taking tendencies on the blackjack task than females. The findings generally suggest that frequent videogame players gamble more, report that gambling makes them feel more important, and take greater risks on the blackjack gambling task than infrequent videogame players, although no overall differences in success were found. However,Gupta and Deverensky state that although the relationship between videogaming and gambling is significant, it still remains unclear whether experience with video games leads one to gamble, or whether both activities attract the same children, due to their shared properties. They go on to note that it is plausiblethat the widespread gambling behavior noted in Canadian youth is relatedto the rise of video game arcades. Gupta and Deverensky base their conclusions on the similarities between the reward structures of video gaming and gambling: "Sporadic reinforcement schedules, excitement while playing, and an atmosphere of riskare important aspects of video gaming as they are of gambling and other addictions." They also note that although the majority of the youthssee video games as more skill driven than luck driven, many (especially garners) alsosee gambling as requir-

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ing skill (56%). Playing video games involves a progression through induction of rules and skilling of coordination, such that "child establishesa sense of mastery as randomness turns into order" (ibid.: 380); "games lead to continually and sometimes compulsively attempt to improve one's performance" (ibid.: 379). It is possible therefore that, as in videogames, a "false belief in control" leads the youthful gambler mistakenly "to establish asense of master while playing" the blackjack game. For high videogame players, "their tendency to wager more could be viewed as an indication of a false sense of security and confidence that they are exerting control over the gambling situation. This illusion of control suggests that the players' cognitionsmay be driven by the intermittent schedule of reinforcement in the game similar to those found in video games....they believe that reinforcement has something to do with their ability to control outcomes... It appears as though they getso caught up on the excitement of the game (physiological arousal) that their ability to think ration- ally is lost" (ibid.: 380).

A new generation of video games... Kline (1996) has noted researchers must understand the tremendous growth and sophistication of design within the video game industry. Early studies of video game 'effects' involving Pac Man, Space Invaders andeven racing games are so primitive that few researchers now consider them relevant to today's much more realistic, more dynamic and much more 'violent'games. As Herz (1997) also notes, games like Street Fighter and Mortal Kombatare generations away from those designed in the 1980's. They have catapulted from total ab- straction to full frontal gore and realism. Games like Syphon Filter (a recent top 10 selling game for the Playstation) captures the essence: The action unfolds with heated non-stop gunfire... a conspiracy that deepens as the bodycount rises. Plunge into this suspenseful thriller where enemies are taken on in a hail of bullets or taken out with a stealthy click of the silencer's trigger. Kline (1997) argued a new generation of video games has emergedas game designers learned to target their primary audience of male aficionados with more intensely engaging game experiences. From interviews with game designers he notices how they focused on producing games with good graphics, lots of action, and play control that increased immersion and intensity of the play experience. The new action adventure meta-genre often combines elements of conflict, including combat, with other forms of competition and problem solving. For example, racing and sports games that involve fightingscenes (Road Rage, MIL Hockey), or Role Play Games that include shooting, combat and war (Age of Empires, Golden Eye), or action adventuremeta-genre which can blend several aspects of game play (strategy, fighting, mastery, etc.), all have become the leading sellers for both home computers and consolegames in North America. Games like Golden Eye in which the player gets to be James

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Bond in the movie also has ensured realism so that where you shoot the approaching enemy soldiers (knee or shoulder) they die differently. And it is the specter of the evolving game systems and emerging game genres that use first person point of view to situate an imaginary player within a simulated brutal environment, that has drawn the attention of US senators and regulators.

...provides a dramatic focus of excitement Noting the historical shift of popular arcade games to the home systems taking place in the early 1990's with the successful promotion of Nintendo and Sega 16 bit systems, de Waal (1995) states that "within the technological cycle of obsolescence and new technology there remains a continuous stream of development. The primary male audience and the violent games they enjoy are continually developed, moving from one video game platform to another" (de Waal, 1995: 95). De Waal predicts that games will continue to become more violent: "The violent characteristic of video games is likely to remain due to structural industry constraints. New game platforms are in development to create even more realistic three-dimensional fighting games patterned on the concept of the Mortal Kombat type game. The industry has found a solid money- generating machine in the fighting game. As my study demonstrated, these violent games provide a dramatic focus of excitement for the player" (ibid.: 118). De Waal undertook a study of the physiological responses of 28 players while playing a violent game (Mortal Kombat) and an adventure game (Bubsy), using the ICARUS© system to simultaneously monitor blood flow (BF), heart rate (HR), eye muscle tension (EMG), and galvanic skin responses (GSR) of two youths alternating between playing and watching each game in sessions of up to 10 minutes. Through a video record of the sessions, de Waal was able to monitor social interaction between them, as well as construct a time-based record of game events (kills, mistakes, etc.). He also pre-interviewed his subjects, asking them about their play histories and play preferences, as well as questioning them about their play experiences after the sessions. The factorial design allowed de Waal to compare violent and non-violent play experiences, and different subjects playing and watching the same game. This study demonstrates potentially different physiological response to video games between male and female subjects whose heart rate readings were consistently and significantly higher than those of their male counterpartsbut differed between playing and watching only for the violent game (Table 1). Heart rate measures provided the clearest evidence that playing was more exciting than watching for all male subjects across games, and that playing and watching violent games is more arousing than playing and watching adventure games. Moreover males were relatively less' excited by the violent games than females. The GSR readings only reflected a gender difference when playing Mortal Kombat.

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Table 1. Heart rate while playing and watching the video games Mortal Kombat and Bubsy, respectively, by gender

Playing video games Watching video games

Boys Mortal Kombat 121 87.5 Bubsy 102 90

Girls Mortal Kombat 157 135 Bubsy 120 118

Total Mortal Kombat 126 93 Bubsy 105 94

Source: de Waal, 1995.

De Waal states that the study clearly shows that video game players are experiencing significantly different levels of excitement and arousal between playing and watching conditions. This would suggest that the content of the video game is secondary to the interactivity. However, players' reactions to the two different games were almost identical when watching, yet quite different when playing, so one is forced to re-examine the role of content in interactive media. Noting his subjects expressed a general excitement and desire to play with friends whenever possible, de Waal suggests the next research step would be to compare the physiological reaction of solitary play to multi-player play. He goes on to note that kills were rarely mentioned as motivational: Score was not a motivating factor to play. Players expressed advancing in levels, solving problems and life left as the primary forms of gauging their progress through a game. These factors, not kill score, provided motivation and desire to continue playing. Once a player passes all the levels of a game, their interest and motivation to play disappears or is sharply reduced unless a game that can produce the same emotional intensity is discovered. The de Waal study then indicates that both the symbolic structure of conflict and the challenge of violent games are crucial to the pleasure of the play experience. Interestingly, those who played violent games more frequently and liked them more, were relatively less aroused when playing the violent video game Mortal Kombat. Interviews also revealed that the same intensity that makes the gamer want more violent games, can also be experienced as frustrating and overwhelming by female players or those less skilled or habituated to such intense experiences. The girls seemed to have more trouble experiencing the intense emotional fighting games as pleasurable especially, possibly because they were less habituated to the excitement and possibly because they were less good at them. Overall, however, the implications of this finding are conso- nant with an emotional desensitization effect and also suggest that there is greater need to understand why heavy garners play them and how they experience the various representations of conflict and fighting. Kline (1997) notes that interactivity has also enabled game designers to `narrativize' the conflict situation and context with more complex and vivid lifelike graphics, more complete character backstories, and by adding elements

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of voice and character construction from Role Play Games. The implications of this new narrativity make game play less like solving puzzles andmore like a participatory experience in a conflict situation. Video games are not just about representation of conflict as much as about experiencing it. Immersion defines the paradoxical quality of gaming experience in which realism is heightened by disbeliefa perception which Herz (1997) argues arises from a kind of social contract in which as a player "you have accepted the designers values and assumptions, at least for the duration of the game....Once you're in the game, you've agreed to let someone else define the parameters" (Herz, 1997: 223). Kline notes that the latest generation of games have seennew qualities of immersion which arise from designs that allow players the illusion of reality through navigation, choice of characters, settings and point of view, all of which strengthen role-taking and identification.

Video games in the lives of Canadian youth The general ascendance of video game media has not therefore been widely acknowledged or studied in Canada either, compared with thaton television violence and the V-chip. In spite of the continuing Canadian debate about violence in media, only a very few researchers have investigated domestic and arcade play at all. This is surprising, given the extensiveexposure of Canadian children to this medium. With 80 percent of households with children having some sort of game system for console or computer (40% of Canadian households have computers, 20% access to the Internet), the videogame appears to be by far the more important communication medium, rivaling television in its acceptance into children's lives. More importantly, as home use of computer studies show, gaming is a significant use of computers, especiallyamong young males 10 and over (MediaMetrix, 2000). Rather than booking hotelrooms, doing homework, or reading news, this wired generation of Canadianyoung males, just like their US counterparts, prefer playing Doom and Quake onlineor off. Kline (1997) argues therefore, that the heavy promotion of digital technologies, the web, and computers have lead many parents to see all interactive media as educational or benign. He concludes that, in the light of promotional publicity surrounding computers, it is not surprising thatmany parents adopt an uncritical attitude towards video game play which they see as emphasizing computer literacy. Less than 25 percent of the teens had experienced restric-' tions from their families with regard to video games, whereas 43 percent had television restrictions. Most of those restrictions were concerned with homework, or the lateness and duration of the play, rather than the content of the games, and heavy players were no more likely to experience censorship than light players. Kline notes that like US and Australian parents (Sneed & Runco, 1992; Cupitt & Stockbridge, 1996) Canadians do not monitor their children's video game play and generally think that computers are good for children.

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Kline (1996) has recently documented the growing role that action packed video games play in young people's lives which he thinks constitutes an important new sub-culture of youth. Based on his survey of 650 students aged 11-18, he found that 93 percent of his sample had played video games. Of these slightly more than half were light players, whereas about one fourth were moderate players and nearly one fourth heavy players. The heavy players were disproportionately male; 32 percent of males and 8 percent of females were `garners' playing 1 hour per day or more. Light and moderate players said that they had few friends who played video games, while heavy players were split: 49 percent said they played games with lots or most of their friends and 51 percent were playing with few of their friends. There were also striking differences in the leisure preferences and solitary activities of the players (Table 2).

Table 2. Rank order of favorite solitary activities, by player (0/0)

Light players Moderate players Heavy players

Listening to music 30 Watching TV 22 Video games 41 Outdoor activities 27 Video games 23 Watching TV 25 Watching TV 25 Listening to music 21 Listening to music 15 Video games 8 Outdoor activities 17 Outdoor activities 13 Reading 8 Reading 9 Reading 3

n = 322 141 131

The male garners (i.e., heavy players) were especially electronic in their entertainment preferences, watching an average of 20 hours of television a week, almost double the amount that moderate and light players watched. Keeping in mind that heavy players were those that spent at least 7 hours a week playing games, the combined activities of television and video game play took up nearly 30 hours per week, if not more. For these individuals, viewership and gaming complemented each other and, most likely, occupied the majority of their leisure time. It was also the case that the male heavy players preferred the cartoon genre on TV, suggesting a graphic link that was important. Kline (1997) specu- lates that what seems to differentiate the gamer is the absence of friends and alternative leisure opportunities; heavy players resort to solitary media for distraction and entertainment. The evidence is rather limited on this point but, clearly, video games are an activity, which, like watching TV and videos, is something kids prefer to do when they have no other more social options. Family and sibling play is infrequent, mostly involving play with brothers, and is more frequent in the occasional player groups. Solitary video game play is especially attractive to the younger high school age males who are most interested in the great graphics, cool characters and exciting distractions this medium provides. Their favorite games are the ones that most create the combined experience of action, fantasy and simulation. A good game must have most of these attributes, although the heaviest players privileged action, fight-

53 Stephen Kline

ing and cool themes. Older males often report a decrease in both their fascination with video games and time spent in video game play,as other social activities outside the home begin to attract them more. Although most children rate videogames positively, garners find this form of play extremely pleasurable and involving. They said that playing videogames was exciting (98% of heavy players), interesting (96%), pleasant (92%) and involving (90%). 60 percent of the heavy players characterizedgaming as very pleasurable and very exciting compared to 30 percent of light players and 40 percent of moderate players. Heavy players also foundgame play to be less frustrating than light players but tended to rate theirown ability as higher. The survey also revealed that certain aspects of videogames were more important for heavy players than for light players. For instance,garners were significantly more likely to say that a goodgame had to have good characters, lots of excitement, good weapons, be challenging, responsive, andprovide lots of action. These features were all less importantto other teens. However, also for females the importance ofweapons was found to be dependant on how much they played (74% of female gamers said that goodweapons were important for a game to be fun compared to 54% of female light players). When garners rated eight given genre categories it was clear that male garners rated the fighting and/or combat genre most enthusiastically (61%vs. 35% of female gamers), followed by racing (60%vs. 42%) and action (60% vs. 35%). On the other hand, female heavy players (71%) expresseda strong preference for action games compared to female light players (49%). The intensity, repetitiveness and immersion in the game's play distinguish the heavy player's experience from themore moderate play of the majority. One participant said that he "could play videogames for hours and not notice" the passage of time (Kline, 1997). Flow experience isnot only valued by garners, but reflects a dependency behavior that the kids themselves call'addictive' because it indicates a loss of subjective control anda distortion in the sense of time (Kubey, 1996). Indeed, over 80 percent of theyoung people in the survey felt that video games can be describedas compelling or like an addiction, and over 50 percent agreed that there could be harmful effects of playing them too much. Moreover, the survey revealed that heavy playerswere more likely to report that they sometimes displaced homework and chores than light players were. In particular, heavy players were more likely to put off doing homework and chores (37%) and family activities (18%) than leisureactivities (13%) or spending time with their friends (10%) (Table 3). As regards perceptions of addiction, more thanone third of heavy players (37%) agreed with the statement that "some kids playedgames too much", a further 27 percent felt that "some kids played them obsessively", and19 percent believed that many were "totally dependenton their video game fix". 10 percent of heavy players said that games were not addictive. Heavy playerswere more likely to say that games were not addictive compared to light players.

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Table 3. Activities that young people missed out on to play, by player ( %)

Activities displaced Total Light playersModerate playersHeavy players

Homework or household chores** 21 15 22 37 Family activities** 8 7 7 18 Leisure activities** 7 6 7 13 Friends** 5 3 5 10 n= 611 310 137 128

Note: ** = p<0.01 (the chance that the difference is not significant is 1 out of 100).

When asked to comment on the effects of violent games, only 15 percent of all young people felt that video games had no bad influence. 24 percent felt that the negative influence was confined to vulnerable kids, 33 percent felt the influence was not that serious, and 25 percent thought the negative influence was both significant and widespread. Most strikingly, 20 percent of heavy players felt that violent games had no bad influence at all, compared to 12 percent of light players. Teens generally agreed on those aspects that make games violent; regardless of how much they played they saw above all incidents of sexual assault, gore, weapons and shooting, as well as punching and kicking, as making for violence. If desensitization is revealed through the willingness to use the word `violence' to characterize aggressive acts, then the result might reflect the changing meaning of the term violence as it applies to representational acts. Heavy players found rape, gore, verbal abuse, military content, and kidnapping as less `violent' (Table 4).

Table 4. Characteristics that make a game violent, by player ( %)

Characteristic of violent game Total Light playersModerate players Heavy players

Sexual assault** 85 93 79 78 Gore (blood and guts) 83 85 81 79 Weapons and shooting 65 65 70 64 Punching and kicking 57 59 54 58 Verbal abuse* 53 59 51 50 Realistic graphics and sound 53 51 60 53 Military setting 46 49 45 40 Any aggressive action where characters contact and get hurt 40 42 34 40 Kidnapping** 33 42 30 25 n= 611 312 134 126

Note:= p<0.05, ** = p<0.01 (the chance that the difference is not significant is 5 out of 100, and 1 out of 100, respectively).

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Gender differences for sexual assault, kidnapping and verbal abuse accounted for much of the significant differences in the ratings of violence betweenheavy and light garners. Female light players (91%) weremore likely than female heavy players (79%) to say that the occurrence of sexual assault madea game violent.

Conclusion In North America, the video game has arrived as the adolescence witch-hunt of the next century. So rather than television, the moral panic of todayis focusing on violent video games and their potential harmful influences on aggression and desensitization. As children's culture commentator Henry Jenkins(1999) stated: "When the Littleton shootings occurred calls from the media increased dramatically. Suddenly, we are finding ourselves ina national witch-hunt to determine which form of popular culture is to blame for themass murders, and video games seemed like a better candidate than most." The moral panic has also spread to Canada. Ina recent case where five teens were accused of brutally murdering an 81 year-old woman in her home, the press reported statements by the town mayor who claimed:"Young people play Nintendo with scenes of violence and flowing blood" (Peritz, 1999).The article also cites: "A group of local teenaged boys who hung around withone of those charged said the boy in recent months became increasinglywith- drawn, spending hours playing video games or surfing the Neton his home computer. 'He used to get into crazy Web sitesmurder, pedophilia, therewere no exceptions', said one boy in a baseball cap and cargo pants. It's like there were fantasies at work." Jenkins rebuffs this hysteria as a moral panic and in his 1999 statement to Senate committee argues: "We are afraid ofour children. We are afraid of their reactions to digital media. And we suddenly can't avoid either." In recent series of interviews with parents, however,we have found that there is growing tension in the family and growinguncertainty about the role that video gaming (on PCs, the Net, or game consoles) plays in children's lives. Yet unlike television and films, where violence and culturalcontent have been categorized and regulated by the CRTC (CanadianRadio-Telecommunica- tions Commission), video games and the Internet have been treatedas a different kind of medium, more like telecommunications. There areno restrictions on video games beyond the criminal code. Like the Internet, video gaming is emerging as a self-regulated global media industry, largely because thatis how the Americans have viewed it. In the digital global marketplaceAmericans make world policy. Although Canada has beena leading advocate in television regulation of 'gratuitous violence' on TV, this has not extendedto video gaming industry. The classification standards most widely usedare those of the ESRB's (Electronic Standards Review Board) self-regulation categories,created when the US gaming industry was threatened bya Senate investigation. Indeed, in a

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1994 decision the CRTC allowed cable companies to distribute Sega video games (many of them violent and thus violating the 9 o'clock watershed) over the protests of advocacy groups, and recently CRTC decided not to regulate the Internetindications that the potentially harmful consequences of video games are of decreasing importance on Canada's public policy agenda. As this review of the literature revealed, there is in Canada very little reliable public data on the distribution of video games, on their use or the reasons why children choose to play them, let alone their implications and effects. As mentioned, what I discovered as I set out to take stock of this evidence is that on a global basis there are almost as many reviews of the literature on violence and video games as there are actual studies. Cultural critic Stone (1995) attributes this oversight to the feeling on the part of many academics that computer games are inherently educational, or, instead, are an entertainment medium beneath serious contemplation. Additionally, the promotional hype enveloping the Internet and computer literacy seems to have produced a naive faith among many Canadians that interactive media are empowering youth for the 'digital era'. Yet the evidence is already available, that like television and films, this interactive entertainment industry may require guidelines for the sale and marketing of gratuitously violent entertainment to children and young people. Al- though the bleating call for more research is all too familiar, it is time someone sounded the fire alarms.

References Anderson, C.A. & Ford, C. (1986) "Affect of the Game Player: Short-term Effects of Highly and Mildly Aggressive Video Games." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 12(4): 390-402. Ballard, M.E. & Wiest, J.R. (1996) "Mortal Kombat: The Effects of Violent Videogame Play on Males' Hostility and Cardiovascular Responding." journal of Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 26(8): 717- 730. Bandura, A. (1986) Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Braun, C.M. & Giroux, J. (1989) "Arcade Video Games: Proxemic, Cognitive and Content Analyses." Journal of Leisure Research, Vol. 21(2): 92-105. Brody, H. (1992) "The Pleasure Machine." Technology Review, April, 31-36. Calvert, S.L. & Tan, S.L. (1994) "Impact of Virtual Reality on Young Adults' Physiological Arousal and Aggressive Thoughts: Interaction versus Observation." Journal of Applied Developmental Psy- chology, Vol. 15(1). Cupitt, M. & Stockbridge, S. (1996) Families and Electronic Entertainment. Sydney: Australian Broad- casting Authority and the Office of Film and Literature Classification. De Waal, B. (1995) Motivations for Video Game Play: A Study of Social, Cultural and Physiological factors. MA Thesis, School of Communication, Simon Fraser University. DFC Intelligence (1999) Year in Review: 1998. Internet information: www.dfcint.com/game_article/ yearreview98. html Dill, K. & Dill, J. (1998) "Video Game Violence: A Review of the Empirical Literature." Aggression and Violent Behavior, Vol. 3(4): 407-428. Discovery Channel (1999) Game Violence. 17/08/1999, Episode S35.

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Durkin, K. (1995) Computer Games: Their Effectson Young People A Review. Sydney: Office of Film and Literature Classification. Durkin, K. & Low, J. (1998) "Children, Media and Aggression.Current Research in Australia and New Zealand." In Children and Media Violence. Eds. U. Carlsson &C. von Feilitzen. Yearbook 1998 from The UNESCO International Clearinghouseon Children and Violence on the Screen, Nordicom, Goteborg University: 107-124. Egli, E. & Myers, L. (1984) "The Role of Video Game Playingin Adolescent Life: Is There Reason to Be Concerned?" Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society, 22. Emes, C. (1997) "Is Mr. Pac Man Eating Our Children? A Review ofthe Effect of Video Games on Children." Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, Vol. 42, May: 409-414. Funk, J.B. (1993) "Re-evaluating the Impact of VideoGame Play." Clinical Pediatrics, Vol. 32(2): 86- 90. Funk, J.B., Flores, G., Buchman, D.D. & Germann,J.N. (1999) "Rating Electronic Games: Violence Is in the Eye of the Beholder." Youth and Society, Vol. 30(3):283-312. Goldstein, J.H. (1994) "Sex Differences in Toy Play and Use ofVideo Games." In Toys, Play and Child Development. Ed. J.H. Goldstein. New York: CambridgeUniversity Press. Goldstein,J.H.(Ed.) (1998) Why We Watch: The Attractions of Violent Entertainment.New York: Oxford University Press. Goldstein, J.H. & Jukes, J. (1993) "Preference for AggressiveToys." International Play Journal, Vol. 1: 81-91. Graybill, D., Kirsch, J.R. & Esselman, E.D. (1985) "Effects ofPlaying Violent versus Non-violent Video Games on the Aggressive Ideation of Aggressive andNon-aggressive Children." Child Study Journal, Vol. 15(3): 199-205. Graybill, D., Strawniak, M., Hunter, T. & O'Leary, M. (1987)"Effects of Playing versus Observing Violent versus Non-violent Video Gameson Children's Aggression." Psychology: A Journal of Human Behavior, Vol. 24(3): 1-8. Greenfield, P.M. (1984) Mind and Media: The effects ofTelevision, Video Games and Computers. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Greenfield, P.M. (1994) "Video Gamesas Cultural Artifacts." Journal of Applied Developmental Psy- chology, Vol. 15(1): 3-12. Greenfield, P.M. & Cocking, R.C. (Eds.) (1996) Interactingwith Video. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Griffiths, M.D. (1999) "Violent Video Games andAggression. A Review of the Literature." Aggression and Violent Behavior, Vol. 4 (2): 1359-1389. Grossman, D. (1996) On Killing: The Psychological Cost ofLearning to Kill in War and Society. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. Grossman, D. (1998) "Trained to Kill." Christianity Today,10/08/1998. Grossman, D. & DeGaetano, G. (1999) Stop TeachingOur Kids to Kill. A Call to Action Against TV, Movie & Video Game Violence. New York: Crown Publishers. Gupta, R. & Derevensky, J. (1996) "The Relationship betweenGambling and Video Game Playing Behavior in Children and Adolescents." Journal of GamblingStudies, Vol. 12(4). Hamilton, J.T. (1998) Channeling Violence: TheEconomic Market for Violent Television Program- ming. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Hayes, M. & Dinsey, S. (1995) Games War. London: Inbook. Henry, D. & McLennan, K. (1994) "There Are No Brakes,so Who's Steering: A paper on issues for educators." Presented at Griffith University Media Futures: Policyand Performance, Australia: Telstra Corp. Herz, J.C. (1997) Joystick Nation: How VideogamesAte Our Quarters, Won Our Hearts, and Rewired Our Minds. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. Huesmann, L.R., Moise, J.F., Podolski, C.L. (1997) "The Effectsof Media Violence on the Develop- ment of Antisocial Behavior." In Handbook of Antisocial Behavior. Eds.D.M. Stoff & J. Breiling. New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc.: 181-193. Irwin, A.R. & Gross, M.A. (1995) "Cognitive Tempo,Violent Video Games and Aggressive Behavior in Young Boys." Journal of Family Violence, Vol.10 (3): 337-350. Jenkins, H. (1999) Personal communication. Publishede-mail letter.

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Kafai, Y.B. (1995) Minds in Play: Computer Game Design as a Context for Children's Learning. Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press. Kalamas, A. & Gruber, M. (1998) "Electrodermal Responses to Implied versus Actual Violence on Television." The Journal of General Psychology, Vol. 125 (1): 31-37. Kinder, M. (1996) "Contextualizing Video Game Violence: From Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles 1 to Mortal Kombat 2." In Interacting with Video. Eds. P.M. Greenfield & R.C. Cocking. Norwood, NJ: Ablex: 25-38. Kline, S. (1996) [with Albert Banerjee]. Video Game Culture: Leisure and Play Preferences of BC mone. MAYFT T: 11,1 non, Ivr.r. Kline, S. (1997) "Pleasures of the Screen: Why Young People Play Video Games". Proceedings of the International Toy Research Conference, Angouleme, France, November. Krish, S. (1998) "Seeing the World through Mortal Kombat-colored Glasses: Violent Video Games and the Development of a Short-term Hostile Attribution Bias." Childhood: A GlobalJournal of Child Research, 5. Kubey, R.W. (1996) "Television Dependence, Diagnosis, and Prevention: With Commentary on Video Games, Pornography, and Media Education." In Tuning in to Young Viewers: Social Science Perspectives on Television. Ed. T.M. MacBeth. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage: 221-260. Livingstone, S., Holden, K. & Bovill, M. (1999) "Children's Changing Media Environments: Overview of a European Comparative Study." In Children and Media: Image Education Participation. Eds. C. von Feilitzen & U. Carlsson. Yearbook 1999 from The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen, Nordicom: GOteborg University: 39-59. Mcllwraith R., Jacobvitz, R.S., Kubey, R. & Alexander, A. (1991) "Television Addiction: Theories and Data Behind the Ubiquitous Metaphor." American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 36(2): 104-121. MediaMetrix (2000) http://www.mediametrix.com/Methodology/Convergence.html Negroponte, N. (1995) Being Digital. Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press. Owens, A.M. (1999) "Site of Massacre Littered with Booby Traps." National Post, Canada, 22/04/ 1999. Peritz, I. (1999) "Crown Wants 3 Murder Suspects Tried as Adults: One of five teens charged in elderly woman's death spent hours playing violent video games, surfing 'crazy Web sites', friend says." Globe and Mail, 28/09/1999, A3. Postman, N. (1993) Technopoly. New York: Vintage. Provenzo, E.F.Jr. (1991) Video Kids: Making Sense of Nintendo! Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press. Provenzo, E.F.Jr. (1992) "What Do Video Games Teach?" Education Digest, Vol. 58 (4). Quittner, J. (1999) "Families: Are Video Games Really So Bad? They mesmerize children. They frighten parents. But take heart: there are ways to tame the monsters in the box." Time, 10/05/ 1999. Rushkoff, D. (1996) Playing the Future. New York: Harper Collins. Scheff, D. (1993). Game Over. New York: Random House. Schutte, N., Malouff, J., Post-Gordon, J. & Rodasta, A. (1998) "Effects of Playing Video Games on Children's Aggression and Other Behaviors." Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 18. Silvern, S.B. & Williamson, P.A. (1987) "The Effects of Video Game Play on Young Children's Aggres- sion, Fantasy, and Prosocial behavior." Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, Vol. 8(4): 453-462. Sneed, C. & Runco, M.A. (1992) "The Beliefs Adults and Children Hold about Television and Video Games." Journal of Psychology, Vol. 126(3): 273-284. Steinberg, S. & Kincheloe, J. (1997) KinderKulture. Colorado: Westview Press. Stone, A.R. (1995) The War of Desire and Technology at the Close of the Mechanical Age. Cambridge, MA: M.I.T Press. van der Voort, T. (1998) "The Effects of Television on Children. Parental Perceptions and Mediation." In Trends in Communication 2. Eds. T. van der Voort & J. Beentjes. The Netherlands: Boom Publishers: 5-29.

59 Video Games and Violence Controversy and Research in Japan

Akira Sakamoto

Japan is now leading the world in the video game industry. In the 1990's, Japan experienced a severe recession, and consequently many industries have de- clined. Only the video game and animation industries have the highest level of international competitiveness even now. Japanese video game companies are quite strong, and video games have been very popular among Japanese people since the mid-1980's. Thus, the Japanese have long been interested in the effects of video game use, and actually many arguments concerning this issue have often been found in the Japa- nese press. Some empirical studies, though not many, have also been conducted on the issue. Since Japanese researchers only infrequently write their papers in English, it seems that the Japanese debate and empirical studies on the effects of video games are relatively unknown outside Japan. It would, therefore, be meaningful to introduce this work to an international readership. Thus, in the present article, Japanese debate and studies are described. First, however, the current situation as regards the popularity of video games and children's use of the games in Japan is described.

The popularity of video games Home video games began to be popular in Japan in 1983 when Nintendo Co., Ltd. introduced a video game machine called Family Computer or Famicom on to the market (Family Computer was often called "Nintendo" outside Japan). Prior to this, people could not play video games unless they went to a game arcade or a coffee house where machines were available or unless they wrote their own game programs on a computer. Family Computer made it much easier to enjoy video games. Even when they began to sell Family Computer, the staff at Nintendo did not predict that it would become so popular (Kurihara, 1993). However, the number of sold machines dramatically increased, and with the appearance of

61 Akira Sakamoto

an action game named Super Mario Brothers in 1985, FamilyComputer became remarkably popular. At this time,many children came home as soon as their classes in school were over, because they wantedto play video games as early as possible. This was called the "Express Return", and drew people'sattention. Video games became the most-wantedtoys among boys, and in 1986, 3.9 million machines were sold in Japan (cf. DentsuInstitute for Human Studies, 1998). At about this time, half of the children possessed videogame machines, and it was said that Family Computer had become a full-fledged member of thefamily (Kurihara, 1993). Subsequently, the number of sold machinestemporarily decreased, but video games quickly recovered their popularity,and children's enthusiasm reached its peak in 1988 whena role-playing game named Dragon Quest III appeared (also called Dragon Warrior III outsideJapan). When this game came on to the market, many children queued outside shops all night longwaiting for them to open. In addition,some children who could not buy the game threatened those who did with violence androbbed them of the game. This was called the "Dorakue Affair" in Japan, and Japanese journalistsenthusiasti- cally reported it (Dorakue isan abbreviation of Dragon Quest pronounced in Japanese). After 1987, in addition to Family Computer,many video game machines appeared, for example, PC Engine, MegaDrive, Game Boy, Super Famicon, Sega Saturn, Nintendo 64, Play Station, and SegaDreamcast. Video game machines attained variety and sophistication, andmore firmly attracted children. Since 1988, the number of sold machines has greatlyincreased, and in 1992, the interests of Nintendo Co., Ltd. surpassed those ofToyota Motor Co., a representative Japanese automobilecompany (Yomiuri Shimbum, 1999, August 11). In 1996, over twelve million machineswere sold only in Japan (cf. Dentsu Institute for Human Studies, 1998). This numberis about one-tenth of the total Japanese population. At present, the Japanese videogame industry sells over ten million machines and aboutone hundred million copies of software per year only in domestic markets. The total market sizesare now about two hundred billion yen (two billion US dollars) formachines and over five hundred billion yen (five billion US dollars) for software.About 90 percent of Japanese elementary school childrenpossess video game machines for their own exclusive use (cf. Dentsu Institute for Human Studies,1998).

Children's use of videogames With the increasing number of sold machinesin Japan, children's use of video games also increased. NHK Broadcasting Culture Research Institutehas often conducted survey research on children's play. Elementary schoolstudents were asked, "what they often played" in 1984, 1989, and 1994(Janamoto, 1985, 1990, 1995). The sample size was about 1,500 at each occasion. Mori (1997)summarized these results

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(Table 1). As is seen in the table, video games did not take a high rank in 1984. However, in 1989, they ranked second for boys. As for girls, they still did not rank high in 1989, but they ranked second in 1994. While the rank for boys did not change for the period 1989 to 1994, the percentage often playing video games increased. The proportions for 1989 and 1994 were 34 and 42 percent, respectively.

Table 1. What elementary school students often play (% of students)

Ranks 1984 1989 1994

Boys 1't Baseball 55 Baseball 49 Football 59 2nd Football 43 Video games 34 Video games 42 3rd Dodge ball 27 Football 28 Baseball 25 4th Tag, hide-and-seek 21 Dodge ball 24 Basketball 19 5th Playing with a ball 14 Tag, hide-and-seek 20 Tag, hide-and-seek 15 Dodge ball 15

Girls 181 Tag, hide-and-seek 31 Tag, hide-and-seek 30 Tag, hide-and-seek 23 2nd Dodge ball 26 Dodge ball 17 Video games 18 3rd Elastic cord jumping 14 Cards 14 Books and comics 17 4th Chatting 14 Books and comics 11 Talking with friends 15 5th Swings, slides, playing with Talking with friends 10 Dodge ball 13 sand 13

NHK Broadcasting Culture Research Institute has also conducted other survey research (Shiraishi, 1998). Elementary school children ranging from third to sixth grade (from 8 to 12 years of age) were asked, "how long they played a video game" in 1987 and 1997. The sample size was about 1,500 at each occasion. The children were provided five alternatives, that is, "I always play it", "I sometimes play it", "I do not often play it", "I do not play it at all", and "I do not know of it". In 1987, 58 percent of children answered "always" or "sometimes", while 77 percent answered so in 1997. Thus, the proportion increased by almost 20 percent. In particular, the increase is remarkable for girls. The proportions for girls in 1987 and 1997 were 40 and 64 percent, respectively. As for boys, they were 75 and 89 percent. In addition, the children in this survey were asked, "what they played before dinner". As is shown in Table 2, a dramatic increase is found for video games. The proportion playing video games before dinner grew by 25 percent, but no other activities showed a great increase. On the other hand, decreases are found for outdoor activities, such as playing with balls and riding bicycles.

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Table 2. What elementary school students play (or do) beforedinner (0/0 of students)

1987 1997 Change

Watch television 55 59 +4 Play video games 25 50 +25 Read comics, books, magazines for hobbies 35 33 -2 Play balls, such as baseball and football 31 20 -11 Chat 18 17 -1 Play games such as cards, toys 14 12 -2 Ride bicycles 20 11 -9 Listen to records, tapes, CDs 6 9 +3 Play tag 7 7 0 Do rope jumping, elastic cord jumping 8 4 -4 Swing, slide 4 3 -1

It should be noted that the Dorakue Affair occurred in1988, and children's enthusiasm for video gameswas already regarded as a serious problem at that time. As is suggested from the data mentioned above, children'scurrent use of video games is probably greater than in 1988. Therefore, thecurrent situation should be regarded as more serious. Thus, children's use of video games has increased, and thegames are now very important in their daily lives. In particular, the recent increase for girlswas remarkable. Nowadays, as concerns male elementary schoolstudents, 59 percent play a video game for over one hour per dayon weekdays and 23 percent for over two hours. As for female students, 20 and 6percent spend over one and two hours, respectively (Shiraishi, 1998).

Arguments for the harmfulness of videogames In recent years in Japan, children's social problemssuch as violence, bullying, schoolphobia, drugs, and prostitution have become still more serious, and therefore, their causes and methods for coping with themare often discussed. Considered as possible causes are children's frustrationdue to the so-called "controlled school" and "entrance examination war" andthe lack of teaching by parents and people in the immediate community.The harmful effects of media, especially video games,are also fervently regarded as one of the causes. For example, in February 1998, the followingpassage was found in Asahi Shimbum, a representative Japanesenewspaper selling eight million copies daily: A male teacher living in the Tohoku districtsays that the brutal crimes of secondary and high school studentsare caused by video games. "Everyone says they were quiet and gentle. It is natural. They have avoided keeping company with others, and have murdered others only in theirown world every

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night. Imagine what happens to children who have been living under such circumstances for ten years." (Asahi Shimbun, 1998, February 2) This teacher argued that video games are seriously harmful in that they cause violence, but video games are also argued to generate various other problems in children. For example, worsening eyesight and epileptic fits are typical of the physical problems, and social maladjustmentsuch as withdrawal and lack of interpersonal skillsas well as declining academic achievement are typical of the psychological problems. In some cases, such complexes of problems are considered in arguments for the harmfulness of video games, and a particular problem such as violence is considered in other cases. Recently, because of the violent crimes children have committed from 1997 to 1998, violence has been stressed as a serious deleterious effect.

The rationale behind the arguments The arguments for the harmfulness of video games contain an underlying plausible logic explaining why video games can generate each problem. For example, as to violence, Sakamoto (1999a) summarized the rationale behind the arguments, and presented three characteristics of video games that were likely to promote children's violence. First, in video games, players' own violence is rewarded. When the players conquer the enemy, they can obtain a variety of rewards such as high scores, new stories, and impressive images and music. Many empirical studies have been conducted on the effects of violent scenes on television, and their harmfulness has often been shown. These researchers believe that the harmful effects of violent scenes on television derive partly from the fact that violence is often rewarded, teaching viewers that violence is an acceptable means. For example, television programs for children in which heroes beat the enemy are typical. These heroes are respected and loved by everyone. The researchers believe that this reward pattern makes children regard violence as an acceptable means and consequently even behave violently themselves. However, on television, the violence of others, such as heroes, is rewarded (this is called "indirect reinforcement"). In video games, on the other hand, players' own violence is rewarded (this is called "direct reinforcement"). Since a reward for one's own behavior is more pleasant than that for others' behavior, the acceptability of violent behavior should be learned more effectively through video games than through television. Second, in video games, players are accustomed to displaying violence. When people feel anger toward someone in real life, they never show violence if it is not an available behavioral option. When they are accustomed to it in video games, it might become an option. If so, they should more often show violence in real-life contexts when angry. Thus, it is possible that video games are the instruments with which people learn that violence is an available option.

65

6 2 Akira Sakamoto

Third, the setting of virtual reality provided by video games is similar to real life. It is therefore possible that the learned advantages and availability of violence in video games are transferred to the context of everyday life, causing people to use violence toward others. Nowadays, a phrase like "the ambiguity of borders between reality and fiction" is often found among the arguments for the harmfulness of video games in terms of violence.

The influence of arguments The arguments concerning the harmfulness of video games have become heated every fifth year (Sakamoto, 1999a). The first peak was in 1988. As mentioned earlier, in 1983 when Nintendo began to sell Family Computer, people did not realize that Family Computer would become so important in children's daily lives, and therewas no controversy. However, as its popularity increased dramatically, some people began to debate the issue, and after about 1985, arguments for the harmfulness of video games were often presented. Children's enthusiasm for video games reached its peak at the time of the Dorakue Affair in 1988. The heat of the arguments also reached its first peak at this point. The second peak was in 1993, five years after the first. In the end of 1992, a fourteen-year-old boy living in the United Kingdom died of an epileptic fit when he was playing a video game. The heat of the arguments in 1993 originated from this affair. The affair was often reported in the Japanesepress, and many people fervently expressed a fear that video game use could lead to not only an epileptic fit, but also to a variety of serious physiological and psychological problems. The arguments were also heated from 1997 to 1998. This peakwas spawned by the frequent occurrence of children's violent crimes. For example, in May 1997, a murder occurred in Kobe. A fourteen-year-old male secondary school student killed a boy in the 6th grade, cut off his head, and placed the headat the gate of the student's own school for display. Before this, the student had already killed one girl and injured three. In addition, from Januaryto March 1998, acts of violence in which a knife was used were frequent. Students often killed and injured their classmates. On January 28, 1998,a boy in the 7th grade even killed his teacher with a knife. These incidents led to a sensation, and consequently the possible causes of children's violent crimeswere intensively discussed. In this discussion, the use of video gameswas often regarded as one of the causes, and therefore arguments surrounding the harmfulness of video games were heated. The arguments of 1997 to 1998 were very strong, making them influential in reality. In Japan, there is a large organization for the videogame software industry called the Computer Entertainment Software Associationor CESA, to which over a hundred companies belong. In July 1997, the organization took notice of the arguments, and produced a written code for the voluntaryre- straint of harmful software. The code consisted of 25 items (for example, "You

66 (3 3 Video Games and Violence

may not express murder, injury, and violence or suggest a way of accomplish- ing them in a stimulated manner.") and the organization decided to demand that companies not sell software that violated the code. CESAcan give the companies certain punishments, such as an oral warning, a written warning,up to two years' deprivation of the right to vote, recommendation of withdrawal from the organization, and expulsion from the organization, when they sell software that violates the code. Up to the present, CESA has actually judged that some products of software violate the code, and demanded theircompa- nies not to sell them, unless the contents are modified. In addition, CESA has given an oral warning to two companies that sold unaccepted software. In September 1999, it was decided that software with severe violence must be labeled in order to inform the consumers. So far, about ten products have been labeled. The influence of the arguments is found not only in the world of the video game industry, but also in the fields of justice and administration. On March 18, 1998, the Family Courts of Japan made a severe judgment on a boy in the ninth grade who had tried to rob a policeman of his pistol by threatening him witha knife. He was ordered to go to a reformatory. In making this judgment, the harmfulness of video games was considered. The judge's explanationwas as follows: "His behavior is not due to an impulse, but to hisown disposition developed through the use of media such as video games. Therefore, intensive teaching and training by experts are necessary for his reformation, and it is appropriate that he be sent to a reformatory." On June 30, 1998, the Central Council for Education of the Ministry of Education, Science and Culturepre- sented a document, entitled "Cultivating the sound minds of children who will develop a new era: A crisis of losing confidence in bringing up the nextgenera- tion." This document was written to guide mainly parents in the education of children's morality and sociality, and it was one of the Ministry's policies for coping with the frequent occurrence of children's violent crimes. In the document, one instruction reads: "You should avoid the endless exposure of children to television and video games." The arguments may have become a little calmer during the past year, but it seems that they remain influential. As mentioned below, arguments for the harmfulness of video games have not received great support from empirical research. Therefore, the strong influence of the arguments is not caused by research, but rather by their plausible logic.

Research on video games and violence The occurrence of brutal crimes has long been low and therefore unremarkable in Japan. It seems that, due to this infrequency, the Japanese have not been greatly interested in media violence, and consequently onlya few researchers have been trained as experts on this issue. As mentioned earlier, arguments for the harmfulness of video games in terms of violenceare heated in Japan, but

67 Akira Sakamoto

empirical research on this issue has not often been conducted. Thismay be due to a lack of expertise in media violence. Before 1992, no studies on video games had been conducted in Japan, and in addition, the findings of studies conducted in other countries suchas the United States had not been systematically introduced. Therefore, Japanesere- searchers did not fully understand that previous research had not shownnega- tive effects of video games. Consequently, even academic researchers often supported the more popular arguments for such effects. Their enthusiasticcom- ments were frequently found in the press. Sakamoto (1993) reviewed empirical studies that had been conducted mainly in the United Sates, and introduced their findings in Japan. He wrote that: (1) Some studies had been conducted in the United States; (2) in experimental studies, the short-term effects of video game use on violent behavior had been detected only for infants and at most preadolescents, butno such effects had been clearly detected beyond these ages; and (3) insurvey studies, even significant correlations between the frequency of videogame use and violent tendencies had not been detected, and therefore itwas difficult to regard the two variables as being causally related. Based on these findings, Sakamoto (1993) concluded that there was no evidence for serious negative effects of video games. This article had an impact on Japanese researchers, and it has frequently been cited. It seems that since this articlewas published, at least academic researchers such as social psychologists have not simply supported the argument for the harmfulness of video games. However, the situation changed again recently. After the mid-1990's, Japa- nese researchers began to conduct empirical studies of their own. In these studies, serious harmful effects of video games have sometimes been detected. Based on these findings and other new evidence,some researchers argue that it is possible that video game use has deleterious effects. In the following parts of the present article, empirical research conducted in Japan is introduced. Experimental studies are first described, and, subsequently, survey studies. After this description, Sakamoto's (1999b)recent view on the harmfulness of video games is introduced. This is based on the findings of recent studies and other new evidence. Most studies mentioned below were conducted by the Ochanomizu Uni- versity group, consisting of Akira Sakamoto and his co-researchers. Unfortu- nately, this is the state of Japanese research. However, the Tsukuba University group, consisting of Shintaro Yukawa, Tetsuhiro Miyamoto, and Toshio Yoshida, has recently initiated research on this issue, and itseems that other groups have begun to show an interest. Thus, there is hope for change in thenear future.

Experimental studies Most previous research conducted in the world has not examined the effects of video game use on violent behavior in adolescents and adults. In the research on adolescents and adults, violent behavior was not measured, although hostil-

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ity and aggressive thoughts were. In the research on violent behavior, only infants and preadolescents have commonly been used. However, research on the violent behavior of adolescents and adults is perhaps most important. If video game use affects only their hostility and aggressive thought and does not affect their violent behavior, the effects cannot be regarded as serious, because they do not lead to actual physical harm to people. In addition, if video game use affects the violent behavior of infants and preadolescents, the effects cannot be regarded as serious, because their behavior seldom leads to brutal crimes. Thus, Sakamoto and his co-researchers conducted two experimental studies to examine the effects of video game use on violent behavior in adolescents and adults (Sakamoto et al., 1998a; Sakamoto et al., 1999). They also tried to examine the moderators and mediating processes associated with such effects. In the first study, Sakamoto et al. (1998a) randomly assigned 52 female students at Ochanomizu University to one of five conditions. In these conditions subjects: (1) played a realistic game (Virtua Cop), (2) played an unrealistic game (Space Invader), (3) merely watched the realistic game, (4) merely watched the unrealistic game, and (5) watched a neutral film (Ann of Green Gables or A Symphony of Forests). After the subjects played or watched the game or film, they were given opportunities to subject a confederate to electrical shocks. The strength and length of the electrical shocks they gave were used as measures of their violent behavior. In addition, their blood pressures and heart rates were measured before and after exposure to the various media. Sakamoto and his co-researchers conducted the next study (Sakamoto et al., 1999) to validate and expand their previous findings. The procedures of the first study were modified in the following manner. In order to enhance the illusion of reality, the realistic game Virtua Cop was in the second study replaced by Area 51, which has a virtual gun. In addition, a condition was added in which the subjects played a fist-fighting game, and a measurement of violent behavior was based on how long and strongly they subjected a confederate to white noise. Furthermore, the condition in which they merely watched a game was not used. Thus, the researchers used four conditions in the second study in which the subjects: (1) played a realistic game (Area 51), (2) played an unrealistic game (Space Invader), (3) played a fist-fighting game (Tekken 2), and (4) watched a neutral film (Ann of Green Gables). The researchers randomly assigned 41 female students at Ochanomizu University to one of these conditions. The findings of these two studies were as follows: (a) The subjects who had played a game sometimes subjected a confederate to more intense electric shocks and white noise than did those in the control group. This implies that adolescents' and adults' use of video games can promote their violent behavior. (b) However, the sizes of such effects were different between video games. The effects were detected for Area 51, but not for Virtua Cop. As for Space Invader, the results of the two experiments were inconsistent. The degree

69 Akira Sakamoto

of reality and reward found in videogames can be regarded as moderators leading to these differences between thegames, although more systematic research is needed on this issue. (c) The subjects who had playeda video game showed more intense violent behavior than did those who merely watched. Thissuggests that the effects of video game use on violence could be dueto the interactivity of the games. (d) The effects of video game usewere not changed when the mediating effects of blood pressure and heart ratewere controlled for. This might indicate that effects on violent behavior are not due to physiological arousal generated by the video game use, but due to cognitiveprocesses such as the learning of violence. Thus, these studies show that adolescents' and adults'use of video games can promote their violent behavior, and therefore, that the negative effects of video games can be serious. If so, however, the results also show that this is onlytrue of a limited range of games. Yukawa et al. (1999) also conductedan experimental study. Based on the results of their own factor analysis, they divided violent videogames into two types, that is, role-internalizing games (for example, role-playing games) and stimulus-responding games (for example, shooting games), and examined the effects of each type. Like Sakamoto et al. (1998a), they alsoexamined the effects of interactivity. In Yukawa et al. (1999), 60 male studentswere used as subjects and divided into two groups. Onegroup of subjects played a video game, while the other group merely watched it, and the subjects in eachgroup were assigned to one of three conditions. In these conditions the subjects: (1) played or merely watched a role-internalizinggame (Biohazard 2), (2) played or merely watched a stimulus-responding game (Lay Storm), and (3) playedor merely watched a non-violentgame (Puyopuyo, a game similar to Tetris). Yukawa et al. (1999) measured the subjects' aggressive thoughts, negative affect (such as discomfort and hostility), physiological responses, and violent behavior, after the subjects had played or watched the videogame. Their results showed that the role-internalizinggame generated more aggressive thought and negative affect than did the non-violentgame, and the stimulus-responding game also generated aggressive thought, althoughnot to the same degree as the role-internalizinggame. As for physiological responses and violent behavior, no significant differenceswere found between the violent and non-violent games. In addition,no differences were found between the conditions of playing and watching, and therefore,effects of interactivity were not revealed. Thus, Yukawa et al. (1999) show that violent videogames can lead to aggressive thought and negative affect, but donot reveal their influence on violent behavior and the moderating effects of interactivity.In this regard, the findings of Yukawa et al. are different from those of Sakamoto andco-researchers. Some methodological factors might explain these differences, for example,

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subject gender. The subjects of Sakamoto and co-researchers' studies are female, whereas those of Yukawa et al. are male. In addition, the procedure and software used in the experiments are different. In any case, further research is needed to explain the different outcomes. Thus, although there are mixed findings, effects of video game use have been detected in some cases. It therefore seems that video game use can affect even violent behavior, at least under particular conditions. However, in the studies mentioned above, only the short-term effects of video game use have been detected, but their long-term effects have not been examined. Although experimental studies have the advantage of revealing causality, it is usually difficult to examine long-term effects. However, when long-term effects of video game use are revealed, the harmfulness of the games can be regarded as more serious. Survey research is useful for examining such long-term effects, although it makes observing actual behavior difficult.

Survey studies Some Japanese researchers have conducted survey studies on relationships between video game use and violence. However, most of the studies were one- shot surveys, which reveal correlations but not causality. It is therefore possible to say that these studies have not revealed the effects of video game use on violent behavior. On the other hand, when researchers use a survey method, they can reveal causality to some extent, if they conduct a panel study. In the panel study, the same variables are measured on several occasions over time. It is possible to reveal causality to some extent by analyzing obtained data in particular ways. Actually, Sakamoto (1994) examined causality between video game use and social maladjustment. As for video game use and violence, Sakamoto and co-researchers have conducted three panel studies. Panel studies on this issue seem to be rare not only in Japan but also in the international literature. Kobayashi et al. (1998) conducted a panel study of 210 elementary school students attending fourth to sixth grades (111 boys and 99 girls between nine and twelve years of age). Their frequency of video game use and violent tendencies were measured twice, in October 1993 and February 1994. As for video game use, the frequencies of seven types of gamesaction, simulation, adventure, role-playing, sport, puzzle, and board gameswere measured. Five-point scales ranging from "I very often play it" to "I do not play it at all" were used. Violent tendencies were measured with thirteen five-point scales. For these data, regression analyses and synchronous effects model analyses were conducted. The synchronous effects model analyses can be realized using structural equation modeling. When the same results were obtained from both analyses, the researchers regarded them as credible and important. Results indicated that board games lowered boys' violent tendencies, and sport games lowered those of the girls.

71 Akira Sakamoto

Kobayashi et al. (1999) conducted the same kind of panel study fiveyears after the above-mentioned one. They measured the frequency of videogame use and violent tendencies of 764 children attending fifth to sixth grades (367 boys and 397 girls) twice, in July 1998 and from November to December 1998. As for video game use, the frequencies of eight types of gamesfist-fighting action, action, action role-playing, shooting, adventure, simulation, sport, and panel gameswere measured. As for violent tendencies, its six components physical violence, hostility, irritation, verbal aggression, indirect aggression, and replacementwere measured on 54 five-point scales. The results obtained from both regression analyses and synchronous effects model analyses indicated that (1) action role-playing games promoted boys' hostility, (2) action games promoted girls' hostility, and (3) fist-fighting action games promoted girls' indirect aggression. As for the other components physical violence, irritation, and verbal aggressionno effects were found. Naito et al. (1999) conducted the same kind of panel study for 192 secondary school students in grade eight (98 boys and 94 girls aged 13-14). The researchers measured the students' frequency of videogame use and violent tendencies twice, in December 1998 and March 1999. The frequencies of the same eight types of games as used in Kobayashi et al. (1999) were measured. As for violent tendencies, 24 five-point scales were used. The results obtained from both regression analyses and synchronous effects model analyses indicated that action games promoted boys' verbal aggression. No other effects were significant. Thus, Kobayashi et al. (1998) did not show that videogame use promotes violent tendencies, but even that it lowers them. It cannot be said that this study supports the arguments for the harmfulness of videogames. On the other hand, Kobayashi et al. (1999) and Naito et al. (1999) showed that fist-fighting action, action, and action role-playing games promoted some components of violent tendencies, although these effects were not found for both genders. Therefore, it can be said that the results of these studies support thearguments to some extent, though not greatly. Since fist-fighting action, action, and action role-playing games often include violent contents, itseems plausible that only these games could promote children's violent tendencies. This enhances the credibility of those studies. As noted above, the studies produced different results. The difference in the period of survey can be regarded as a possible explanation. Data from 1993 to 1994 were used in Kobayashi et al. (1998), whereas data from 1998 to 1999 were used in Kobayashi et al. (1999) and in Naito et al. (1999). The latter data are fairly newer than the former. Recently, video game technology has dramatically developed, and has provided a very realistic worldto users. When the degree of reality is high, i.e., when the world found in videogames is similar to the real world, violence learned in video games might easilyappear even in real-life contexts. This implies the possibility that the effects of videogames have recently been augmented. In addition, as mentioned earlier, the frequency of video game use has recently increased, and this has thesame implications.

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Given this line of reasoning, it is possible that the effects of video game use are more easily detected when newer data are analyzed, and this could be the reason why the effects were detected in the studies by Kobayashi et al. (1999) and Naito et al. (1999), but not in the study by Kobayashi et al. (1998). If so, it could be said that the findings of Kobayashi et al. (1999) and Naito et al. (1999) are more important, and that children's use of video games can increase their violent behavior. In addition, these are long-term effects, which can be regarded as serious. In any case, further research is necessary to reconcile the inconsistencies of the studies.

Current arguments As mentioned earlier, Sakamoto (1993) did not think that video game use could have serious effects on violent behavior. Some researchers, however, are now changing their opinions. Actually, Sakamoto (1999b) states that video game use might cause increased violence under particular conditions. This shift in opinion is due to the observation of recent changes in the four issues described below. First, changes in research findings have been observed. As mentioned earlier, previous studies conducted mainly in the United States did not provide evidence for the deleterious effects of video games. However, as seen above, recent Japanese studies have sometimes shown harmful influence that can be serious. Of course, since there are differences in the results, it is impossible to say that negative effects are clearly proved. However, the existence of some results supporting such effects means that the issue cannot be neglected. Second, changes in the reality of video games have been observed. It is likely that realistic games more easily promote violence. As mentioned earlier, since video games have recently become still more realistic, it seems possible that current video game use has quite harmful effects on violence. Previous experiments and surveys in the United States did not show such effects, but in these studies, the unrealistic games that were popular at that time were used. It is impossible to generalize from such unrealistic games to today's super-realistic ones. And thus it would seem that these resultsbased on unrealistic games no longer are applicable. Third, changes in the frequency of video game use have been observed. When use is frequent, its effects are arguably greater. As mentioned earlier, since the frequency of children's video game use has recently increased, its effects may now be larger than previously. As also mentioned, no correlations between video game use and violent tendencies were found in previous survey studies conducted in the United States and Japan (for example, Kobayashi et al., 1998). This may be because children of that time used video games for relatively shorter periods or more infrequently. This fact also decreases the applicability of findings obtained in the previous studies. Fourth, changes in the occurrence of violent crimes have been observed. It seems that the frequency of violent crimes that might be related to video game

73 Akira Sakamoto

use has recently increased. For example, in March 1994,an act of violence perpetrated by a group of children occurredat Nagoya. On this occasion, fourteen secondary school students attacked two secondary schoolstudents, causing them serious injury. In the policeexamination, a boy from the offender group said: "You ask me why we did that? We just wantedto know how effective the punches and kickswe learned in fist-fighting games were." Actually, the violence was perpetrated in the followingmanner. The group first made the victims select their opponent. The selected boyidentified with the heroes of fist-fighting games, and using their punchesand kicks, he attacked a victim who could not resist because thegroup had him surrounded. The unselected boys formed the audience andgave joyous shouts every time the selected boy gave showy punches and kicks to the victims. The selectionwas repeated, and many boys eventually perpetrated violenceon the victims. A boy even went to a game arcade that was located 200 metersaway to make sure of the punches and kicks he wanted to give (NihonKeizai Shimbum, 1995, January 4). This incident seems to have been caused byvideo game use. Although credible statistics are unavailable, itappears that recently such incidents are more common than previously. The changes in research findings and theoccurrence of violent crimes may be caused by the augmentation of effects ofvideo game use, which are in turn due to changes in the degree of realismin video games and the frequency of their use. In any case, considering thesedevelopments, some researchers are changing their minds (Sakamoto, 1999b).

Final remarks As found in the present article, although onlya few studies have been conducted in Japan, each studyseems to be fairly well constructed. For example, violent behavior has been measuredin experimental studies. In addition,some panel studies have been conducted. Theseare probably not so common in the rest of the world, and could therefore be regardedas important contributions to the research field on video games and violence. However, the scarcity of studies is problematic.At present, some unsolved inconsistencies are found between Japanese studies, leadingto unclear conclusions. This is partly due to the small number ofstudies. In addition, the quality of research is usually improved by frequentlyexchanging opinions with other research groups, but today, such exchangesare difficult in Japan, because there are only a few research groups, although the number isincreasing. It is not easy for Japanese researchers to exchangeopinions with foreign groups because of the language. Thus, severalgroups are necessary in Japan. Japan is now leading the world in the videogame industry, and therefore, it should take responsibility for issuesconcerning deleterious effects of video games. Japanese researchers should conduct many studies. Actually, theyhave a lot of advantages for conducting research in thisarea.

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First, it seems that in Japan, ethical standards for psychological research are still not as severe as in other countries such as the United States. As mentioned earlier, violent behavior has been measured directly in Japanese experimental studies. This is made possible by the generosity of the standards. Second, since the popularity of video games began early in Japan, many Japanese people are now using the games and they have accumulated experience with them. This is useful in examining the effects of video game use with survey research. If the survey sample does not include the subjects who have used video games often, it is impossible to detect the effects of the games. Third, Japan has a lot of game software companies, and therefore it is not difficult for Japanese researchers to cooperate with the companies on research projects. For example, it would be relatively easy for Japanese researchers to ask companies to make or modify software used in experiments. Many questions can be identified for future research on video games and violence. First, does video game use affect violence? Do the effects continue over time? Are the effects serious? Second, what kinds of variables moderate the effects of video game use? What kinds of games have larger effects? What kinds of use have larger effects? Third, what are the processes underlying the effects of video game use on violence? How related is the interactivity of video games to such processes? Fourth, what kinds of interventions are useful in avoiding the harmfulness of video games? And many other questions can be found. Japanese researchers should make efforts to help in answering these questions by conducting much more research than they have previously, and their possibilities for doing so are good.

Summary In Japan, since 1983 when Nintendo began to sell Family Computer, the number of sold video game machines and software has continued to increase, and the frequency of children's video game use has also increased. Nowadays, 59 percent of male elementary school students play a video game for over one hour per day on weekdays and 23 percent of them for over two hours. 20 and 6 percent of female students spend over one and two hours, respectively. Given such popularization, many people in the Japanese press have argued that children's use of video games could have serious harmful effects on their violent behavior. Before 1992, previous studies conducted mainly in the United States had not been systematically introduced to the Japanese, and therefore, even academic researchers in Japan often fervently supported arguments for the harmfulness of video games. However, after 1993, considering the findings of US research, Japanese academic researchers did not simply support the arguments. From the mid-1990's, empirical research on video games and violence began in Japan. Japanese empirical research can be regarded as unique because violent behavior has often been directly measured in experimental studies and

75 Akira Sakamoto

because some panel studies have been conducted,measuring the influence of video games over time. In these studies, thedeleterious effects of video game use on violence have sometimes been detected, and basedon this, some researchers are now beginning to believe that videogames can be harmful. Despite these studies, Japanese research is stillrare. Japan is now leading the world in the video game industry, andas such it should take responsibility for the games' possible negative effects.In addition, Japanese researchersare in a particularly good position to work on these issues, and thereforetheir work should be expanded in the future.

References Asahi Shimbun (1998, February 2). Warewareno Jinken ha, Kyoushi tachi no mikata [Our human rights?: Teachers' views]. Morning edition,p. 34. (in Japanese) Dentsu Institute for Human Studies (Ed.) (1998). Research forinformation and media society 1999. Tokyo: Dentsu Institute for Human Studies. (in Japanese) Janamoto, K. (1985). The current world of elementary school children:From the survey of elementary school children (1). The NHK Monthly Reporton Broadcast Research, 35(1), 43-58. Janamoto, K. (1990). Tired children: From the second NHKsurvey of the "Elementary School Child- ren's Life and Mind". The NHK Monthly Reporton Broadcast Research, 40(2), 2-11. Janamoto, K. (1995). Elementary school children's life and cultures:From the third survey of the "Elementary School Children's Life and Cultures". TheNHK Monthly Report on Broadcast Re- search, 45(1), 12-23. Kobayashi, K., Kimura, F., & Sakamoto, A. (1999). Causalrelationships between video game use and aggressiveness: A panel study of Japanese elementary school students.Paper presented at the third conference of the Asian Association of Social Psychology,Academia Sinica, Taipei. (in English) Kobayashi, K., Sakamoto, K., Hinokuchi, Y., & Sakamoto,A. (1998). Terebigeimu shiyou to kougekisei no ingakankei no kentou: Syougakusei ni taisuru paneru kenkyuu [Theexamination of causality between video game use and aggressiveness: A panelstudy of elementary school students]. Proceedings for the 39th annual conference of theJapaneseSociety of Social Psychology, Tsukuba University, Tsukuba, 326-327. (in Japanese) (Sakamoto, K., Sakamoto,Kobayashi, & Hinokuchi (1998) is the early version of thispaper, which was written in English.) Kobayashi, K., Sakamoto, A., Kimura, F., & Hasebe,M. (1999). Terebigeimu shiyou to kougekiseino ingakankei no kentou (2): Syougakusei ni taisurupaneru kenkyuu [The examination of causality between video game use and aggressiveness (2): A panelstudy of elementary school students]. Proceedings from the 40th annual conference ofthe Japanese Society of Social Psychol- ogy, Keio University, Tokyo, 286-287. (in Japanese) (Kobayashi, Kimura,& Sakamoto (1999) is. the early version of this paper, whichwas written in English.) Kurihara, T. (1993). Bideo geimu no syakaiteki hankyou[The social impact of video games]. In T. Sato (Ed.),Jouhouka to taisyuu bunka: Bideogeimuto karaoke [Informationization and popular cultures: Video games and Karaoke] (pp. 83-95). Tokyo:Shibundou. (in Japanese) Mori, Y. (1997). Terebigeimu no komyunikeisyon [Communicationin video games]. In Y. Hashimoto (Ed.), Komyunikeisyon gaku heno syoutai [An introductionto communication science] (pp. 184- 202). Tokyo: Taisyuukan Syoten. (in Japanese) Naito, M., Kobayashi, K., & Sakamoto, A. (1999). Terebigeimushiyou to kougekisei no ingakankei no kentou (2): Syougakusei ni taisuru paneru kenkyuu [The examination ofcausality between video game use and aggressiveness (2): A panel study ofelementary school students]. Proceed-

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ings for the 40th annual conference of theJapanese Society of Social Psychology, Keio University, Tokyo, 288-289. (in Japanese) Nihon Keizai Shimbum (1995, January 4). Kakutou gamen, rinchi de saigen [Fighting on screens realized by group violence]. Morning edition, p. 30. (in Japanese) Sakamoto, A. (1993). "Terebigeimu no akueikyou" ha hontouka?: Kougekisei to syakaiteki hutekiou nikansuru syakaisinrigaku-teki kenkyuu no gaikan [Are "the harmful effects of video games" true?: A review of socio-psychological research on aggression and social maladjustment]. In T. Sato (Ed.), Jouhouka to taisyuu bunka: Bideogeimu to karaoke [Informationization and popular cultures: Video games and Karaoke] (pp. 64-82). Tokyo: Shibundou. (in Japanese) Sakainoto, A. (1994). video game use and the development of socio-cognitive abilities in children: Three surveys of elementary school students. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 24, 21-42. (in English) Sakamoto, A. (1999a). Terebigeimu wo meguru shakai gensyou [Social phenomena related to video games]. Child Study, 53(1), 112-120. (in Japanese) Sakamoto, A. (1999b). Terebigeimu ha bouryokusei wo takameruka? [Do video games promote violence?] Child Study, 53(2), 105-112. (in Japanese) Sakamoto, A., Narushima, R., Sakamoto, K., Takahira, M., Suzuki, K., & Izumi, M. (1999). Terebigeimu asobi ga ningen no bouryoku ni oyobosu eikyou: Genjitsusei no chousei kouka [The effects of video game play on human violence: The moderating effects of reality]. Proceedings for the 63th annual convention ofJapanese Psychological Association, Chukyo University, Nagoya, 897. (in Japanese) Sakamoto, A., Ozaki, M., Mori, T., Takahira, M., & Ibe, N. (1998a). Video games and human violence: Impacts of interactivity in media. Proceedings from the Interaction '98 symposiums of the Infor- mation Processing Society of Japan, the University of Tokyo, Tokyo, 109-116. (in Japanese) (Sakamoto, Ozaki, Mori, Takahira, & Ibe (1998b) is the short version of this paper, which was written in English.) Sakamoto, A., Ozaki, M., Mori, T., Takahira, M., & Ibe, N. (1998b). Human aggression caused by virtual reality and multimedia. In H. Thwaites (Ed.), Future fusion: Application realities for the virtual age (pp. 416-421). Burke, VA: IOS Press. (in English) Sakamoto, K., Sakamoto, A., Kobayashi, K., & Hinokuchi, Y. (1998). Causal relationships between aggressiveness and various tapes of video game use in Japanese elementary school students. Paper presented at the 15th biennial meeting of International Society for the Study of Behav- ioural Development, Berne. (in English) Shiraishi, N. (1998). The important role of TV and video games in children's friendship: From the survey of the "Elementary School Children and TV '97." The MIK Monthly Report on Broadcast Research, 48(4), 2-19. (in Japanese) Yomiuri Shimbun (1999, August 11). Kasougenjitsu samayou doushin [Children's mind wandering virtual reality]. Morning edition, p. 12. Yukawa, S., Miyamoto, T., & Yoshida, F. (1999). Bouryokuteki terebigeimu ga kougekikoudou ni oyobosu eikyou: Yakuwari-douka-gata geimu to sigeki-hannou-gata geimu no hikaku: Sankasei no kouka wo kuwaete [The effects of violent video games on aggressive behavior: The comparison of role-internalizing and stimulus-responding games: Adding the effects of participation]. Proceedings from the 40th annual conference of theJapanese Society of Social Psychology, Keio University, Tokyo, 132-133. (in Japanese)

77 Computer Games and Aggression Research in Australia and New Zealand (-1998)

Kevin Durkin & Jason Low

There has been considerable interest in Australia and New Zealand in the uses of new media, especially computer games, by young people. In Australia, computer games are classified by the Office of Film and Literature Classification following guidelines similar to those employed in the classification of films, with the difference that material which would receive an 'IV in the movies (Restricted to persons over the age of 18) is refused classification in computer games (see Bedford, 1995, for a discussion of adults' rights in this context). Durkin (1995) undertook a commissioned review of the available (international) literature investigating the place of computer games in the lives of contemporary children and adolescents, considering both negative effects (such as `addiction', learning or encouragement of aggressive behaviour, impairment of family life and school performance, health consequences) and positive effects (such as cognitive and perceptuo-motor skill enhancement, heightened peer interaction, development of familiarity with computers). Durkin concluded that the research did not justify assumptions of widespread ill effects. Incidence of obsessive involvement in computer game play is low in most surveys of children's leisure time use, and there is little evidence of deleterious consequences for social life or educational progress. On the topic of aggression, Durkin stressed that there were only a small number of studies published (in contrast to the large literature on television and aggression), and that these had yielded weak or inconsistent findings. Some studies pointed to an association between arcade play and aggressiveness, but not between home play and aggressiveness; surprisingly little success had been obtained in experimental studies attempting to find greater aggressiveness following labora-

Excopt from Kevin Durkin & Jason Low (1998): Children, Media and Aggression. Cur- rent Research in Australia and New Zealand, the passage 'Computer games', pp. 111- 113, in Ulla Carlsson & Cecilia von Feilitzen (Eds.) Children and Media Violence. Year- book from the UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen 1998, Nordicom, Goteborg University.

79 75 Kevin Durkin & Jason Low

tory exposure to violent games. However, Durkin noted that most of this literature was reporting work conducted in America and Britain in the 1980s, and it remains possible that the picture could change in the light ofnew research and in response to changes in the games themselves (such as greater realism and higher levels of violence). He suggested also that there isa need for research appropriate to the Australian cultural context (for example, Australiascores lower on most indices of real-life violence than the US and thismay interact with any influence due to game content). This report resulted in some debate in the national media. Somecommen- tators have interpreted the literature differently from Durkin, and argued that "We have no proof of no harm from video games, and we havesome proof of harm" (Biggins, 1995, p. 85). Biggins argues that where researchers have failed to find proof of harm, it may be because of general deficiencies in social science research, or of sloppy methodology. Biggins holds also that the parental community is "ill-equipped to guide and take responsibility for children'saccess to video games" (p. 89) and therefore favours conservative classification of this medium. Biggins makes the general point that the information superhighway could helpfully be flagged: "Proceed with cautionchildren crossing." Most parties to this debate tend to agree that the amount of research available is limited. Since the Durkin (1995) report, somenew Australian research has been completed. Ask, Winefield, and Augoustinos (1997) drewon competition-aggression theory to argue that violent video games can elicit aggressive behaviours because of their competitive themes. Essentially, the thesis is that when placed in a competitive situation, peopleare prone to become angry, hostile and aggressive. The authors propose also, along lines similarto Huesmann (1986, 1988) and Sanson and Di Muccio (1993), that peoplemay develop from earlier experiences schemas in which competitive environments becomeasso- ciated with particular cognitions, most notably hostile and aggressivepatterns of thought. In a preliminary test with high school students, Asket al. (1997) found that children do perceive competitive situationsas more aggressive than cooperative situations. The investigators then conducted an experiment with other male and female adolescents in which participants playeda video game in pairs, such that some individuals were competing against their partner, and others were cooperating with their partner. The hypothesiswas that participants in the more competitive situation should demonstrate more aggressive responses, which were defined here as the proportion of 'kills' of adversaries on screen (computed as the ratio of kills over kills + avoidance responses). Earlier American research by Anderson and Morrow (1995), with collegestu- dents as participants, had obtained such an effect, though Asket al. saw that study as confounded because the participants gained points for 'killing'. In the Ask et al. study, the participants were not rewarded with points for killing. The participants' mean kill ratioswere virtually identical in the competitive and cooperative situations (.67 and .66, respectively). The researchers also solicited participants' evaluations of their partners, to test the hypothesis that competing against someone was more likely to evoke hostile reactions than

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cooperating with someone. No difference was obtained. Although these findings might be taken as contradicting the competition-aggression account, Ask et al. note that their participants reported enjoying the game played (Donkey Kong), found it easy and not very frustrating. Hence, the game if it is perceived as fun' rather than 'battle'may not provide an optimal test of the theory. Certainly, it does indicate that aggressive responses are not an inevitable consequence of playing competitive video games. Ask (1996) reports a variant of the experimentusing amore ostensibly aggressive game (Mortal Kombat III), with male high school students as participants (their female peers did not want to play). In this study, participants played initially in a series of trials and then, a week later, took part in a knock-out `tournament' with financial prizes at stake. The game allows the possibility of aggressive types of moves and nonviolent moves. During the trials, the winners tended to use more violent moves and during the tournament, aggressive moves increased. Ask concludes that participants 'had an inclination to produce violent moves when there was more competition'. He cautions, however, against oversimplistic interpretations that this demonstrates an effect of video games on social behaviour, and points out that the experiment does not test transfer effects (i.e., learning about the efficacy of violence in a game context which is then transferred to 'real life' contexts). His current research is addressed to this issue. (Editors' remark: For findings of the last-mentioned current research, see the article by Ask, Augoustinos and Winefield in this book.) In sum, interest in the effects of violent media content remains an active research area. Studies of children reacting to television and adolescents playing with computer games yield complex but provocative findings. Much remains to be settled about causal relations and about the meaning of aggression in these contexts, but recent studies underline the need for continuing investigation and point to new methodological developments and refinements that could usefully be exploited by other researchers.

References Anderson, C. A., & Morrow, M. (1995). Competitive aggression without interaction: Effects of competitive versus cooperative instructions on aggressive behavior in video games. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21, 10201030. Ask, A. (1996). The behavioural effect of violent video games during competition. Paper presented at the 1996 Australian Psychological Society Conference, Sydney. Ask, A., Winefield, A. H., & Augoustinos, M. (1997). Competition, aggression, and violent video games. Manuscript submitted for publication, Department of Psychology, University of Ad- elaide. Bedford, R. (1995). Contributions to 'Interactive games. What about adults?' Symposium in Regulation and entertainment media. Proceedings of the Censorship Conference, 1995. Sydney, NSW: Of- fice of Film and Literature Classification.

81 EST' COPY AVAILABLZ Kevin Durkin & Jason Low

Biggins, B. (1995). Contributions to 'Interactive games. What about adults?' Symposium in Regulation and entertainment media. Proceedings of the Censorship Conference, 1995. Sydney, NSW: Of- fice of Film and Literature Classification. Durkin, K. (1995). Computer games: Their effects on young people A review. Sydney: Office of Film and Literature Classification. Huesmann, L. R. (1986). Psychological processes promoting the relation between exposure to media violence and aggressive behavior by the viewer. Journal of Social Issues, 42, 125139. Huesmann, L. R. (1988). An information processing model for the development of aggression. Ag- gressive Behavior, 14, 1324. Sanson, A., & Di Muccio, C. (1993). The influence of aggressive and neutral cartoon and toyson the behaviour of preschool children. Australian Psychologist, 28, 9399.

82 To Kill or Not To Kill Competitive Aggression in Australian Adolescent Males during Videogame Play

Alexander Ask, Martha Augoustinos & Anthony H. Winefield'

In recent years in Australia, media debate about the potential negative effects of violent videogames, and the implementation of a stringent classification system, has been carried out with limited scientific evidence derived from the Australian context (see Durkin, 1995, and Durkin & Low, 1998, for an outline of studies from Australia). We set out to fill this knowledge gap by conducting a series of studies in a 'middle-class' Adelaide suburban high school. The first section in this article summarises information on the extent of videogame use amongst males and females, whilst the second section outlines a series of ecological studies' conducted on a self-selected sample of experienced male Mor- tal Kombat players. This series of studies examined whether a competitive situation leads to aggressive behaviour within the videogame context. They should not be interpreted as showing that videogames with competitive-violent themes cause aggressive behaviour in other social contexts. The last section is devoted to recommendations for further videogames research.

Videogame use amongst Australian adolescents There are no published data on the prevalence of videogame use amongst adolescent Australians. We conducted a survey to evaluate the extent to which adolescents play videogames across a number of different domains (e.g., personal computer and games systems at home, arcade parlour, and at a friend's house). Data for this study were collected during 1995-96. 214 high school students were given a short survey to complete during class. There were approximately 750 students in the school, that is, nearly 1/3rd of the school were sampled. The survey requested students to state the number of sessions per week that they played videogames on the personal computer and games system (e.g., Super Nintendo) at home, and at a friend's house and

83 Alexander Ask, Martha Augoustinos & Anthony H. Winefield

arcade parlour. They were also requested to estimate the amount of time they spent playing videogames during an average session. Eleven questionnaires were excluded from the data set because theycon- tained a large number of missing answers. An examination of theraw data showed that some students reported playing for 40-50 hoursper week which may have constituted over-estimations of their experience. Thus, a trim was performed on the remaining data (of 5%) in order to exclude students whomay have grossly over-estimated playing time. The estimates after the trimare conservative. The trim excluded 8 males and 2 females from the data set. Thus, findings are reported for 193 students. The responses are presented separately for males and females. A total of 108 males completed the survey. They had an averageage of 14.2 years (range = 12-17). Sixty percent of males were 14 years old or younger. A total of 85 females completed the survey. They hadan average age of 14 years (range = 12-18). Seventy-five percent of females were 14years or younger. Table 1 shows the number of sessions indicated by males and females across the four domains. Males indicated four sessions or more on the personal computer and games system, and played less than two sessions at the arcade parlour and at a friend's house, in an average week. Males spenta total number of 11.4 sessions playing videogames across all domains each week. Females also indicated an inclination towards the personalcomputer and games systems, although, in comparison to males, they reported fewer sessionsper week across all domains (of 3 to 4 times less). The pattern of average minutes across the domainswere consistent with the sessions data for males and females. Males indicated spending nearly four hours on the personal computer per week, three hourson the games system, and 20 minutes at the arcade parlour and friend's house. Total timespent playing videogames exceeded seven hours for males. Females reported spending over one hour on the personal computer, one and a half hours on a games system, and less than 10 minutes at the arcade parlour and at a friend's house. Total time spent playing videogames for females (of nearly 3 hours)was approximately half of that reported by males.

Table 1. Mean videogame play each week in several domains for males and females

Males Females Average No. Average Average No. Average of sessions minutes of sessions minutes Domain a week a week a week a week Personal computer 4.2 224.0 1.6 61.0 Games system at home 4.0 180.0 1.7 91.0 Arcade parlour 1.6 20.0 .4 7.0 Friend's house 1.6 20.0 .5 8.0 Total 11.4 444.0 4.2 167.0 n= 108 85

84 To Kill or Not To Kill

Competitive aggression: Mortal Kombat studies with male adolescents The competition-aggression hypothesis is the idea that competitive situations increase the likelihood of observing aggressive forms of behaviour, and is based on anecdotes of elite athletes, historical accounts of sports violence,academic conjecture (e.g., On Aggression by Konrad Lorenz, 1963), and people's everyday conversation. There have been a number of investigations in psychology on the competition-aggression link (e.g., Deutsch, 1949; Sherif,1967). How- ever, there has been only one study on adolescents, and there is no evidence from the Australian context. Moreover, there has been a recent spate of violence by children and adolescents (e.g., Columbine School massacre in the U.S.) which may be attributed to the way competitive environments (e.g., sports settings, schools) are structured. The studies we report in this section examine the notion of competitive aggression using a videogame task as a tool to demonstrate the link. Our research question was: Do adolescents demonstrate more simulated aggressive behaviour (i.e., within a videogame) when placed in an ecological competitive situation (i.e., a tournament for prizes) in comparison to a less competitive situation (i.e., a trial period). Participants were allmales.

Mortal Kombat 3 The videogame we used during our studies was Mortal Kombat 3, © 1995. The Australian Office of Film and Literature Classification (OFLC) has classified Mortal Kombat 3 (MK3) for Mature Audiences (MA) suggesting that the videogame "contains elements likely to disturb, harm or offend those under 15 years to the extent that it should be restricted to those 15 years and over" (OFLC, 1994, p. 7). The OFLC further writes about the MA classification: "Elements which might warrant this category would include: Depictions of realistic violence of medium intensity (e.g., impactful punches, kicks, blows and blood-shed to realistic animated characters or real-life images)" (OFLC, 1994, p. 7). MK3 is the third game in a series of martial arts simulations where two players fight against each other in the videogame. The videogame manual describes the fictitious history of the Mortal Kombat tournament: The Shaolin Tournament for Martial Arts, better known as Mortal Kombat, was, for countless ages, a noble institution that tested the metal of the very best Warriors. Years ago, the Tournament was corrupted by the evil sorcerer Shang Tsung who dared to take not only the lives of his opponents, but their very souls. Eventually, it became known that Shang Tsung was acting at the behest of his diabolical master Shao Khan, Emperor of the Outworld, who planned to claim all the souls on earth. The Champions of Earth: Liu Kang, Kung Lao, their Ancestors and others have, so far, thwarted this plan. For centuries, Earth has used Mortal Kombat to defend itself against the Outworld's Emperor, Shao Kahn. (Super Nintendo, 1996, p. 5)

85 Alexander Ask, Martha Augoustinos & Anthony H. Winefield

The player, in the context of this Tournament,chooses between 15 mortal fighters. Each fighter has basicmoves (e.g., punch, low kick, sweep). The Mor- tal Kombat manual outlines the importance ofperfecting these basic moves: "Each kontestant invited to the Tournamenthas spent years in practice and meditation to perfect his/her martial arts skills. Beforechallenging these Warri- ors in Kombat, you too, should practice the martial arts by meditatingon these lessons" (Super Nintendo, 1996,p. 17). Each fighter has unique playingmoves in addition to these basic moves. There are two types of unique playingmoves. 'Special moves' are performed by the player during a round andare executed by pressing a complex combination of buttons on the joypad. The MK3 manualsuggests that: "All of the Mortal Kombat Warriors possess expert fighting skills.In that respect, they are equal to thousands of other Warriors around the universe.What raises them above their peers are the special moves which they have created and perfected"(Super Nintendo, 1996, p. 18). These complex combinationof button presses for each fighter are obtained from videogame magazinesor from the Internet. For example, Cyrax, a fighter in MK3, releasesa net that entraps the other game character when the player presses backwards twiceon the joypad and then performs a low kick. In contrast, 'finishing moves'are executed by pressing a combination of buttons on the joypad but only after the roundhas ended, i.e., when one character has no energy or health remaining.At this point, the winning player, who is prompted by the videogameto "Finish Him (Her)", has the choice 'of performing either a violentor a non-violent finishing move. There are two types of non-violent moves, namely, babality', where thelosing fighter is converted to a baby, and a 'friendship', where thewinning fighter offers a gift to the losing fighter. Thereare two types of violent moves, namely, 'fatality', where the winning fighter kills the losing fighter, andan `animality', where the winning fighter transforms into an animal and mauls thelosing fighter to death. All 15 fighters have two different types of fatalities.Unlike special moves, thatare performed during a round in orderto move a player towards victory, finishing moves are inconsequential to the fight's outcome because theyare performed by the winning player, at the end ofa round, when the other player is defeated. Thus, the winning player has theopportunity either 'to kill or not kill' the opponent's fighter at the end of each round. Our studiesfocussed on the frequency of these killing versus non-killing finishingmoves across two types of competitive situations, i.e., low and high competition.The rationale for focussing on finishing moves instead of other playingmoves (e.g., special moves) was based on the authors' observations that the lattertype of moves are stereotyped because each player developsa style of play that is developed from hours of practice on the videogame. In contrast, finishingmoves are less stereotyped because they do not affect the fight'soutcome. The outcome measure utilised in this study (which was assumedto represent aggressive behaviour in the videogame context) is called the 'kill ratio'. The killratio was first developed by Anderson and Morrow (1995). The kill ratiois a fraction of the total number of

86 To Kill or Not To Kill

killing responses by the winning player divided by the total number of all responses (i.e., killing + non-killing finishing moves).

Experiment 1 Experiment 1 was conducted over a three-week period. All sessions were held during lunch periods. During the first week, male students, who were very skilled at iy1K3, were invited to attend an information session. It just so happened that 16 males attended this session (which was a sufficient number to conduct the tournament). During this session, the nature of the tournament was described in detail. For the remainder of the first week, informal practice sessions took place with all 16 males and the first author of this article observed their relative abilities at MK3. At the end of the week, all 16 competitors were ranked roughly from best to worst and a schedule was devised for the trial period conducted in the following week. The top four ranks were placed into four different groups (i.e., Monday Trial Group, Tuesday Trial Group, Wednesday Trial Group, and Thursday Trial Group). The next four ranks were, again, placed into the four separate trial groups, and so on, until all 16 competitors had been allocated to a trial group session. Participants were not permitted to change their fighter during the study because a strategy amongst good players is to observe what fighter their opponent has chosen for a bout and then choose a fighter who is relatively stronger (in order to maximise the chances of winning). Forcing participants to adhere to their chosen fighter prevented unnecessary debate between competitors as to who would choose their fighter first before a match. The trial groups were run during the week following the information session. When a trial group arrived on the nominated day, competitors were paired and rotated so that they played each other once only. Thus, there were six matches played over the lunch hour. Each match between a given pair was conducted as the best of three games (where a game was the best of three rounds). The remaining pair, who were not competing for the purpose of the trial, were allowed to practice MK3 in an adjacent room on another Super Nintendo games system. Competitors were told at the start of the lunch period that the trials served to rank competitors for the tournament. The trials were recorded on videotape. At the completion of the second week, when all had participated in a trial group session, participants were ranked on the basis of their performances. A tournament draw was devised based on these ranks. The tournament draw was constructed so that the top-ranked player was assigned to play the bottom- ranked player during Round 1, the second-ranked player was assigned to play the fifteenth-ranked player, the third-ranked player was assigned to play the fourteenth-ranked player, and so on, until all players were paired with another player. In addition, the draw was designed so that a high ranked player did not meet another high ranked player until late in the tournament. This meant that

87 Alexander Ask, Martha Augoustinos & Anthony H. Winefield

the top-ranked player did not meet the second-ranked player until the Final, assuming that both players progressed that far in the tournament. The tournament was conducted during three lunch periods in the week following the trials. The tournament was conducted likea tennis event. During Round 1, the first pair was escorted from the classroom intoa practice room, which was adjacent to the experimentalroom, in which the two players were allowed to practice for approximately 5 minuteson a spare Super Nintendo system. At the end of the practice session, the second pair was escorted into the practice room and the first pair, who had now ended its practice session,was escorted into the experimental room in order to competeproper. Matches were played as the best of three games (wherea game was the best of three rounds). The match was terminated when the first player reachedtwo games. Thus, if a player was leading 2 games to nil, the matchwas terminated and the losing player was eliminated from the tournament. The winning player progressed into the Quarter Final round. The third pair of Round 1was subsequently escorted from the class room into the practice room, and the second pairwas escorted into the experimental area in order to competeproper. This procedure was repeated until all pairs from Round 1 had competed in the experimental area. When Round 1 matches had ended, the same procedure was employed for Quarter Final matches. There were eight matches during Round1, four matches during the Quarter Finals, two matches during the Semi Finals, and the Final. Round 1 matches were conductedon Monday, Quarter Final and Semi Final matches were conducted on Tuesday, and the Finalwas conducted on Wednesday. The tournament was recorded on videotape. To increase the competitive nature of the tournament, matcheswere transmitted from the experimental room toa closed circuit television in the class room. The tournament attracted nearly 40 spectators for the Finalon Wednes- day. All spectators were high school students who didnot participate in the tournament. Prizes were offered to increase the competitive nature of thetournament. Losing semi-finalists were each awarded a $10 gift voucher, the losing finalist was awarded a $25 gift voucher and a trophy, and the winner was awardeda $40 voucher and a larger trophy. Competitorswere aware that they were playing for prizes at the commencement of the study.

Results and discussion Six competitors did not produce a finishingmove in the trial period or tournament situation and were thus excluded from the data analysis. Table 2 displays the kill ratios for the sample of 10 competitors who produceda finishing move in the trial period and tournament situations. Competitorsare identified as their fighter, rather than by their given name. During the trial period, theaverage kill ratio for the sample was .67 which suggests that the competitors tendedto kill their opponent's game character nearly 7 out of 10 times.In comparison, the

88 s 4 To Kill or Not To Kill

average kill ratio during the tournament rose to .84 which suggests that the competitors tended to kill nearly 8.5 out of 10 times. An examination of the kill ratios across the sample reveals that seven competitors had a higher kill ratio in the tournament relative to the trial period, two competitors had a lower kill ratio in the tournament relative to the trial period, and one competitor displayed no change at all. A one-tailed Wilcoxon Signed- Ranks test was performed on these data in order to test the experimental hypothesis that the sample would display a higher kill ratio in the tournament than in the trial period. The Wilcoxon T-statistic was statistically significant, T=2, p<.01, thus supporting the experimental hypothesis.

Table 2. Kill ratios ( %) for the trial and tournament for 10 participants during the first study

Participant's Trial Tournament (%) game character Kill ratio (%) Kill ratio

Smoke # 7/12 (58) 12/16 (75) Sindel 11/13 (85) 10/12 (83) Kabal #1 8/10 (80) 5/6 (83) Kabal #2 4/9 (44) 10/10 (100) Sonja 3/11 (27) 1/4 (25) Smoke #2 8/9 (89) 8/9 (89) Cyrax 5/7 (71) 4/4 (100) Sub Zero #1 5/7 (71) 5/5 (100) Sub Zero #2 7/8 (88) 1/1 (100) Sub Zero #3 1/2 (50) 1/1 (100)

Total 59/88 (67) 57/68 (84)

Experiments 2 and 3 A major shortcoming of Experiment 1 was the complex nature of the experimental design. A number of factors could have caused the increase in kill ratios during the tournament situation, e.g., the reward, tournament-type situation, and/or audience. We conducted two further studies that explored the potential influence of two situational factors, namely, the reward and the tournament. Experiment 2 was conducted six months after Experiment 1. The same methodology was employed except that the male students did not play for prizes and trophies. Instead, all 16 competitors were given a $5 gift voucher at the end of the study for participating in the tournament event. Ten competitors in this tournament had participated in the previous study. An analysis of these data showed that the average kill ratio during the trial period, for the 11 competitors who produced at least one finishing move in both the trial period and tournament, was .77. The average kill ratio during the tournament situation rose slightly to .83. Seven competitors had a higher kill ratio in the tournament relative to the trial period, three competitors had a

89 Alexander Ask, Martha Augoustinos & Anthony H. Winefield

lower kill ratio, and one competitor displayedno change at all. A one-tailed Wilcoxon Signed-Ranks test was performedon these data in order to test the experimental hypothesis that the sample would displaya higher kill ratio in the tournament than in the trial period. The Wilcoxon T-statisticwas not statistically significant, T=19.5. That is, the absence ofa reward failed to produce the link demonstrated in the previous study. Experiment 3 examined the idea that the link demonstratedin Experiment 1 was partially caused by thepresence of an audience. Past research from the aggression field has shown that themere presence of an audience increases the chances of observing competitive aggression, particularlywhen the audience is composed of peers (e.g., Borden & Taylor, 1973). Thetournament-type event was abandoned for this study in place of a competitive situation that contained no audience (except the experimenter). Twenty-two male students, who were proficientat Ultimate Mortal Kombat 3 (the next videogame in the series),were paired off. Pairs were of equal ability (which was determined by conducting preliminarytrial sessions). Each pair participated in a 'challenge'. The challengewas to pit each individual in the pair against the other for a $10 gift voucher. Pairs practiced for15 minutes and were then instructed that the 'challenge' period had begunin which they were competing against each other for 15 minutes. The winner of the'challenge' was the individual who won more rounds than hisopponent at the completion of the 15-minute period. The practice period actedas the baseline measure, whilst the `challenge' period was a competitive situation witha reward. Twenty-one competitors produced at leastone finishing move both during the baseline and challenge periods. During the baselineperiod, the average kill ratio was .58, whilst the average kill ratio during the challengeperiod increased to .71. Sixteen males demonstrated a higher kill ratio during the challengeperiod in comparison to the baseline, threecompetitors had a lower kill ratio in the challenge period relative to the baseline, andtwo competitors displayed no change at all. The differencewas statistically significant, t (19) = -2.68, p<.01. That is, on average, competitors demonstrateda significant increase in the tendency to kill the opponent'sgame character during the challenge period. In addition to playing in the 'challenge', competitorsin experiment 3 completed a mood-state inventory at three time periods,i.e., pre-practice period, post-practice period, and post-challenge period. The mood-stateinventory contained three scales. The scales measuredangry feelings, and negative and positive feelings. An analysis of these scalesacross the three time periods showed very little change across the sample. That is, the higher competitive aggression demonstrated during the 'challenge' periodwas not accompanied by feelings of anger or negative emotions. However, therewas an association between the eventual winners of the 'challenge' period and self-reportedfeeling states. Win- ners were more likely to report lower levels of anger and negative feelings, and higher levels of positive feelings, during thepost-challenge period, relative to losers. That is, the euphoria of winning the $10 giftvoucher was associated

90 86 To Kill or Not To Kill

with self-reports of positive feelings; however, the aggressive videogame behaviour by competitors was performed without feeling angry. Finally, we tested the underlying assumption that the 'kill ratio' measure represents 'social' aggressive behaviour by asking two teachers, who knew the competitors well, to rate each male's tendency to display aggressive behaviour towards peers and teachers in the school context. Both teachers rated each male on a 10-point scale. Each male received two aggression scores, i.e., one for aggression towards peers and another for aggression towards teachers. These data showed that the teachers' ratings of the competitors' aggression (towards peers and teachers) were significantly associated with male's baseline kill ratios derived from the 'challenge' study. That is, the competitor's tendency to kill their opponent's videogame character upon winning was associated with their aggressive behaviour at school. Males who displayed a high level of aggression towards peers and teachers were more likely to have a higher kill ratio. It is emphasised that the aggressive ratings made by teachers were not repeated through time (i.e., before and after the study) in order to measure whether competitors' aggressive tendencies changed by playing a videogame with a competitive-violent theme. Rather, teacher ratings were a validity check. They show that participant's videogame play was associated with aggressive tendencies in the 'real world', implying that Mortal Kombat play is an aggressive behaviour.

Conclusions On the basis of these studies, a number of conclusions can be drawn: 1. Australian adolescent males are more likely to display simulated aggressive behaviour under a competitive videogame situation with a reward, i.e., our findings support the competition-aggression hypothesis in a play context; 2. This competitive aggression is displayed in the absence of negative feelings like anger; 3. The competition-aggression effect can be demonstrated in a life-like tournament situation, but it can also be demonstrated in a less life-like competitive situation (i.e., without an audience); and 4. Competitors' aggressive play within a videogame (namely, Mortal Kombat) is associated with aggressive tendencies at school both towards teachers and peers.

Recommendations Australian adolescent males' high exposure to videogames may raise issues over the potential negative effects of playing competitive-violent videogames (e.g., Mortal Kombat) on competitors' social aggression. However, our findings

91 Alexander Ask, Martha Augoustinos & Anthony H. Winefield

are a far cry from these issues. We have shown that adolescents spenda large amount of time playing videogames, and that adolescentmales, who were experienced at a competitive-violent videogame,were more likely to display aggressive behaviour within the videogamecontext. We have not studied whether playing videogames with competitive-violent themescause young males either to behave more aggressively after a playing session (i.e.,short-term effects), or raises their tendency to behave aggressivelyin other competitive contexts, e.g., sports match, classroom (i.e., long-term effects). Further researchis required in these areas. Two studies thatmay be carried out include: 1. A content analysis of videogames on the Australian marketin order to explore the extent to which popular titles have competitive-violent themes;and 2. Demonstrating that videogames with competitive-violent themesincrease competitive (and even non-competitive) social aggressioninplayers over the short-term and/or long- term.

Notes 1.Research conducted by the first author under the supervision ofthe second and third authors as a part of doctorate work. Please address correspondence to Dr. AlexanderAsk, Department of Psychology, University of Adelaide, South Australia, 5005(E-mail: [email protected]). 2.Ecological study: An experimental design in which theparticipant is placed in a setting that simulates the 'real world' (e.g., a tournament for prizes) andis afforded the opportunity to behave 'naturally' (i.e., videogame play).

Further readings Anderson, C. A., & Morrow, M. (1995). Competitive aggressionwithout interaction: Effects of competitive versus cooperative instructions on aggressive behaviourin videogames. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21, 1020-1030. Ask, A. (1999). To kill or not to kill: Competition, aggression,and videogames, in adolescents. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy,University of Adelaide. Borden, R., & Taylor, S. P. (1973). The socialinstigation and control of physical aggression. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 3, 354-361. Deutsch, M. (1949). An experimental study of the effectsof co-operation and competition upon group process. Human Relations, 2, 199-231. Durkin, K. (1995). Computergames: Their effects on young people. Australian Office of Film and Literature Classification, Sydney. Durkin, K., & Low, J. (1998). Children, media and aggression:Current research in Australian and New Zealand. In: U. Carlsson, & C. von Feilitzen (Eds.). Childrenand media violence (pp. 107-124). UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violenceon the Screen, Nordicom, Goteborg University. Lorenz, K. (1963). On Aggression. Great Britain: Cox &Wyman Limited, Norfolk. Office of Film and Literature Classification (1994, July22). Computer games and images: Classifica- tion guidelines and industry code. Sydney: Office of Film andLiterature Classification (Inc. the Film Censorship Board). Sherif, M. (1967). Group conflict and co-operation:Their social psychology. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd.

92 Boys; Girls and Violent Video Games The Views of Dutch Children

Peter Nikken

Video games receive a lot of publicity nowadays, because they too represent an audio-visual medium that might contribute to violence in society. As with television, the assumption is that video games may have a greater influence on the behaviour and attitudes of children when the portrayed violence in the game is rewarded and when the violent acts are perpetrated by the heroes of the game rather than by the villains. Video games might be even more influential than television, because children are actively involved in the games as players and not just passive viewers. On the other hand, doubts are expressed about the possible effects of violent video games as well, because most games are still far from realistic. So far, scientific results have not yet led to a final conclusion. Modest correlational relations have been observed between game playing and self- and peer-reports on aggressiveness in the U.S. (Dominick, 1984; Lin & Lepper, 1987), and van Schie and Wiegman (1998) in the Netherlands found that heavy game players were rated as less pro-social. Such studies, however, do not allow us to infer causality. According to Durkin (1995), who cites several experimental studies, there is no firm evidence that playing video games leads to antisocial withdrawal. Others, however, mean that, as a whole, laboratory and survey results do suggest that game-playing, particularly playing violent games, may not be entirely benign for all players (Funk et al., 1997; Griffiths, 1997).

Violent video games more attractive for boys According to Dutch and British children's estimates of the time spent on media, playing video games amounts to about half an hour per day (Van der Voort et al., 1998). This figure, however, does not apply equally to boys and girls. As a rule, boys spend more time playing video games and are more fond of playing such games than girls are. According to Beentjes, Kruse and Vooijs (1995), the higher proportion of personal computers or video game consoles in house-

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9. Peter Nikken

holds with boys is not the sole reason why boysare more apt to play video games. Comparing boys and girls who have access to thesame hardware for video games at home, boys in the Netherlandswere still found to play more often and longer than girls did. It is surmised that the higher attractiveness of videogames among boys may in part be explained by the content of video games. Most games dorepre- sent an aggressive and competitive male culture, rather thana culture that is adapted to girls' interests. In addition, thereare more male characters in video games than female characters, providing girls less possibilities for identification (Provenzo, 1991). Support for this assumption is given by severalstudies in which it is found that girls prefer non-violentor fantasy-violent video games, whereas boys are more apt to like violentgames (Spanhel, 1987; Funk, 1993; Griffiths, 1997; Wiegman & van Schie, 1998). Cantor (1998) proposes several reasons why children choose violentmedia, e.g., they are looking for arousal; theywant to feel empowered; such media products are interesting because theyare forbidden; children want to witness their own aggressive behaviour; or they wantto cope with fears in their own lives. In addition, it is assumed that boys like violent mediamore, partly because gender-specific behaviour is biologically determined, but alsobecause boys and girls each derive their social status and identity fromviolent media (Goldstein, 1998). This means that boyscan feel more at ease when watching a violent movie or playing an aggressive videogame and thereby fulfil their role as 'being tough'. The social expectations for girls, on the other hand,are that they should not be tough, but rather vulnerable. Not liking violentmedia gives them the opportunity to fit in.

What do children think of (violent) video games? A problem in most studies on violence in videogames is defining what constitutes violent and non-violent games. Most studies relyon adult experimenters or experts to define video games as violent or non-violent. Wiegman and Van Schie (1998) in the Netherlands, for example, askedan editor of a video game magazine and two toyshop managers to classifyas aggressive or non-aggressive several games mentioned by children. Unfortunately, littleis known about what children themselves think about videogames. Do they also think in terms of violent and non-violent games? Do they feel that playingvideo games may be harmful to them? And does sucha feeling have an effect on their likes and dislikes for video games? In addition, it isnot known whether children, and in particular boys, like to play video games because of the violentcontent of the games, or just because of the action. As a matter of fact,very little is known about the 'ingredients' that, in the eyes of boys and girls, makea good video game.

94 Boys, Girls and Violent Video Games

What children like about video games When reading semi-popular books on video games and children, or reports aimed at informing parents about video games, one does encounter several game features that video game experts and educators see as important for the popularity of video games among children (Greenfield, 1984; Selnow, 1984; Spanhel, 1987; Provenzo, 1991; Beierwaltes, Grebe & Naumann-Braun, 1993; Fehr & Fritz, 1993; Funk et al., 1997; Valkenburg, 1997). In a content analysis conducted on features mentioned by video game experts and educators as being important for children's liking or disliking a video game, we found that most of these game features could be categorised in terms of thirteen types of standards for video games. Three types of standards primarily deal with violence, i.e., video games are fun to play because they 'contain action', 'contain aggression', and 'are exciting'. The other video game features children 'should' like, according to the adults, could be categorised in standards such as: 'contain beautiful graphics', 'have good audio', 'are fast', 'are difficult and challenge perseverance', 'give the possibility to improve oneself, 'provide possibilities for identification', 'are educational', 'give possibilities for self-control', 'provide possibilities to compete with others', and 'stimulate curiosity'. Whether children themselves endorse these features as reasons for liking video games has never been systematically investigated. So far, only a couple of studies have been conducted in which children or teenagers are asked why they like to play video games. Two of these studies, both conducted in the Netherlands (Kruse, 1992; Wiegman et al., 1995), used an open-ended question asking children aged 10 to 14 years what they like about their favourite games. Afterwards, the researchers classified the answers into distinct types like: 'tension', 'entertainment or diversion when you are bored', 'excitement', 'providing variation', 'possibility to improve yourself, 'containing action, fighting and winning', 'providing identification and self control', and 'possibilities for exploring and learning'. Other studies have been conducted in the U.S. Again, the researchers defined the types of preferable game characteristics, but now before the data were collected. Malone (1981) rated 25 games on ten dimensions that he as a researcher thought were likely to affect the games' motivational value. The study, performed with boys and girls from a private elementary school ranging from kindergarten through eighth grade, showed that the most important feature determining game popularity was that 'the game had a goal'. Other features that correlated with game popularity among the children were: 'computer keeps a score', 'audio effects', and 'randomness involved in a game'. By means of a questionnaire, McClure and Mears (1984) asked high-school students why they played video games, whereas Griffiths (1997) posed the same question to children aged 11 years at a summer camp. The main reasons reported with fixed-choice items were: 'challenge', 'fun', and 'escape outside pressures'. Fi- nally, Barnett et al. (1997) presented high-school and college students between 15 and 19 years of age with a list of statements tapping their attitudes towards video game features. These statements provided by the researchers were then

95 iiiEST COPY AVAIBTABLE Peter Nikken

clustered into fifteen characteristics, of whichmost coincided with the game features mentioned above.

The views of Dutch children on videogames To shed more light on what children themselves think about videogames, we have conducted an exploratory study (Nikken, de Leede& Rijkse, 1999). We were specifically interested in whether the video game features put forward by adult experts in the literature,or those found among high-school students, would also be seen in the views of children. In addition,we wanted to know if boys and girls differ in their viewson these features for video games, e.g., do boys prefer features like aggression, action, and competition,whereas girls prefer humour, comprehensibility, and education?Next, we established how boys and girls in the Netherlands value playing with videogames in their leisure time and whether they see video games as more appropriate for boys than for girls. Finally, we also wanted to know how boys and girlsvalue specific video games and if they make a distinction between violentand non-violent games. The study was conducted among 152 boys and 143 girlsin grades four to six at two primary schools situated in two small cities in thecentre of the Netherlands. The children ranged in age fromseven to twelve years (mean age was 9.3 years). Children's views on playing video games were measured using a paper and pencil questionnaire pertaining to the research questions involved in the study. Children answered the questions in their classrooms.

Attractiveness of playing video games Almost all children in the sample indicated that they regularly playvideo games; only 4 per cent of the children said they hadnever played a video game. Actually, of ten possible leisure activities, playing videogames proved to be the most attractive for children (see Table 1). As compared to girls, boys reported playing video games significantlymore often, and gave significantly higher ratings to playing video games in their leisure time than girls did. Girls,on the other hand, were significantlymore fond of playing round games, drawing or doing handicraft activities, reading books, and playinginstruments, than boys were.

Appropriateness of video games for boys and girls Although girls expressed less liking for playing videogames than boys did, and also said that they played them less often than boys did,girls did not indicate that video games are specifically for boys. On thecontrary, all girls said that playing video games is equally appropriate for both girlsand boys. A majority of the boys also felt that gamescan be played by both girls and boys. A fair

96

Q Boys, Girls and Violent Video Games

amount of them (21%), however, believed that video games are 'just for boys'. This view was expressed significantly more often by younger boys.

Table 1. Appreciation of ten leisure activities by boys and girls (mean ratings)

Leisure activity Boys Girls Totai

Playing video games 8.97 7.51 8.26*** Playing outdoors 7.84 7.70 7.77 Doing sports 7.74 7.68 7.71 Watching television 7.69 7.65 7.67 Playing round games 6.98 7.73 7.34* Listening to music 7.01 7.42 7.21 Drawing/doing handicraft 6.05 8.04 7.02 *** Reading books 5.32 7.52 6.39 *** Reading comics 6.41 6.23 6.32 Making music 5.31 6.01 5.65* n= 152 143 295

Note: Scores varied from 1 (minimal appreciation) to 10 (maximal appreciation). Asterisks indicate whether there are significant differences between boys and girls:the chance that the difference is not significant is 5 out of 100; *** the chance that the difference is not significant is 1 out of 1000.

Evaluation of video games We asked children to rate sixteen specific video games on a ten-point scale (where 1 means 'I don't like it at all' and 10 stands for 'I like it very, very much'). As expected, each video game was evaluated significantly more often by boys than by girls, and more often by older children. On average, boys evaluated 7.7 games, whereas girls evaluated only 3.6 video games. By means of a statistical technique (principal components analysis) applied on the ratings given to the video games, it was found that children tend to make a similar distinction between types of games as adults generally do. Four video games that adult experts have classified as violent games (Streetfigbter, Doom, Mortal Kombat, and Killer Instinct) were also seen as a distinct type of game by children, and six games labelled by adults as non-violent (Marioland, Supermario, Supertetris, Pinball, Duck Tales, and Donkey Kong) also clustered as a distinct type of game according to the children's evaluations. The remaining six games involved in the study could not be interpreted as belonging to a specific type, probably because they were rated by a minority of the children. In accordance with former studies, we too found that violent video games were rated significantly higher by boys (mean rating 7.8; n = 45) than by girls (5.7; n = 7). Non-violent games, on the other hand, were rated significantly higher by girls (mean rating 8.1; n =17) as compared to boys (6.9; n = 55).

97 Peter Nikken

Standards for video games To find out whether boys are more fond of playing with violentgames because of the violence portrayed, we first wanted to know if childrensee aggression as an important ingredient. Therefore, we asked the boys and girls for their views on the importance of 30 different game features, some of them associated with aggression. Using a five-point scale, the children indicated for each featureto what extent they thought the feature should bepresent in a game. All features were taken from the literature mentioned above. Again using principal components analysis, the featureswere clustered into distinct types of standards for video games. The following five standards (with the comprising features within parentheses) could be formed: 1. Challenge (it makes you curious about how thegarne proceeds; it makes you curious about what will come next; you don't know what will happen next; a lot of things happen; it gets harder all the time; there are different levels); 2. Aggression (it contains a lot of blood; it containsa lot of fighting; it contains action; it is spooky); 3. Control (it lets me decide what happens; it letsme play better than my friends; everything proceeds as I want it to; Iget more and more points); 4. Technique (it makes beautiful sounds; it contains funny sounds;it goes fast; it has pace); 5. Instructiveness (it is educational; I can learn things from it). The five standards for video games were identified inan analysis applied to the scores of boys and girls combined. Separate analyses for boys and girlswere conducted as well. For girls a solution was found thatwas highly similar to the one for boys and girls combined. The solution for boys was also similar to the combined solution, although the standards 'instructiveness' and 'technique'were part of the same cluster. In addition, the standard 'challenge' proved for boysto consist of two separate clusters that could be labelledas 'unpredictability of the game' and 'difficulty of the game'. The standard 'aggression'was defined by the same four features in both analyses for girls and boys, indicating that they both saw action and fighting, blood and spookiness as aggressive features.

Importance attached to the standards `Challenge' was considered the most important videogame standard of all. The importance children (boys and girls combined) attachedto each of the other four standards (`aggression', 'control', 'technique', and 'instructiveness')did not differ significantly, indicating that childrensaw these four standards as equally important for video games. With respect to the importance attached by boys and girls separately, significant differenceswere found (see Figure 1). As compared to girls, boys felt significantly stronger that videogames should provide

98 Boys, Girls and Violent Video Games

'a challenge' and 'possibilities for self control'. In addition, boys felt particularly strongly that video games should contain 'aggression', ranking this standard second. Girls attached very little importance to the standard 'aggression', which resulted in it being placed at the bottom of their ranking of the standards.

Figure 1.Importance attached to five standards for video games by boys and girls (mean scores)

Standard ChallengewwimmimmiummaTI Instructiveness1111111IiI

Technique

Control

Aggression I I

2 3 4 5 Importance

IBoys Girls

Note: Scores varied from 1 (entirely unimportant) to 5 (very important).

Does aggression enhance the pleasure of playing video games? In order to find out if an aggressive content makes it more fun to play video games, we looked at the relationship between the importance children attached to the five standards, on the one hand, and the extent to which they liked to play video games in their leisure time. By means of a multiple regression analysis we determined which standards predicted a child's pleasure in playing a video game. We found that children who like to play video games more than others, were significantly more interested in being challenged, in being in control, and in aggressive content. These relations, however, were not the same for boys and girls. For boys, the appreciation of playing video games was significantly predicted by the standards 'challenge' and 'aggression'. In other words, boys prefer to play video games more if the games provide a challenge for them and if they contain aggressive features like blood, fighting, action and spooky elements. Among girls, the pleasure of playing a video game depended significantly on the standards 'instructiveness' and 'control', indicating that girls are more apt to play if the games allow them to learn and to decide the course of the game.

99 9 5 Peter Nikken

Conclusion The purpose of our exploratory studywas to gain more insight into the deter- minants of appreciation of video games for boys and girls agedseven to twelve years. The results of the study indicated that playing video games is a highly appreciated leisure time activity in the Netherlands, although boysare far more fond of it than girls are. Boys, specificallyyounger ones, also tended to see video games as somewhat more appropriate for them than for girls, and they were familiar with more video games. This, however, does not mean that girls had no interest in video games at all. On thecontrary, all girls said that video games are just as appropriate for them as for boys, indicating that gamesmay have the potential to attract girlsas much as boys. From the ratings children made of a list of specific games, it also became clear that girls do like video games, especially those that are not violent per se. Boys, on the other hand, preferred games that may be classifiedas violent. In our study, the extent to which boys and girls liketo play video games in their leisure time could be related to five types of standards that children dis- cerned for video games. The most important ingredient ofa video game was the extent to which a 'challenge' is offered. In theeyes of children, this standard encompassed the element of unpredictabilityas well as encountering difficulties when bringing the game toan end. 'Challenge' proved to be more important than all other standards for both boys and girls. Especially for boys, `providing a challenge' was also a significant predictor of theirappreciation of playing video games. A second standard was 'instructiveness', whichmeans that children want to learn from video games. 'Instructiveness'was the least important standard for boys and did not contribute to their pleasure in playing videogames. For girls, however, 'instructiveness' was the secondmost important standard and was also a significant predictor of their appreciation of playing videogames. Another standard that boys and girls found equally important forvideo games dealt with 'technique'. The standard 'technique' encompassed features like interesting sounds and a high pace. But neither for girlsnor for boys did the standard 'technique' contribute toa child's appreciation of playing a video game. Finally, two standards 'control' and 'aggiession' were both seen as more important by boys than by girls. The standard 'control' included actively deciding which course a game takes,as well as being able to compete with playmates or with the computer. In other words, childrensaw it as important that video games meet and stimulate their feeling ofcompetence. However, the standard 'control' was in particular for girls alsoa predictor of their appreciation of playing video games. The standard of 'aggression' implies thata video game should be spooky and that it should contain lots of blood, fighting, andaction. Thus, contrary to what some experts surmise, in the eyes of children, action andaggression belonged to one and the same standard. In addition, 'aggression'was also different from the standard 'challenge'. The standard of'aggression' was the

100

ri o Boys, Girls and Violent Video Games

second most important standard for boys and the least important for girls. In fact, girls preferred the absence rather than presence of this element. For boys, `aggression' was not only an important standard, it was one of the two significant predictors of their appreciation of playing video games (besides 'challenge'). Boys that were more fond of playing video games were more often to be found among children who expected a game to contain aggression than among children who didn't like violence in a game.

Acknowledgement Iam grateful to my colleagues Natalie De Leede and Christa Rijkse for obtaining the data for this study.

References Barnett, M. A., Vitaglione, G. D., Harper, K. K. G., Quackenbush, S. W., Steadman, L. A. & Valdez, B. S. (1997). Late adolescents' experiences with and attitudes toward video games. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 27, 1316-1334. Beentjes, J., Kruse, C. & Vooijs, M. (1995). Computerattitude en computergebruik in de vrije tijd: Verschillen tussen jongens en meisjes [Computer attitudes and computer use in leisure time: Differences between boys and girls]. Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Opvoeding, Vorming en Onderwijs, 11, 32-47. Beierwaltes, A., Grebe, B. & Naumann-Braun, K. (1993). Indizierte Computerspiele Markt und Spieler [Indicated video games Market and players]. In T. Ernst, W. Fehr, J. Fritz, & S. Hiegemann (Eds.) Computerspiele [Video games]. Bonn, Germany: Graphischer Grossbetrieb Possneck. Cantor, J. (1998). Children's attraction to violent television programming. In J. H. Goldstein (Ed.), Why we watch: The attractions of violent entertainment (pp. 88-115). New York: Oxford Univer- sity Press. Dominick, Y. R. (1984). Video games, television violence, and aggression in teenagers. Journal of Communication, 34, 136-147. Durkin, K. (1995). Computer games. Their effects on young people: a review. Sydney: Office of Film and Literature Classification. Fehr, W. & Fritz, J. (1993). Videospiele in der Lebenswelt von Kindern und Jugendlichen [Video games in the world of experience of children and youngsters]. In T. Ernst, W. Fehr, J. Fritz, & S. Hiegemann (Eds.) Computerspiele [Video games]. Bonn, Germany: Graphischer Grossbetrieb Possneck. Funk, J. B. (1993) Re-evaluating the impact of video games. Clinical Paediatrics, 32, 86-90. Funk, J. B., Germann J. N. & Buckmann, D. D. (1997). Children and electronic games in the United States. Trends in Communication, 2, 111-125. Goldstein, J. (Ed.). (1998). Why we watch: The attractions of violent entertainment. New York: Oxford University Press. Greenfield, P. M. (1984). Media and the mind of a child: From print to television, video games and computers. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University. Griffiths, M. (1997). Computer game playing in early adolescence. Youth & Society, 29, 223-237. Kruse, C. (1992). Mam, ik heb nog zeven !evens! Kind en computer in de vrije tijd [Mom, I have another seven lives! Children and computers in leisure time]. The Netherlands: Leiden Univer- sity.

101 Peter Nikken

Lin, S. & Lepper, M. R. (1987). Correlates of children'susage of video games and computers. journal of Applied Social Psychology, 17, 72-93. Malone, T. W. (1981). Towards a theory of intrinsicallymotivating instruction. Cognitive Science, 4, 333-369. McClure, R. F. & Mears, F. G. (1984). Videogame players: Personality characteristics and demographic variables. Psychological Reports, 5, 271-276. Nikken, P., de Leede, N., & Rijkse, C. (1999). Game-boysen game-girls: Opvattingen van jongens en meisjes over computerspelletjes [Game-boys and game-girls:Views of boys and girls on video gamesl.Utrecht, the Netherlands: Stichting JeugdinformatieNederland. Provenzo, E. F. jr. (1991). Video kids: Making sense of Nintendo. Cambridge,MA: Harvard University Press. Selnow, G. W. (1984). Playing video games: the electronicfriend. Journal of Communication, 34, 148-156. Spanhel, D. (1987). Jugendlichen vor dem Bildschirm [Young peoplein front of the screen]. Weinheim, Germany: Deutscher Studien Verlag. Valkenburg, P. M. (1997). Vierkante ogen: Opgroeienmet TV& PC [Square eyes: Growing up with TV & PCs]. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Balans. Van der Voort, T. H. A., Beentjes, J. W. J., Bovill, M., Gaskell, G.,Koolstra, C. M., Livingstone, S., & Marseille, N. (1998). Young people's ownership anduses of new and old forms of media in Britain and the Netherlands. European Journal ofCommunication, 13, 457-477. Van Schie, E. G. M. & Wiegman, 0. (1997). Children and videogames: Leisure activities, aggression, social integration, and school performance. Journal ofApplied Social Psychology, 27, 1175- 1194. Wiegman, 0., & Van Schie, E. G. M. (1998). Videogame playing and its relations with aggressive and prosocial behaviour. British Journal of Social Psychology,37, 367-378. Wiegman, 0., Van Schie, E. G. M., Kuttschreuter, M. W. H., Boer,H., Breedijk, A. Ph., & Wiedijk, C. H. M. (1995). Kind en computerspelletjes: Relaties met vrijetildsbesteding,agressie, sociale integratie en schoolvaardigheden [Children and video games: Relationships withleisure time activities, aggression, social integration, and school performance]. Enschede, TheNetherlands: University of Twente.

102 13IEST CO Fir AVMLABLE New med'a" n" Yew"elvuil9People in Sweden

Peter Petrov

This article presents figures from an inquiry with 17-year-olds strategically chosen from 12 schools in Stockholm, the capital of Sweden. The focus of the inquiry was young people's use of IT and other media. Two aspects are emphasized heredifferences between girls' and boys' use of IT, and Internet as a source of knowledge and information. The data collection was carried out as group inquiries during school hours in the autumn of 1999. The sample is, thus, not representative, which means that, according to statistical theory, the results cannot be generalized to a larger population. The aim of the study is to find patterns of correlation between the respondents' use of computers and Internet, on the one hand, and other activities and values, on the other. It is hoped that such correlations could serve as an empirical frame for more fundamental explanations of the growth and impact of the new media. The answers to most of the questions have been measured with interval or ordinal scales, which means that analytical methods presupposing such data, for instance Pearson's correlation coefficient and factor analysis, can well be used, as they are here. The figures commented upon in the text have also been controlled for in terms of the impact of other known background variables, not least those that are unevenly distributed in the sample; the results discussed in the text are, thus, independent of these variables.

IT and gender Considering that some years ago many researchers questioned Internet's importance and potential for growth, it is interesting to note that about 3/4 of the respondents have access to Internet in their homes and that all have access to it in the school. It should be further stressed that more than 90 percent have computers in their homes, most often purchased during the last 2-3 years. How- ever, a considerably larger proportion of the boys has a computer of their own. Based on two other questions not presented here, we can conclude that the

103 Peter Petrov

boys have generally been connected to the Net in their homes longer andhave started using it earlier than the girls. Itseems that the presence of a male teen- ager has often been the decisive factor for the family's acquisition of Internet and other advanced IT-equipment. It is much more likely that boys consider themselves well informedon IT- questions in general and Internet's different fields of application in particular. Almost two-thirds of the boys (as compared to barelyone third of the girls) thought that they were the family members who best mastered IT.A considerably larger proportion of the boys also hasa TV-play station of their own (Dia- gram 1).

Diagram 1.What kind of computer equipment is available inyour household? ( %) The vertical lines indicate every 20'h percent of the respective group

men women Working computers L._ two or morel. one111111 Modem i CD-ROM Loudspeakers for the computer Printer Internet connection TV-play station Video Cable TV or satellite TV Car radio Video camera Digital camera

Own computer Own modem Own CD-ROM Own loudspeakers for the computer Own printer Own Internet connection Own TV-play station Own TV set Own video Own mobile telephone Percent young people saying that in their household they are the most frequent computer users Consider him/herself.... very fairlyMEM not particulary familiar with computers well informed about Internet

Moreover, boys are more likely to possess IT-equipment andto have access to an Internet connection of their own; in addition they have better self-confidence when it comes to IT know-how. Thissuggests that they more often have a pronounced interest in IT in general and Internet in particular, something that is reflected in the frequency and duration of theiruse of these media. The gender differences are striking, especially interms of IT-use in the home and

104

110 New Media and Young People in Sweden

with friends. In these situations, boys utilize computers and Internet much longer than girls (as a rule, the frequent users run computers and Internet during longer intervals per occasion). The relation between the sexes is more equal as regards use of IT at school (Diagram 2).

Diagram 2. How often do you run... ( %) The vertical lines indicate every 20" percent of the respective group

men

Computer at home

Computer at school

Computer at library, public place

Computer at friends' houses

Computer at other places

Internet at home

Internet at school

Internet at library, public place Internet at friends' houses

Internet at other places 1 I I 1 I 1 1 1-3 times/month === 1-2 days/week 3-5 days/week 6-7 days/week

We asked the respondents a number of questions about the character of their use of IT and Internet. From the next diagram, Diagram 3, it appearsthat computers are used most often, and by most of the young people, for writing school assignments, for Internet, for computer games, and as a substitute for the CD player. The boys dominate in terms of the three latter uses, but there is no substantial difference between boys' and girls' answers when it comes to school assignments. The differences between the two groups are minor also regarding a number of other 'smaller' useswriting text for personal purposes, using reference books or textbooks on CD-ROM, calculators and statistical programs (Excel is the most frequently used program in this respect) and to some extent also for scanning and designing of pictures. Moreover, it should be mentioned that there are significantly more boys who program or make their own music data files, even though they are a small proportion of the respondents. The figure to the left of the bar in each row in Diagram 3 shows Pearson's correlation coefficient, which in this and the following examples in this section indicates the strength of the correlation between gender and the variable presented in each row.

105 BUT COpy Peter Petrov

Diagram 3.When you run computers, how oftendo you usually do the following things? (%) The vertical lines indicate every 20'h percent of the respectivegroup

men women Play other computer games -.438 Listen to music -.434 Develop computer programs -.332 Play network games -.320 I I I Use Internet -.301 Other use -.261 Make own music files -.239 Create and edit moving pictures -.229 Create own music -.187 Draw/design pictures and the like -.172 Use statistical programs -.114 Use calculator(s) -.109 Scan pictures -.050 Use reference books, manuals on CD-ROM .088 Write text for personal use.078 Write schoolwork.071 Run other mathematical programs.049 often NMI now and then

As seen in the following diagram, Diagram 4,many popular areas of Internet application are dominated bymendownloading music files, computerpro- grams or other files from the Net, as well asuse of ICQ or IRC. However, more girls than boysespecially if one considers teenagers with Swedishparents have declared an active participationin chat groups. E-mail as a medium for personal contact is the most populararea of application for both sexes. More than 80 percent of the respondents havereported having an e-mail address of their own. A large proportion of theyoung people states that they often search information in databases. It should be mentionedthat database searching occurs more seldom among girls of foreign origin. Many results from our study suggest that, foryoung people, music is the most attractive aspect of Internet. Other analyses showthat surfing to music groups' home pages and the like is about equallyfrequent among boys and girls. But the boys are muchmore likely to visit and use MP3's and Winamp's sites. Furthermore, it appears that boysare somewhat more likely to visit the sites of public authorities and politicalparties, whereas girlsto the same extent as boys visit sites containing entertainment information,celebrities' homepages and also sites of the dailypapers. From the diagrams shown earlieras well as from other surveys, it is evident that boys are generally muchmore frequent users of computer games andmore often have a TV-play station. In orderto illustrate this relationship more satis- factorily, we asked a special question aboutthe respondents' preferences fora number of specific games. Diagram 5 showsthat video- and computergames are overall a 'male thing', even if more girls than boys likesome genres, such as `fashion and design', 'educational' and'puzzle' games.

106 New Media and Young People in Sweden

Diagram 4.When you run the Internet, how often do you usually do the following things? ( %) The vertical lines indicate every 20th percent of the respective group

men women Download music from the Internet-.597 Download computer programs-.578 Download other files from 'the Net'-.568 Use ICC/-.404 Make home pages-.306 Do business, buy things-.249 Watch moving pictures-.227 Listen to radio programs via Internet-.225 Read comics on the Internet-.217 Search information in databases -.210 Use IRC-.204 Visit 3D environments-.186 Watch TV on the Internet-.166 Read newspapers on the Internet-.165 Order tickets (cinema, concert)-.163 Participate in news groups-.136 Participate in discussion forums-.123 Participate in role-playing-.106 E-mail for schoolwork-.100 Engage in reading mailing lists-.079 Participate in chat groups .038 Phone via Internet .029 Use e-mail for personal contacts.000 often now and then

Diagram 5. What kind of computer- or video games do you like most? ( %) The vertical lines indicate every 20th percent of the respective group

men women

Action-.583 Sports -.497 Other simulation games -.492 Strategy -.473 Racing -.473 Flight simulation -.468 Arcade -.465 Network games -.451 3D Shooter -.450 Role playing -.285 Adventure -.228 Fantasy -.200 Puzzle.032E Educational .126 Fashion & Design .201I

The fact that boys and girls make use of computers and Internet to different extents and, in many respects, in different manners, should not be surprising. Recent as well as previous research shows that there are many activities in 'real life' that could be designated as 'male' or 'female'. Moreover, the field of technology has traditionally been reserved for men, that is to say, created and used

107 103 BEST COPYAVAILABLE Peter Petrov

mainly by men. Since IT andInternet are male creations, one couldpresume that their design and contentare marked by masculine activities, values and interests. An indirect proof of thisstatement is the answers to a question asking respondents to evaluate different qualities ofIT using a number of adjectives. These responses show that the boysin our study were more likely to perceive IT technology as fun, exciting andcomfortable, whereas girlswere more likely to experience it as trying. The quantitative and qualitative differencesbetween boys' and girls'presence in virtual reality also reflect more general differencesin young people's values and behavior in the 'real' world.Our survey shows, in accordance with many earlier studies, that girls in Sweden make muchmore extensive use of books, whereas boysmore often watch video and read the comics. We should stress that while TV remains the largest medium,boys more frequently spend their time with the Internet than withradio. There are also huge differences withrespect to young people's interest in several types of content in the traditionalmedia. Here again, we finda larger proportion of boys showing interest in topicssuch as technology, cars, electronics, and in sports and TV-action (Diagram6). They also havea marked preference for some music styles, suchas hard rock and heavy metal. Girls, on the other hand, are muchmore likely to report that they like drama fiction, coverage of celebrities, soaps, talk shows and,not least, programs and articles about fashion and beauty (Diagram 6).They also prefer softer music styles. Furthermore, the girls have givenmore responses indicating that it is important that the media takeup welfare topics (such as gender equality, healthcare, education, school policy, environmentalquestions, child care, and family policy).

Diagram 6.What content do you like most inpapers/magazines/on the radio/on TV? ( %) The vertical lines indicate every 20th percent of therespective group

men wome Fashion and beauty.555 Drama series .474 Coverage of celebrities .420 Soaps .295 Talk shows .289

Technique -.566 Cars and motors -.562 IT, electronics -.560 Sports (on the radio)-.382 Sports (in TV) -.357 Action series -.329 MEMO

The differences between thesexes also recur in the young people's leisure activities. Girls appear to be muchmore likely to occupy themselves with writing diaries, beautycare, trying on and buying clothes, and doing different

108 104 New Media and Young People in Sweden

household activities, such as interior decoration, cooking, sewing and the like. In accordance with their interests, boys devote themselves to a higher degree to cars and motors, fishing, competitions and other sporting events, playing billiards, darts, etc. (Diagram 7).

Diagram 7. How often do you usually...(%) The vertica! !Ines indicate every 20th percent of the respective group

Write letters, diaries .582 Occupy yourself with beauty care .534 Knit, sew and the like .374 Occupy yourself with interior decorating .320 Bake, cook.279

Buy or try on clothes .231

Tinker with cars, motors -.422 Gamble on pools, lotto and the like-.371 Visit sporting events-.367 Play billiard, darts and the like-.351 Go hunting, fishing-.340 Build, do joinery or repairing work -.279 A few times/year 1-3 times/month ,===. About once a week Several times/week

Much has been written about Internet as a source of knowledge and information. Diagram 8 shows the proportion of respondents in our study that has used Internet for searches within some 30 areas. Since boys are generally much more diligent Internet users, it is not surprising that they search informationon entertainment, general knowledge or for practical usewithin most of the areas more frequently. The gender differences are valid especially for different kinds of computer and technical information, for sports and not least for pornography. Only three girls (out of 134) mentioned that they have checked Net porn at all, whereas almost 60 percent of the boys acknowledged that they do so at least now and then, and one-fifth often or always. Although these results might be expected, they are worth mentioning, since men are the principal producers and users of pornographic content in the traditional media as well. Considerably more boys than girls have also indicated that they seek financial information on the Internet, not least when it comes to stocks, bonds and the like. It is, on the other hand, worth pointing out that there are no significant differences between boys and girls concerning searches within several fields associated with entertainment and pleasure, as well as within a number of

10:5 109 Peter Petrov

domains of social relevance, suchas history, geography, politics, education, etc. We could further mention that newsprincipally information about trips, public entertainment and filmis also searched on the Net by bothsexes.

Diagram 8. How often do you use the Internet for searches when itcomes to... ( %) The vertical lines indicate every 20th percent of the respectivegroup

men women Public entertainment Info about radio or TV programs Trips 2.s:H.M Traffic information Cinema Fashion and beauty Music Food, drinks News Weather

Relations and sex Pornography Info about computer games IT-questions Cars, motors NW Outdoor life, adventures il1=; Prices of products and services Sports Stocks, bonds and the like 11.1 Other economical info 1111:;:i

History Literature Politics Geography Natural science Theatre Education/courses often IMO now and then

Internet and knowledge In the preceding diagram, the grouping of the informationareas searched on the Internet has been obtained bymeans of factor analysis conducted on the correlations between the respondents'answers to the separate question items. The fact that certain items have been sorted into thesame group indicates that there is a factor, a statistical variable, thatunites themcorrelates with them and thus largely explains the variation in theanswers to the original questions. It also means that persons with highscores for a given factor are more likely to search information within several domains sortedunder or otherwise correlated with this factor, and viceversathe lower score a person has fora factor, the lower the probability that (s)he searches informationwithin the fields fall-

110 106 New Media and Young People in Sweden

ing under this factor. This relationship is illustrated in Diagram 9, where two groups are comparedthose 20 percent who most often and those 20 percent who (almost) never search relevant societal information on the Internet (SW. SII includes history, politics, literature, natural science, geography, education and theatre, as well as (to some extent) economic information and news knowledge fields that are associated with the legitimate economic, scientific, symbolic, etc. capital of the society.

Diagram 9.How often do you use the Internet for searches when it comes to... ( %) The vertical lines indicate every 20'h percent of the respective group

Comparison between persons who most often share of the 20% share of the 20% and seldom/never search societal info on the Internet with highest value with lowest value

Public entertainment Info about radio or TV programs Trips Traffic information Cinema Fashion and beauty Music Food, drinks News Weather

Relations and sex Pornography Info about computer games IT-questions

Cars, motors Outdoor life, adventures Prices of products and services Sports Stocks, bonds and the like Other economical info

History Literature Politics Geography Natural science Theatre Education/courses often MI now and then

The correlation between the SII factor and the above-mentioned variables is illustrated in the lower part of Diagram 9 above. Here, as well as in the following presentation, the respondents are divided into two groupsthe 20 percent with the highest and those with the lowest SII scores. It seems as though access to Internet per seat home and at schoolis not decisive for people's searching habits within these fields of knowledge; it is worth stressing that persons

111 107 Peter Petrov

with low SR scores have computers anduse Internet at least to the same extent as the high SII score group. Both groups are similar also with respect to their general interest in computers, electronics and other technicalissues. This is also valid for many entertainment items and for privatecommunication, which, as earlier mentioned, are IT's most popular domains amongyoung people. There are small differences between thegroups also regarding use of search engines (Altavista, Yahoo, etc.) and other portals,as well as when it comes to surfing to friends' and celebrities' homepages. It is, on the other hand, not surprising thatpersons who often search relevant societal information on Internet are much more likely to surfto sites with corresponding content, such as the web sites of morningpapers, government authorities and not least political partiessites that are practically not visited at all by the low SII-score group (Diagram 10).

Diagram 10. Do you usually visit the following siteson the Internet? (We) The vertical lines indicate every 20th percent of the respectivegroup

Comparison between persons who most often and share of the 20% share of the 20% seldom/never search societal info on the Internet with highest value with lowest value

Morning papers .111 Other papers on the Net

Public authorities' home pages Political parties' home pages The site of the [Swedish] Board of Education often No now and then r=1

Pupils from elite schools, whose parents have completedhigher levels of education or belong to the higher occupationalgroups, are strongly overrepresented among teenagers who use the Net for acquiring societal information. And these young people also have a strong affinity to corresponding content in the traditional media (public debate, politics, culture, science,etc.), a behavior that corresponds to much greater interest in most of the sciences andrelevant societal issues, particularly global political and economicissues (for examples, see Dia- gram 11 and 12a).

112 108 New Media and Young People in Sweden

Diagram 11. How interested are you in the following sciences? (0/0) The vertical lines indicate every 20th percent of the respective group

Comparison between persons who most often and share of the 20% share of the 20% seldom/never search societal info on the Internet with highest value with lowest value Literary studies Art science Philology Philosophy Psychology History Economy Sociology

Computing science, electronics Other technical sciences

Chemistry Physics Mathematics Astronomy Medicine

Biology Astrology Archeology

Diagram 12a.What content do you like mostin papers/magazines/on the radio/on TV? (0/0) The vertical lines indicate every 20th percentof the respective group

Comparison between persons who most often and share of the 20% share of the 20% seldom/never search societal info on the Internet with highest value with lowest value

Politics and social issues (in papers) .431 I I Current social issues (on the radio) .382 I I Culture (in papers) .381 I News (on the radio) .376 I I Scientific content (in papers) .361 Public debate (on TV) .347 I I I I I News (on TV) .343 I I Culture (on the radio) .333 I I Science (on TV) .314 [I I I I

Culture (on TV) .269 I I

The figure to the left of the bar in each row in Diagram 12a above shows Pearson's correlation coefficient, which in this and in the following examples in this section indicates the strength of the correlation between the SII-factor and the variable presented in each row. Nevertheless, the two groups are very similar when it comes to the most popular entertainment genres (Diagram 12b).

113 int Peter Petrov

Diagram 12b.What content do you like most in papers/magazines/on the radio/on TV? ( %) The vertical lines indicate every 20th percent of the respective group

Comparison between persons who most often and share of the 20% share of the 20% seldom/never search societal info on the Internet with highest value with lowest value

Music (on TV) .086 Music (on the radio) .050

Horror films .082 Other feature films .066 Thrillers .026 Crime series .023 Soaps .023 Action series-.034 Comedies (long films) .009 Sitcoms -.051

The two extreme groups are also very different in a number of respectscon- nected to 'socially more legitimate' cultural taste and activities. The inclination to search societal information on Internet correlates strongly with the respondents' interest in classical music and jazz (Diagram 13), as well as with several leisure activities such as discussing political topics, going to the theatre, visiting art exhibitions, museums, etc.activities that are also much more usual among the adult elite of society. .Furthermore, these young people are muchmore likely to use the print media fiction, factual study books, morning papers (Diagram 14).

Diagram 13. What kind of music do you like most? ( %) The vertical lines indicate every 20th percent of the respective group

Comparison between persons who most often and share of the 20% share of the 20% seldom/never search societal info on the Internet with highest value with lowest value

Opera Classical symphonies, chamber music I I Classical 'light' i Folk music I I I Musicals I I I Jazz I Troubadour music I I

114 0 New Media and Young People in Sweden

Diagram 14. How often do you usually... ( %) The vertical lines indicate every 20th percent of the respective group

Comparison between persons who most often and share of the 20% share of the 20% seldom/never search societal info on the Internet with highest value with lowest value

Discuss politics .375 Go to the theatre .377

Gu iu art exhibitions, museums .328 Go to concerts (classical music, opera) .325

Read imaginative literature .375 Read factual books .345 Read morning papers .295 Read weekly/monthly magazines/publications .249

Note: For meanings of the upper set of staples, see Diagram 7; for meanings of the lower set of staples, see Diagram 2.

The last diagram presented here, Diagram 15, deals with the respondents' experienced importance of five given media when it comes to 'knowledge and information' and 'entertainment, pleasure', respectively. The findings provide an interesting ground for discussing Internet's informative function. It is worth mentioning that TV is in a class by itself and the largest entertainment medium for the young people in spite of the fact that the most popular fields of Internet are associated with pleasure and distraction. On the other hand, it is evident that Internet is experienced as the most important source of knowledge and information among boys, whereas books are the most popular medium among girls in this respect. Bearing in mind that Internet is singled out as the most important source of information to an even higher degree among boys who are least interested in and (almost) never ac- quaint themselves with relevant societal informationprovided by new as well as old mediait is legitimate to deliberate the possible ambiguity of the concepts of 'knowledge' and 'information'. It seems that the meaning of these words varies across different persons. Correspondingly, since the tendency to search news on Internet correlates more strongly with a number of entertainment items than with relevant societal information, we might ask what 'news' means for different teenagers. In-depth analyses and follow-up studies can give a clearer insight into these questions. However, in the short-run, it could be difficult to determine whether the different interpretations of the notions of 'knowledge' and 'information' represent a `normal' condition that could be explained by age, other socio-cultural and life style variables or whether the changing media situation in Sweden during the 1990's has contributed to this variability. The growth of Internet as a major medium has been preceded by the establishment of a multiplicity of radio and TV-channels for which advertisement is

115 I 1 1 Diagram 15. Which of the media in the list are most important for ...knowledge and information? you when it comes to...... entertainment, pleasure? Girls -I Girls -r -r , Internet TV Internet TV r I Boys Radio Books Newspapers and magazines Boys Radio Books Newspapers and magazines Internet I Internet I 1- -I Radio Books Newspapers and magazines Radio Books r r Newspapers and magazines Notes: The curves/surfaces on each diagram show the correlation between the choice of the respondents' favorite media and the SII factor. The respondents have been ME Most important I: Second most important MN Most important L.;:4._1 Second most important sorted along the horizontal oftenwhoaxesIn almost accordingsearchthe diagrams, never societal to theirsearch the information scores vertical societal on lines onthe information the SIImark Internet.factor. the onpercentThe The Internet) higher horizontal of boys scoreare placedand linesa person girls indicate on who thehas extreme areeveryon thispart 25th factor ofleft. thepercent The the cumulative scoresfarther of the tofor respective groups the each right point(counted the group. areperson roundedfrom the offright) by consistingsliding mean is placed and vice versa of 20, 50 and 80 percent of all respondents who most values. persons with the lowest SII scores (i.e., those 1 49I it; New Media and Young People in Sweden

the essential information domain. Public service radio and TV (without advertising), upon which the Swedish population was dependent some decade ago, seem, on the other hand, to have marginal importance for the teenagers of todayboth as sources of knowledge and of pleasure.

Conclusion The survey figures presented here show that Internet has become very popular among the Stockholm teenagers in our survey. But only a small proportion of the respondents make use of the medium as a source of societal information (defined as history, politics, literature, natural science, geography, education, theatre and to a significant extent also economy). This result per se does not mean that the Net is unsuitable as a platform for enlightenment and debate in the democratic sensea platform hoped for by many politicians and other debaters. One objection might be that the persons in our study are too young to devote themselves to knowledge and activities related to societal information. We should not forget that Internet is also a young medium and, according to most experts, in the near future it will experience essential changes that could concern not only its 'physical' aspects, but also its content and functions. More- over, the future shape of Internet is largely dependent on people's representations of the medium. It is, thus, important to examine what factors are decisive in this respect. In sum, the large differences in the teenagers' use of computers and Internet not least in terms of IT's concrete functions and type of media content depend primarily on factors other than access to IT equipment (which is relatively equally distributed) and do not support the notion that Internet as a medium contributes to increased democracy. Corresponding differences exist in the young people's use of other media, leisure activities as well as cultural and other values, which in their turn could be derived from socio-cultural variables, including the socially constructed gender. Such variables are of more decisive importance for people's dispositions and habits and better explain their interests and activities, including the extent and the direction of their IT- use as well as their engagement in political issues.

117 113 It Isn't Real Children, Computer Games, Violence and Reality

Birgitte Holm Sorensen & Carsten Jessen

In 1999, an investigation was carried out in Denmark, dealing with children's use of violent computer (and video) games. The central question was: What significance does the interaction in violent computer games have for children's fascination with the media and for potential influences, and how do these influences differ from those that children are exposed to through TV, film and video? In relation to this it has been examined whether this fascination is linked to the actual act of playing games, the social situation surrounding them and/or to their violent elements.' The investigation in question employed qualitative methods such as in- depth interviews and observations; the children's statements and actions form the basis for analyses. The purpose was to understand the children's formation of meaning in relation to the computer games. The aim, in particular, was to uncover what significance the interaction between children and computer games has for children's understanding of violent elements and for the relationship between fiction and reality. A total of 31 children participated in the interview investigation. They were interviewed as well as observed at leisure time institutions or at home. The group consisted of 9 girls and 22 boys between the ages of 5-17. In addition, 17 boys were observed at an Internet café where they played in small groups. Finally, 4 children, aged 15-17, were observed and interviewed while playing network games at a weekend computer camp. Thus, more boys than girls took part in the investigation, the reason being that, among older children, boys spend more time on computer games than girls do.

Findings The investigation shows that, for many children, the fascination with computer games is closely tied to the actual act of playing. Competition, challenge and achievement, also known from traditional games, are of crucial importance par-

119

4 Birgitte Holm Sorensen & Carsten Jessen

ticularly for the boys. It is especially significant for thechildren that computer games offer them considerable influence over the course of thegame through the game's interactive nature. Interactionpromotes the challenge, as the player can experience a game as a course of events with no foregone conclusion. The challenges of computer games are enhanced by the factthat they, as a rule, demand that the player practise and develop skills, whichis per se a positive quality for many children. The social aspect of playing computergames is another essential reason for the children's interest. This aspectcan be seen in relation to the actual act of playing. Children prefer to play computergames along with other children. On the one hand, it promotes experience andexcitement, for example in relation to competition and challenges. On the other hand, the socialaspect per se has an independent significance for children. Children can socialise around the computer. Computer games generate friendship and socialevents, and computer games can be cultivated as a common interestan interest that often goes beyond the playing itself. The social situation surroundingthe computer constitutes a sort of 'social magnetism' that attractsmany children. The social aspect and the play assume a special dimension withrespect to network games where the players can challenge each otherat Net cafés or at home. In these connections, action games with violent elementsseem to be the type of game preferred. Children's fascination with violentcomputer games cannot be understood without considering the above-mentionedaspects. The violent elements fasci- nate some children, but this fascination should not be mistaken fora fascination with violence in the real world. On thecontrary, all children in the investigation repudiated real-life violence. The violent elementsin computer games are attractive as spectacular effects, but also because theyprompt excitement and thrill. Computer gamesare, thus, in line with genres known from the film industry: action movies, animation, thrillers and horrormovies. Computer games have inherited the content of violence froma cultural tradition within fiction, as well as genre features, such that spectacular effectsare emphasised. Generally, these effects contain an element of exaggeration,which is fully recognised by children. In relation to this, the act of playing violentcomputer games can be seen as a parallel to the violent and 'rough' play traditionally foundamong boys. Generally, the social situation playsan important role for all the children. However, it varies from child to child how much thefascination with computer games ties to the act of playing or to the depicted violence. Most oftenit is a question of interplay between two of three factorsmentioned here. In the investigation, an important pointwas to assess how children distinguish between fiction and reality andto establish whether they are able to account for this distinction. The children in the investigation, includingthe youngest who were five years old, are fullyaware and can account for the difference between computergames as fiction and computer games as reality. A reason for this is that all computergames belong to a genre in which the

120 115 It Isn't Real

indication of the fictitious is distinctive of the genre and takes the form of exaggeration compared to reality. Another reason has to do with the graphic expression of the games. It is also important that this exact feature, which is usually described as a problem in relation to violent computer gamesthe fact that the player himself must conduct violent deedsactually makes children aware that their actions take place in a fictitious universe. For children, computer games are in fact 'games' with their own rules. From an early age, they are aware that these rules do not apply outside the realm of the gamrie, with the exception that children can include elements and rules from the games in their play. This is in accordance with knowledge concerning other pictorial media, which often also inspire children to play. Computer games with powerful violent elements may mean that children get scared and have nightmares. Although they get scared, many of them keep playing and seek out new games with action and violence. These are often the types of games that children prefer, and the experience of thrill and excitement is attractive to them. Computer games that depict extreme violence in great detail can frighten the youngest children and those who do not have a clear awareness of the game's genre. Here there is a difference between girls' and boys' attitudes towards violent computer games. Girls dismiss the violence in computer games to a larger extent than boys do. But children do not see computer games as particularly anxiety-provoking compared to, for instance, movies and fiction on TV and video. The children judge violence on TV, film and video to be much worse, more violent and realistic than violence in computer games. All the children who were interviewed told of apprehension related to watching a movie (this does not only apply to actual violent movies). But not everyone reported anxiety-provoking experiences connected to playing computer games. This leads to an essential point which has to do with the difference between identifying with movies and with computer games. Identification is of central importance in relation to many movie experiences where the viewer feels and experiences along with the movie's characters. The psychological level of involvement in relation to the fictitious characters is of a different character when it comes to computer games. In the games, the characters do not react emotionally like they do on film. They are, as a rule, conventionalised types without a (distinct) identity. In computer games, one does not find actual depictions of character that the player can identify with in the same way as in a movie. Thus, the identification with computer games is not as strong as with movies. The above discussion points to the fact that computer games should not be regarded as a development of the movie genre. Although certain genre characteristics are taken from film, playing computer games does not lead to a sort of intensified movie experience. It is a question of another type of excitement and experience that is more closely related to game and play experiences than to fiction genres, such as film or, for that matter, literature. One can say that, for many children, the experience and excitement of playing computer games are more intense than the experience and excitement of other types of games be-

121 1 I. 3 Birgitte Holm Sorensen & Carsten Jessen

cause of the interaction and the visual and graphic space that appealto children's sensuous experience. The identification is ofa different character than that associated with TV, film and video. Playingcomputer games leads to an active identification that is usually linked togames and play.

Note This investigation was conducted for the Media Council of Childrenand Adolescents, The Ministry of Culture in Denmark.

122 Perceptions of Video Games among Spanish Children and Parents

Ferran Ca sa s

Until recently, video games had only been an object of research interest in Spain because of their possible negative effects on children. However, other research approaches have developed lately. The line of research we will introduce here began with a few simple questions, mainly two: a) What are the most important different perceptions of video games among children and adults? b) How do adults use video games as a topic to communicate with children? An exploratory research project was conducted with a sample of children and parents from five different schools in the city of Barcelona. An ad-hoc questionnaire was designed in order to pose the same questions to children and then to their parents on separate occasions. Some questions dealt with the parents themselves, others with their perceptions of, or attributions assigned to, the child on whom the questionnaire was focused. Fathers alone answered 28 per cent of the questionnaires, mothers 49 per cent, and 23 per cent were answered by both parents. The children were 11 to 14 years old. A total of 183 pairs of valid questionnaires were obtained52.5 per cent referred to boys and 47.5 per cent to girls. The most outstanding result is that 44 per cent of the parents with children who play video games, never play these games with the child and never speak with him/her about them. 30 per cent of the parents sometimes play video games with the child, and sometimes speak about them. 16 per cent of the parents speak about the games, but never play them, and 10 per cent sometimes play the games, but never speak about them. Parents who play video games with their children do have different perceptions of the games in comparison to those who do not play, and they have more positive patterns of communication with their children about that activity. A set of questions was posed to parents and children about emotions, self- control, fantasy-related thoughts, preferences, and social relationships when playing video games. A few additional questions referred to the utility of playing video games and other opinions about them. Some discrepancies among parents and children have been identified in these regards.

123 Ferran Ca sa s

Three discrepancies are particularlyinteresting: Parents disagree more frequently than their child with thestatement "the child plays to forget problems" (Figure 1). Parents agreemore frequently than their child with the statement "playing video games is a waste of time" (Figure2). And children clearlysay they "prefer video games when there is fightingand war", while their parents disagree with the statement that their child prefersthose kinds of games (Figure 2). The first and second of these discrepanciesdo not appear in the sub-sample of children not playing regularly, but the thirddoes even in that case.

Figure 1.Emotions when playing videogames

Square:(c) I get anxious to play with video games again. (p) My child gets anxious to play with boys 9 video games again. 0 Triangle: Irmomm (c) When I must stop playing I often get very angry. 4 (p) When my child must stop playing he/ she often gets very angry. Circle: (c) I enjoy video games very much. (p) My child enjoys video games very much. girls 41; Invested(c) I feel more aggressive after playing ip 111011 triangle: certain video games. 111111 (p) My child feels more aggressive after playing certain video games. 1,0 2,0 3,0 4,0 50Rhomb:(c) I like playing video games to forget problems. total disagreeement total agreement (p) My child likes to play video games Note: (c) Reported by the child (empty figures), (p) Attributed by the parent to forget problems. (full figures). The squares, triangles, etc., indicatemean scores of answer values. The length of the bars indicates the standard deviation ofanswer values. When the children's and parents' bars do not overlap, the difference is significant. Figure 2.Perceptions of video games

Square:(c) Video games are useful for learning things. (p) In my opinion, video games are use- iir ful for learning things. boys 171.. Triangle:(c) When you play video games, you get better reflexes and more skills. (p) In my opinion, when one plays video 011.1. games, one gets better reflexes and more skills. Circle: (c) I believe playing video games is a waste of time. (p) I believe playing video games is a girls waste of time for my child. 4.JFclx0 Invested(c) I like video games better than most 0111M triangle: other games. (p) My child likes video games better than most other games. Rhomb:(c) I prefer playing video games to watch- 1,0 2,0 3,0 4,0 5 0 ing television. total disagreeement total agreement (p) My child prefers playing video games to watching television. Note: (c) Reported by the child (empty figures), (p) Reported/attributed by Arrow to(e) I like video games best when there the parent (full figures). The squares, triangles, etc., indicate mean scores the right: is fighting and war. of answer values. The length of the bars indicates the standard deviation of (p) My child prefers video games when answer values. When the children's and parents' bars do not overlap, the difference is significant. there is fighting and war.

124

119 liEST COPYAVAILABLE Perceptions of Video Games among Spanish Children and Parents

These discrepancies are statistically significant when we compare the answers of boys with the answers of fathers or mothers referring to their boy, but they do not reach significance when we compare answers referring to girls.' As a consequence of these results, we have started data collection with a larger sample and more extended questionnaires for parents and their children in order to explore their feelings and opinions as concerns all audio-visual media: television, computers, video games, the Internet. We already have a Questionnaire sample of more than 2000 "couples", and we plan to develop a cross-national comparative analysis with the support of Childwatch Interna- tional. This analysis will include data from Norway, India, Brazil, Japan and Thailand.

Note 1. A more detailed analysis of our results will be published in I. Hutchby & J. Moran-Ellis (in press) Children, Technology and Culture. Falmer Press.

125 V Violent Elements in Computer Games An Analysis of Games Published in Denmark

Lisbeth Schierbeck & Bo Carstens

In light of the discussion of a possible Danish system for classification and labelling of computer and video games, the Media Council for Children and Young People at the Danish Ministry of Culture commissioned a study of all such games published in the country during 1998. The aims of the study were, among others, to analyse the content with regard to violence and to analyse the different types of game distribution.' This article deals with the violent content. The study found that 338 titles were published in Denmark during 1998. Eighty-one per cent of these are computer games for a PC, 24 per cent video games for Playstation and 7 per cent video games for Nintendo 64. (Games for playing exclusively online on the Internet were excluded from the study.) The 338 titles fall into ten main genres. As seen from Table 1, action games and simulators are the two largest genres, together comprising almost half of all titles.

Table 1. Games by genre ( %)

Action 30 Simulators 17 Sports 13 Strategy 13 Children 9 Adventure 8 Cards and backgammon 3 Edutainment 3 Role playing 2

Puzzles, riddles, and the like 1

N= 338

127 Lisbeth Schierbeck & Bo Carstens

The distribution of genres is different forcomputer and video games. For instance, some genres in the survey exist only as computer games (children, adventure, cards and backgammon, and edutainment). Another differenceis that, among video games, the actiongenre is proportionally much more dominant than among computer games, especially among Playstation videogames.

Games with violent elements The definition of violence used in the study is broad actions only slightly related to striking and shootingare also included. According to this definition, slightly more than half of the titles (53%) containsome violence. The proportion of games withsome violent elements varies greatly between different genres (Table 2). In particular, actiongames, strategy games and simulators contain elements of violence; thesegenres constitute nearly 60 per cent of the published titles. All role-playing games also contain violent elements but these games are few in number.

Table 2. Games with violent elements, % of each genre

Number Of which contain of games elements of violence ( %)

Action 103 86 Simulators 56 54 Sports 44 9 Strategy 44 89 Children 32 6 Adventure 28 32 Cards and backgammon 11 0 Edutainment 10 0 Role playing 8 100 Puzzles, riddles, and the like 2 0

All games 338 53

The kinds of violent actions also differ greatly between differentgenres. Strat- egy games are characterised by decision-making and steering of unitson a tactical and strategic level, usually involving little closecontact with the opponents. Simulators are characterised largely by learning to technicallymaster a given panel of instruments, and thesegames are also chiefly of a tactical and strategic nature. In action games, however, the player is often directly involved in close fighting with or shooting at the antagonists, whoare often human beings. Table 3 shows that when thereare violent forms of action, human beings are typically the victims, followed by "machines" and other things, whereas animals and monsters are seldom the objects.

128 Violent Elements in Computer Games

Table 3. "Victims" of violent actions, 0/0 of all games

Human beings 32 "Machines" 23 Others 22 Animals 8 Monsters 8 Total 53

N = 338

Note: The percentage sum of kinds of victims is larger than the proportion of games containing violent elements, since a single game may contain several kinds of victims.

Table 4 indicates that the most frequent forms of violent action are rule-based actions (that is, actions related to the rules or logic of the game, for instance, aimed at objects, flying saucers, or the like, but normally not at living beings), followed by tactic or strategic use of power. In all, close fighting or shooting is seen in one-sixth of all games.

Table 4. Forms of violent actions, % of all games

Rule-based actions 31 Tactical steering of units 21 Strategic use of power 19 Close fight 18 Shooting 16 Total 53

N = 338

Note: The percentage sum of violent forms of action is larger than the proportion of games containing violent elements, since a single game may contain several violent forms of actions.

There are "often" violent forms of action in one-sixth of all games (56 titles). "Occasional" violent action is more common (Table 5).

Table 5. Frequency of violent elements, % of all games

Seldom 3 Occasional 34 Often 17 Total 53

N = 338

129 Lisbeth Schierbeck & Bo Carstens

As seen in Table 6, there is relatively little blood in games with violent elements. Most such games contain "no blood". Six per cent of all games contain "much blood" (20 titles) or "mutilation" (1 title). Titles containing much blood are most often action games, but a few belong to the genres of strategy, role- playing and adventure.

Table 6. Details of violence, % of all games

No blood 32 Camouflaged 9 Some blood 7 Much blood 6 Mutilation (0,3) Total 53

N = 338

The complex of violence Even if there are violent actions in many of the games, these actionsare often aimed at more or less impersonal "things" (machines, etc.) and basedon the inherent logic or rules of the game, in connection with tacticor strategic steering. Moreover, there is seldom blood in the game. On the other hand, there is obviously a group of games in which violence is salient. Typically, thesegames contain a high degree of details and frequent use of violent action, and the forms of actions represent close fighting and shooting. These forms of action are also usually aimed at human beings (or possibly at monsters). Overall, 17 games (5%) of the 338 registered show such a combination of different violence criteria that they can clearly be judgedas containing a considerable amount of violence. Table 7 presents the games in question:

130 Violent Elements in Computer Games

Table 7. The games with most violent elements

Title Main category

Blood II, The Chosen Action Cardinal Sin Action Carmageddon II, Carpocalypse Now Action Commandos Strategy Die by the Sword Action Fallout 2 Role playing Half-Life Action Heretic II Action Lands of Lore 2 Role playing Police Quest SWAT 2 Strategy Quake Action Resident Evil 2 Action Tenchu, Stealth Assassins Action The House of the Dead Action Turok, Dinosaur Hunter Action Unreal Action Wargasm Action

Note 1. The full report Gennemgang of computerspil, udgivet i Danmark i 1998 [Survey of Computer Games Published in Denmark in 1998] by Lisbeth Schierbeck and Bo Carstens, 1999, is available on the web site: www.medieraadet.dk (in Danish)..

131 1Ark0r*"' Classifications of Interactive Electronic Media

Jan Christofferson

With the rise of interactive electronic media, such as video- and computer games, national content legislation has become increasingly scarce, due in part to the fact that the forms of distribution defy traditional territorial borders. The Internet, where many games are available, is the most apparent example. Another reason for the relative scarcity of national legislation on interactive electronic games is that they are fundamentally different from traditional media, for example, film and television, in that: their content must be unravelled in an active process. their content can also vary depending on the player, her/his skill and familiarity with gameplay, etc. video- and computer games tend to be massive; certain games can take days, even weeks to complete. These factors make the classification process extremely time-consuming and place high demands on the persons doing the classifying. Some countries have included video- and computer games in their traditional film classification and related legislation, one example being Australia, but these countries are in the minority. Australia has incorporated mandatory classification of all video- and computer games games that are refused classification may not be distributed at all in Australia. If a person should be found guilty of publicly selling or demonstrating a game that has been refused classi- ficationeven on a small scalehe or she could spend up to two years in prison. If he or she sells a "commercial quantity" of such a game, a ten-year sentence is possible. (For Australian classification of electronic games, see further the articles by Ask et al. and by Durkin & Low in this book.) However, Australia's regulated censorship and restrictive legislation in this respect must be considered an exception. Most countries where electronic games have a wide distribution seem to have adapted to the various industry and non-

133 Jan Christofferson

profit organisations that supply content rating globally. There isa multitude of classification providers with varying incentives and motives for theiractivity. The US has a tradition of strong non-profit organisations basedon certain interests. The US is also leading the development of on-line filtering and computer game classification. As for Japan, the leading country of the world in the industry of video games, classification started only recently. In 1997, the Computer Entertainment Software Association (CESA), a large Japanese organisation for the video game software industry, produceda code for voluntary restraint of harmful software and decided to demand that companiesnot sell software that violated the code unless the contentsare modified. In September 1999, CESA also started labelling software products withsevere violence (see further the chapter by Sakamoto in this book). Due to the fact that few countries have a national content rating system and that the games are distributed globally with few variations regarding theirac- tual content, this text will look at the well-knowngames and the rating symbols appearing on them. Most popular games have more thanone classification system represented on their packaging. This is an overview of the most prolific classification organisations in the US and Europe:

ESRB (Entertainment Software Rating Board) Based in:USA Type of organisation:"the ESRB is an independent board that has, with thesup- port of the industry, developed a standardized rating system for interactive entertainment software products" (ESRB's website at: http://www.esrb.com, Feb- ruary 2000).

INILT CHU Ed

:HI r u Type of symbols: Ft Et Comments:The ESRB classification system is one of the most ambitious and extensive appearing on the market today. In addition to symbols indicating the appropriate consumer ages in relation to content, the system includes "content descriptors" regarding violence, language, sexualcontent, gaming (i.e., "bet- ting"), use of tobacco and alcohol,use of drugs, informational (i.e., "educational") material and "edutainment". These content descriptorsare rated in several steps depending on the level of explicitness andamount of, e.g., sex or violence. The ESRB classifications appear on many of the most populargames on the American and European markets.

134 1 27 Classifications of Interactive Electronic Media

USK (Unterhaltungssoftware SelbstKontrolle) Based in:Germany Type of organisation:"The USK is an institution for voluntary self-regulation in the entertainment software industry under the joint responsibility of the Asso- ciation for the Support of Young People and Social Work (fjs) and the Associa- tion of Entertainment Software in Germany (VUD)" (USK's website at: http:// www.usk.de, February 2000).

Type of symbols: Comments:USK utilises simple symbols like ESRB, but instead of using additional content descriptors, all information deemed relevant is incorporated into the symbols. USK claims to cover 90 percent of the sales in PC entertainment software in Germany. In any case, its symbols frequently appear on games for sale in Europe and certainly on those in Germany.

ELSPA (Entertainment Leisure Software Publishers Association) Based in:Great Britain Type of organisation:Self-regulation body similar to USK. It is a voluntary industry-based organisation.

(old)

(current)

Type of symbols: Comments:ELSPA has the highest penetration of all classification organisations in Europe, and its symbols can be found on most games distributed there. The ratings relate only "to the content of the product and its viewing suitability, not its playability or difficulty" (VSC's website at: http://www.videostandards.org.uk, February 2000. VSC, The Video Standards Council, co-operates with and acts as a "father organisation" for ELSPA).

135 4,"2, 4, 0. 131E COPY AVAILABLE Jan Christofferson

ELSPA has also become the guiding classificationsystem for some Euro- pean countries, among others Denmark and Sweden. In thecase of Denmark, it was recently decided that no additional national ratingwould be implemented, due to the fact that ELSPA's classification symbolsappear on most of the games distributed in Denmark.

MDTS (Multimedia, Dator- och TV-spel) Based in:Sweden Type of organisation:union of publishers, producers and distributors of multimedia, computer games and videogames in Sweden.

Type of symbols:

Comments:MDTS has only national penetration thus far and they followELSPA's ratings.

BBFC (British Board of Film Classification) Based in:Great Britain Type of organisation:"The British Board of Film Classification isan independent, non-governmental body, which forover eighty years has exercised responsibilities over the cinema which by law belong exclusivelyto the local authorities" (BBFC's website at: http://www.bbfc.co.uk, February2000).

Type of symbols:

Comments:The BBFC is an organisation similarto the MPAA in USA, i.e., it is a non-governmental body, but hascome to function as the national standard in film classification and legislative implementation.In addition to film and video classification, the board also supplies ratings forcomputer games. The BBFC ratings have a considerable penetration inEurope and their symbols can be found alongside ELSPA's on manygames distributed in Europe.

136

12 EST COPY AVAIL& )1,1F, Classifications of Interactive Electronic Media

A multitude of labels As can be gathered from this overview, video/computer games often have more than one rating symbol on the packaging. This can be very confusing if the ratings do not match. Considering that the video- and computer games market is relatively "young", this will probably change in the future. Certain classification systems will grow and others will disappear, resulting in a more stable and reliable situation for the consumer. There is little indication of countries applying national legislation in this respect; instead they seem to prefer self-regulation on the part of industry.

130 137 Pornography and Sex in the Media Effects of Sexual Content in the Media on Children and Adolescents

Ellen Wartella, Ronda Scant lin, Jennifer Kotler, Aletha C. Huston & Edward Donnerstein

In the United States, media effects have been demonstrated for many aspects of social behavior, including aggression, social stereotyping, prosocial behavior, and social attitudes. Effects of television violence have been studied extensively, and most social scientists agree that exposure to violent television has a causal effect on aggressive behavior (cf. Comstock, 1991; Huston et al., 1992). By contrast, the effects of sexual content have received relatively little attention from researchers. Despite only a small body of evidence supporting a link between sex in the media and children and adolescent sexuality, there are strong theoretical reasons to believe that media can play an especially important role in the socialization of sexual knowledge, attitudes and behaviors. The purpose of this article is to review what is known about the relations of entertainment media to sexual development during childhood and adolescence in the United States. First, we examine what sexual content is available to children in entertainment media in order to understand what types of portrayals may influence sexual development. Second, we briefly review a number of theoretical frameworks in which to approach the study of media effects on sexuality. We then present what is known about the link between media and sexuality based on experimental and correlational studies. Fourth, we consider moderating influences that affect how children respond to sexual content. We conclude with a discussion of the inherent difficulties in doing research on media effects on child and adolescent sexuality.

Sexual content in the media Children watch a great deal of adult programming, and there has been a steady increase in the frequency and explicitness of sexual content on broadcast television. Young people have access to a much wider range of video content as

141

:2 Ellen Wartella, Ronda Scant lin, Jennifer Kotler, Aletha C. Huston & EdwardDonnerstein

well as to other entertainment media than they didin the early 1980s. Many of these portrayals show glamorous,young individuals with whom many children and adolescents are likely to identify. Young peoplein this age range often name media figures as the people whom they would like to emulate. Finally, the United States has not movedvery far toward providing sex education or other sources of sexual information foryoung people, leaving them to get sexual information largely frompeers and mass media. Most researchers who examine sexual content in the media haveconcen- trated on entertainment television, particularlyprime-time programming, soap operas, and music videos, but, in recent years, they have expandedto other genres and other media, including talk shows, magazines, advertising, film/ movies, and news. Definitions of sexual content include verbalreferences to sexual activity, innuendo, implied sexual activity, and visualpresentation.

Prime-time television and soap operas Studies of prime-time television andsoap operas have demonstrated that over the last 20 years, references to heterosexualintercourse have increased and have become much more explicit (Kunkel, Cope, & Colvin, 1996).In a recent content analysis of all network prime-time programs,more than two-thirds of the programs contained either talk aboutsex or actual sexual behavior with an average of more than 5 scenes per hour (Kunkel et al., 1999). Despite the increase in sexual content, the "messages" have remained relativelyunchanged: (1) Sexual behavior typically takes place betweentwo adults who are not married to each other (Greenberg, Graef, Fernandez-Collado,Korzenny, & Atkin, 1980; Lowry & Shidler, 1993; Sapolsky, 1982; Sapolsky& Taber let, 1991). (2) The potential consequences of sexual intercourseare rarely addressed; pregnancy, contraception, and sexually transmitted diseases are generally absent from character dialogue and portrayalsare superficial when they are discussed (Greenberg & Busse lle, 1996; Kunkel, Cope, & Colvin, 1996;Lowry & Shidler, 1923; Lowry & Towles, 1989a, 1989b; Sapolsky & Taber let,1991). In a recent analysis of all programs with sexualcontent, only 9 percent included any mention of risks and responsibility (Kunkel et al., 1999). (3) Talkabout sex is more common than physical depictions, and when instances of sexual intercourse occur, they are often implied rather than being visually portrayed (Kunkelet al., 1999; Kunkel, Cope, & Colvin, 1996). (4) The importance of "physicalattractiveness as an asset" is emphasized for both males and females (Ward, 1995).

Music videos Channels specializing in music videos suchas Music Television (MTV), Video- Hits One (VH-1), Black Entertainment Television (BET),and Country Music Television (CMT) target preadolescent, adolescent andyoung adult audiences. Music videos may be especially influentialsources of sexual information for adolescents because they combine visuals of popularmusicians with the music;

142 Effects of Sexual Content in the Media on Children and Adolescents

many of these visual elements are implicitly or explicitly sexual (Brown & Steele, 1995). Videos frequently combine sexuality with violence or aggression (Baxter, De Riemer, Landini, Leslie, & Singletary, 1985; Sherman & Dominick, 1986), and with objectification and sex-role stereotyping (Seidman, 1992; Sommers-Flanagan, Sommers-Flanagan, & Davis, 1993). Visual presentations of sexual intimacy appeared in more than 75 percent of a sample of "concept" videos. A "concept" video is described as a video mini-movie or mini-melodrama, in which the video interprets or embellishes the song. Eighty-one percent of those concept videos that contained violence also portrayed sexual imagery (Sherman & Dominick, 1986). In a sample of MTV videos, females wore revealing clothing and initiated and received sexual advances more often than did males (Seidman, 1992). The lyrics and visual content used in videos vary widely depending on their genre (Tapper, Thorson, & Black, 1994). Rap music is particularly explicit about both sex and violence (Brown & Steele, 1995), and MTV frequently shows combinations of aggression, sex-role stereotypes, and sexual imagery. Country music videos (off) also use sexual images, but common themes include break- ups/divorce, dating, and romantic love.

Movies Adolescents see movies in theaters, and the same movies are soon available on pay TV channels and video tape. Many of these movies are "R-rated" (i.e., restricted, under 17 requires accompanying parent or adult guardian), and they contain more frequent and more explicit portrayals of sexual behavior than broadcast TV an average of 17.5 per film in one analysis (Greenberg et al., 1993). Like television, the most frequent sexual activity shown is unmarried sexual intercourse. Sex is often in the context of profanity, alcohol and drug use, and nudity.

Summary Thus far, we have established that children and adolescents growing up in the United States today have numerous opportunities for exposure to sexual content in the media. In fact, a parent would be hard-pressed to protect a child from any such content. Moreover, children and young adolescents are often intensely curious about sex. They frequently seek information from both print and electronic media, and they use many forms of these media extensively. We turn now to our central question: How are young people affected by media sexual content?

Media effects Many have argued that mass media are a particularly important resource for sexual information because parents provide little information and schools tend

143 e A e Ellen Wartella, Ronda Scant lin, Jennifer Kotler, Aletha C.Huston & Edward Donnerstein

to emphasize a biological approach with little attentionto romance and interpersonal relationships (Brown, Walsh-Childers,& Waszak, 1990; Strasburger, 1989; Strouse & Fabes, 1985). Inone early investigation, family variables ex- erted no influence on an individual's sexualself-evaluation, but media and peers were significant influences (Courtright & Baran, 1980). We first providea brief overview of the theories of media influence,then review the small body of empirical literature.

Theory Sexual messages in the mass mediacan have both immediate and long-term effects. Viewing a televisionprogram may change a person's immediate state by inducing arousal, leading to inhibition of impulses,or activating thoughts or associations. It may also contribute to enduring learnedpatterns of behavior, cognitive schemas and scripts (organized representationsof event sequences or expectations) about sexual interactions, attitudes, and beliefs about thereal world. Immediate effects are the focus of Zillmann's arousaltheory. According to that theory, if television content produces emotionaland physiological arousal, some type of behavior is likely to follow. Whetheror not that behavior is "sexual" depends on both the personality of the viewer and theenvironmental circumstances. Because arousal is nonspecific, itcan also lead to aggression, altruism, or other forms of behavior if the conditions are conduciveto those behaviors. Theories based on observational learning andinformation processing emphasize lasting effects ofexposure to media content. Bandura's observational learning theory suggests that children will learnnot only the mechanics of sexual behavior, but the contexts, motives andconsequences portrayed. They will attend to and learn from models whoare attractive, powerful, rewarded, and similar to themselves. Children donot usually act immediately on what they learn from television; instead, theystore such knowledge to be used when their own circumstances elicit it. Berkowitz's cognitive neoassociationist theorywas proposed as a way of understanding effects of violent content, but itappears equally applicable to sexual content. Although similar to observationallearning theory in many respects, the theory gives a central place to the viewer's emotionalresponses as the links between learned mediacontent and later behavior. As emotional responses to sexual content are likely to be intense, this ideaseems especially pertinent to "effects" of such content. Huesmann argues that children learn social and sexual schemasand scripts for sexual interactions fromexposure to television. This view implies that it is important to examine what is learned about thecircumstances for sexual activity, communication, negotiation, and decision-making.Scripts and schemas learned in childhood have particular importancebecause children do not have well-developed ideas and understandings of sexuality.Content viewed later may modify such schemas or reinforce them, but will not have quite the"pri- macy" of what was initially learned. Cultivation theory(Signorielli & Morgan,

144 u.5 Effects of Sexual Content in the Media on Children and Adolescents

1990) also predicts that mass media convey images of socially normative behavior and that children absorb impressions and assumptions about who, when, how often, under what circumstances sexual interactions occur. All of these theories recognize that media "effects" are not unidirectional. Children are not just recipients of media messages; they choose the content to which they are exposed, and they interpret the content within their own frames of reference. But, some theories give prime importance to the active nature of viewers in selecting and using media. From this viewpoint, "effects" result from availability of content to serve different functions and from understanding the viewer's interactions with the medium. Cognitive developmental theory is especially important for the topic of sexuality because of the very large age differences in both comprehension and interest in sex. Collins' research on children's understanding of violent content has demonstrated that children interpret media content according to their level of cognitive development generally and their knowledge about the content more specifically. One would expect children in late childhood, early, and middle adolescence to interpret and react to media content very differently. In the communications field, "uses and gratifications" theories emphasize that people use media to serve different functions. If we want to understand the "effects" of sexual content, we must know why a child or adolescent views it. Is that individual looking for information, for arousal (either alone or with a partner), for rebellion (forbidden fruit), or for something else?

Experimental studies The ideal method for establishing a causal relationship of media exposure to child outcomes is the experiment. The few experimental studies measuring attitudes and knowledge in this area show some differences between adolescents exposed to media sex and a control group not shown the same fare. For example, boys and girls who were exposed to content portraying pre-, extra or non-marital sexual relations rated these portrayals as significantly less bad than did their peers who viewed either sexual relations between married partners or non-sexual relations between adults (Bryant & Rockwell, 1994). In another study, young adolescents who watched selected scenes from television programs containing sexual content learned the meaning of the language used to refer to sexual activities such as homosexuality and prostitution (Greenberg, Linsangan, & Soderman, 1993). Exposure to music videos led teenagers to state that premarital sex is more acceptable compared to those teens who were not exposed (Greeson & Williams, 1987). Students who were shown programs containing basic sex information (menstruation and reproduction) knew more factual information than students who were not shown the videos (Greenberg, Perry, & Covert, 1983). While most of the sexual portrayals on prime time programs or in soap operas are not pornographic, many children and adolescents have access to explicitly erotic or pornographic materials. Experiments exposing individuals to pornography have not been conducted with adolescents for ethical reasons,

145 1. 9 Ellen Wartella, Ronda Scant lin, Jennifer Kotler, Aletha C. Huston & Edward Donnerstein

but studies with young adults generally find that pornography that is combined with violence leads men to hold more callous attitudes aboutrape and sexual coercion (Zillman, 1982; Donnerstein & Linz, 1986). Whether sexual content without violence has these effects is less clear. Some find that massive experimental exposure to non-violent erotic material leadsmen (and to some extent women) to be more callous towards women's issues and sexuality (Zillmann& Bryant, 1982). Others have found a desensitization toward violence in general and sexual violence in particular only after viewing explicit sexualcontent containing violence. Participants exposed to explicit sexual content without accompanying violence did not become desensitized (Linz, Donnerstein, & Penrod, 1988; Linz, Donnerstein, & Adams, 1989).

Correlational studies Correlational studies do not permit causal inference, but they do allowassess- ment of ways in which naturally occurring media use is related to sexual knowledge, attitudes, and behavior. Teenagers who chose TV diets containinga lot of sexual content were more likely than those who vieweda smaller proportion of sexual content on television to have engaged in sexual intercourse.Because of the cross-sectional nature of the study, it is unclear whether viewingsexy television contributed to a teen's decision to engage in intercourse (Brown & Newcomer, 1991). In a longitudinal design, Peterson, Moore, & Furstenberg (1991) found no evidence that amountor content of television viewing reported by early adolescents predicted early initiation of intercourse, but the measures of viewing were quite superficial. Strouse, Buerkel-Rothfuss, & Long (1995) found a positive correlation between music videoexposure and attitudes about premarital sex, especially for females. Television may also influence adolescents' beliefs about socialcontext and the consequences of sexuality. For example, comparedto those who do not watch soap operas, soap opera viewers believed that single mothers had relatively easy lives: they have good jobs,are educated and do not live in poverty. Viewers also were more likely than non-viewers to believe thata single mother's male friends will be important in their children's lives (Larson, 1996). If single motherhood is glorified, marriage is not. There isa positive relationship between viewing television and ambivalence towards happy marriageas a way of life (Signorielli, 1991). Television and other media may also influence adolescents' sexual vulnerability indirectly by the messages concerning physicalattractiveness and the ideal body. Women's bodies are frequently used in advertisementsto sell a variety of products to both men andwomen (Henderson-King & Henderson- King, 1997). The media provide images of an unattainable "ideal" thatmay have a cumulative effect on individuals' satisfaction with theirappearance. In several experiments, adolescents were shown slides of models whowere thin, average, or large. Those who saw thin models had lower self-evaluations and body dissatisfaction than those shown models with other bodytypes (Irving, 1990; McElroy, 1994; Stice et al. 1994 cited in Kalodner, 1997). Repeatedexposure to

146 Effects of Sexual Content in the Media on Children and Adolescents

such images may lead some adolescents to extremes of dieting and eating disorders. Although females are thought to be especially vulnerable to such media messages, males may be affected as well.

Factors moderating the effect of viewing sex How sex on television affects young people's attitudes, knowledge and behavior may depend on age, gender, parental involvement, perceptions of reality, and reasons for media use, to name only a few possibilities. The appeal and characteristics of the media presentation are also likely to affect how it influences young viewers.

Age There are developmental differences in understanding and interest in television portrayals of sexuality. For example, 14- and 16-year olds had a better understanding of televised sexual innuendoes than did 12-year olds (Silverman-Watkins & Sprafkin, 1983). However, in a focus group of 8-12 year olds who viewed various clips portraying sexual topics, most of the children (even the youngest ones) understood that the clips were sexual in nature. Most jokes and innuendos about sex were understood by 10-12 year olds, but the younger children (8-10 year olds) were often uncomfortable with portrayals of intimacy and sexuality in the clips (Kaiser Family Foundation & Children Now, 1996). In an eth- 'nographic study of 11-15 year old girls, girls who were least interested in sexual content in the media were the least physically mature and were least likely to have had an intimate relationship with a boy (Brown, White, & Nikopoulou, 1993). The most physically mature girls had some experience with romance and were often critical of media sexual portrayals. In the middle was a group of girls who actively sought out media messages and were interested in teen characters and how they solved problems similar to ones that the teens themselves were experiencing.

Gender There is some evidence that girls use the media to learn about interpersonal relationships more than do boys. Girls reflected about a video about teen pregnancy more than boys did (Thompson, Walsh-Childers, & Brown, 1993), and females were more likely to enjoy sexual content than boys (Greenberg, Linsangan, & Soderman, 1993).

Parent involvement Parent involvement in adolescent television viewing could moderate the relationship between viewing and initiating intercourse. Adolescents who do not discuss television with their parents have higher rates of intercourse compared to those who do discuss television content with their parents (Peterson, Moore, & Furstenberg, 1991). Family communication patterns (concept-orientation versus socio-orientation) seem to influence the way adolescents make inferences and draw connections about sexual media (Thompson, Walsh-Childers, & Brown,

147 Ellen Wartella, Ronda Scant lin, Jennifer Kotler, Aletha C. Huston & Edward Donnerstein

1993). Socio-orientation is defined as the extent to which deference andcon- formity is stressed in families, whereas concept-orientation is theextent to which questioning of ideas is stressed in families. Strouse, Buerkel-Rothfuss, & Long (1995) found that the relationship between music videoexposure and premarital sexual permissiveness for females was muchstronger in unsatisfactory home environments than for females in satisfactory home environments.

Perceived realism and use of media Most theories predict that media messages will be most influential if childrenor adolescents perceive them as realistic and valuable guides to behavior. Adoles- cents do understand that television portrays romance and sexuality inways that omit some of the real-life issues such as contraception. But, adolescents who use television to learn about social relationships believe that TV portrayals are more realistic than do other adolescents (Truglio, 1992). In cases where teenagers have little other knowledge about sexuality, media may create expectations. Teenagers were most likely to be dissatisfied with their first intercourse experience if they considered media messages to be accurate and if theyper- ceived television characters to be their sexual superiors. On the other hand, teens who reported satisfaction with their initial coital experience reported that they perceived TV portrayals of sexas accurate (Baran, 1976a), and students who believed that media characters experienced high levels of sexual satisfaction reported being less satisfied with their own state of virginity (Baran, 1976b).

Appeal and quality Messages that people perceive as high quality seem to havea greater impact on beliefs and attitudes than those they judge to be of low quality (Duck,Terry, & Hogg, 1995). The typical portrayals of non-maritalsex may be more appealing than those of marital intercourse. For example, when showna collection of clips, adolescents enjoyed married intercoursescenes the least and considered them least funny and least sexy while they thought unmarriedintercourse scenes were the sexiest (Greenberg, Linsangan, & Soderman, 1993). In another study using sexual clips, young children said that their favoriteswere ones that gave prosocial messages such as using contraception and postponingsex until one is ready (KFF & Children Now, 1996).

A summary of research findings There are good theoretical reasons to believe that television and othermedia can play an important role in educating children and adolescents about sexuality. Media portrayals surround children, andyoung people are intensely interested in sexuality, romance, and relationships. The few experimentalstudies show that television has the potential to change viewers' attitudes andknow- ledge. Correlational designs provide weak evidence that televisionviewing is linked with sexual behavior and beliefs, but themeasures of viewing are crude at best. There is also some evidence that such personal factorsas interest in sexual content, level of understanding, perceived reality, and parental media-

148 130 Effects of Sexual Content in the Media on Children and Adolescents

tion modify the influence of sexual messages. Much more empirical work is needed to substantiate the claim that naturally occurring sexual content in the media actually does cause changes in attitudes, beliefs and behaviors. What those changes are need to be examined as a function of what individuals are watching, the messages they are receiving, how they are interpreting them, and other factors that influence a young person's sexual personae.

Problems with conducting sexuality research There are several inherent problems in doing research on children's and adolescents' knowledge, attitudes toward and behavior regarding sexual media content and sexuality, which may partially explain why research in this area is sparse. The broad outline of these issues can be subsumed under several general principles regarding: (1) use of human subjects concerns in the United States which have been articulated by the Department of Health and Human Services Belmont Report and how various institutional research boards (IRBs) interpret these general guidelines; and (2) the specific issue of gaining parental consent when adolescents are the subjects in a study. Current federal regulations concerning research on adolescent health issues (under which sexuality research would fall) are outlined generally in the Belmont Report (National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research, 1978). These regulations include a section outlining special considerations in conducting research with children and adolescents. For the purposes of federal guidelines, a child is anyone below the legal age of consent, age 18. Many issues, however, are not addressed directly in these guidelines and require individual IRBs to interpret the ethics of various research practices. In general terms, the underlying principle guiding regulation of research practices is that the researchers show respect for the persons involved in the research. For children and adolescents, this means insuring protection of their rights and welfare. The second ethical principle is beneficence; that is, the researcher should do no harm to the subjects, and indeed the researcher should maximize the possible benefits and minimize possible harm to the subjects. The third ethical principle for conducting research on human subjects involves that of justice, or the requirement that individuals who are "vulnerable" receive special protections and "individuals who are vulnerable be protected from bearing the burdens of participation in research without appropriate justification; moreover, their access to the benefits of research are to be facilitated" (Levine, 1995). The researcher who attempts experimental work in the domain of sexual content and sexual behavior cannot ethically devise an experimental manipulation that will cause a subject to actually engage in potentially risky behaviors. Furthermore, with underage subjects there is the question of the types of sexual materials that would be permissible for viewing. Thus, social science research could continually be subject to the criticism that it is impossible to investigate

149 1.40 Ellen Wartella, Ronda Scant lin, Jennifer Kotler, Aletha C. Huston & EdwardDonnerstein

adequately the effects of sexual content because it (1)requires that the experimenter create exactly the kind of behavior that no researcher ina laboratory may seek to cause and (2) no real-world observer can hope to witnesssystem- atically. Research on adolescent sexuality involvesa range of ethical questions regarding the appropriateness of showing adolescentssexually-explicit stimuli, the use of language to elicit responses (colloquialor not, as well as the use of special ethnic or language minority terms), and providingsubjects with appropriate debriefings or follow-up information after researchparticipation. Again, the guidelines to insure respect for individuals, beneficenceand justice should be considered. However, research practicesmay be influenced by individual IRBs' preferences for certain kinds of protections of children,the various local community (or school districts) concerns about dealing withsexual issues in schools, and the particular political climate of the communityand state in which the research is being conducted. Even if a research study involving media effectson sexuality is approved by an Institutional Review Board, theremay be issues regarding parental consent. When respondents are children underage 18, consent must also be obtained from their legally authorized representative, whois usually the parent. If active parental consent is required, and it usually is whentopics of sexuality are discussed, this may pose special constraintson conducting research on adolescents sexuality. It may be difficult to gain parental consent from families ofhigh risk adolescents in particular.

Conclusions There is need for an accumulated body ofsystematic studies using a variety of methods, interdisciplinary teams of investigators, anda variety of populations. Given the paucity of available studies and the needto develop a systematic research base, no one grand study will provide definitiveanswers. In the domain of media violence research, for example,our conclusions about effects rest on many studies using multiple methods and multiple populations,accumulated over many years. Similarly, theanswers about sexual content in the media will not be obtained simplyor quickly. Nonetheless, we must begin to accumulate a serious, systematic research base thatcould serve as a catalyst to stimulate further research and providea solid foundation for understanding media sexual content effects.

Acknowledgment This article is based on a report funded by and prepared with the helpof the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. We especially want to thank Vicky Rideout ofKaiser for her contributions to the conceptualization and preparation of the study.

150 Effects of Sexual Content in the Media on Children and Adolescents

References Baran, S. J. (1976a). How TV and film portrayals affect sexual satisfaction in college students. Jour- nalism Quarterly, 53, 468-473. Baran, S.J. (1976b). Sex on TV and adolescent self-image. Journal of Broadcasting, 20, 61-8. Baxter,R.L.,De Riemer, C., Landini, A., Leslie, L., & Singletary, M.W. (1985). A content analysis of music videos. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 29, 333-340. Brown,J.D.,Walsh-Childers, K., & Waszak, C.S. (1990). Television and adolescent sexuality. Journal of Adolescent Health Care, 11, 62-70. Brown, J.D., & Newcomer, S.F. (1991). Television viewing and adolescents' sexual behaviorlournai of Homosexuality, 21, 77-91. Brown,J.D., &Steele, J.R. (1995). Sex and the mass media. Menlo Park, CA: Kaiser Family Founda- tion. Brown, J.D., White, A.B., & Nikopoulou, L. (1993). Disinterest, intrigue, resistance: Early adolescent girls' use of sexual media content. In B.S. Greenberg, J.D. Brown, & N.L. Buerkel-Rothfuss (Eds.). Media, sex and the adolescent, (pp. 177-195). New Jersey: Hampton Press. Bryant, J., & Rockwell, S.R. (1994). Effects of massive exposure to sexually oriented prime-time television programming on adolescents' moral judgment. In D. Zillman, J. Bryant, & A.C. Huston (Eds.). Media, children, and the family: Social scientific, psychodynamic, and clinical perspectives, (pp.183-195). Hilldsale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Comstock, G. (1991). Television and the American child. Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Courtright, J.A., & Baran, S.J. (1980). The acquisition of sexual information by young people. Jour- nalism Quarterly, 1, 107-114. Donnerstein, E.I., & Linz, D.G. (1986). Mass media sexual violence and male viewers: Current theory and research. American Behavioral Scientist, 29, 601-618. Duck, J.M., Terry, DJ., & Hogg, M.A. (1995). The perceived influence of AIDS advertising: Third- person effects in the context of positive media content. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 17, 305-325. Greenberg, B.S., & Busselle, R.W. (1996). Soap operas and sexual activity: A decade later. Journal of Communication, 46, 153-160. Greenberg, B.S., Graef, D., Fernandez-Collado, C., Korzenny, F., & Atkin, C.K. (1980). Sexual intimacy on commercial TV during prime time. Journalism Quarterly, 5Z 211-215. Greenberg, B.S., Linsangan, R., & Soderman, A. (1993). Adolescents' reactions to television sex. In B.S Greenberg, J.D. Brown, & N.L. Buerkel-Rothfuss (Eds.). Media, sex and the adolescent, (pp. 196-224). New Jersey: Hampton Press. Greenberg, B.S., Perry, K.L., & Covert, A.M. (1983). The body human: Sex education, politics, and television. Family Relations, 32, 419-425. Greenberg, B.S., Siemicki, M., Dorfman, S., Heeter, C., Stanley, C., Soderman, A., & Linsangan, R. (1993). Sex content in R-rated films viewed by adolescents. In B.S. Greenberg, J.D. Brown, & N.L. Buerkel-Rothfuss (Eds.). Media, sex and the adolescent, (pp. 45-58). New Jersey: Hampton Press. Greeson, L.E., & Williams, R.A. (1987). Social implications of music videos for youth: An analysis of the content and effects of MTV. Youth & Society, 18, 177-189. Henderson-King, E. & Henderson-King, D. (1997). Media effects on women's body esteem: Social and individual difference factors. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 27, 399-417. Huston, A.C., Donnerstein, E., Fairchild, H., Feshbach, N., Katz, P., Murray, J., Rubinstein, E., Wilcox, B., & Zuckerman, D. (1992). Big world, small screen: The role of television in American society. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Irving, L.M. (1990): Mirror images: Effects of the standard of beauty on the self- and body-esteem of women exhibiting varying levels of bulimic symptoms. Journal of Social & Clinical Psychology, 9, 230-242. Kaiser Family Foundation & Children Now (1996). 7be family hourfocus groups: Children's responses to sexual content on TV and their parents' reactions. Menlo Park & Oakland: Authors. Kalodner, C.R. (1997). Media influences on male and female non-eating-disordered college students: A significant issue. Eating Disorders, 5, 47-57.

151 4 1 Ellen Wartella, Ronda Scant lin, Jennifer Kotler, Aletha C. Huston &Edward Donnerstein

Kunkel, D., Cope, K.M., & Colvin, C. (1996). Sexualmessages on family hour television: Content and context. Oakland & Menlo Park, CA: Children Now & Kaiser FamilyFoundation. Kunkel, D., Cope, K.M., & Farinola, W.J.M., Biely, E., Rollin,E., Donnerstein, E. (1999). Sex on TV: content and context. A biennial report to the Kaiser Family Foundation. MenloPark, CA: Kaiser Family Foundation. Larson, M.S. (1996). Sex roles and soap operas: What adolescents learnabout single motherhood. Sex Roles, 35, 97-110. Levine, R. J. (1995). Adolescents as research subjects withoutpermission of their parents or guardians: Ethical considerations. Journal of Adolescent Health, 17, 288. Linz, D., Donnerstein, E., & Adams, S.M. (1989). Physiological desensitizationand judgements about female victims of violence. Human Communication Research,15, 509-522. Linz, D.G., Donnerstein, E.I., Penrod, S. (1988). Effects of long-termexposure to violent and sexually degrading depictions of women. Journal of Personality & SocialPsychology, 55, 758-768. Lowry, D.T., & Shidler, J.A. (1993). Prime time TV portrayals ofsex, "safe sex" and AIDS: A longitudinal analysis. Journalism Quarterly, 70, 628-637. Lowry, D.T., & Towles, D.E. (1989a). Prime time TV portrayals ofsex, contraception, and venereal diseases. Journalism Quarterly, 66, 347-352. Lowry, D.T., & Towles, D.E. (1989b). Soap opera portrayals ofsex, contraception, and sexually transmitted diseases. Journal of Communication, 39, 76-83. McElroy, E.S. (1994). Cultivation of the thin ideal: The effects ofmedia and self-perception on adolescent body satisfaction. Unpublished masters thesis, University ofKansas. National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects ofBiomedical and Behavioral Research. (1978). The Belmont report: Ethical principles and guidelinesfor the protection of human subjects of research. Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office,DHEW Publication No. (OS) 78-0012. Peterson, J.L., Moore, K.A., & Furstenberg, F.F. (1991). Televisionviewing and early initiation of sexual intercourse: Is there a link? Journal of Homosexuality,21, 93-119. Sapolsky, B. (1982). Sexual acts and referenceson prime-time TV: A two-year look. The Southern Speech Communication Journal, 47, 212-226. Sapolsky, B.S., & Taberlet, J.O. (1991). Sex in primetimetelevision: 1979 versus 1989. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 35, 505-516. Seidman, S.A. (1992). An investigation of sex-rolestereotyping in music videos. Journal of Broad- casting & Electronic Media, 36, 209-216. Sherman, B.L., & Dominick, J.R. (1986). Violence andsex in music videos: TV and rock'n'roll. Journal of Communication, 36, 79-93. Signorelli, N. (1991). Adolescents and ambivalence towardmarriage: A cultivation analysis. Youth and Society, 23, 121-149. Signorielli, N., & Morgan, M. (1990). Cultivation analysis: Newdirections in media effects research. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Silverman-Watkins, L.T., & Sprafkin, J.N. (1983). Adolescents'comprehension of televised sexual innuendos. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology,4, 359-369. Sommers-Flanagan, R., Sommers-Flanagan, J., & Davis, B. (1993).What's happening on music television? A gender role content analysis. Sex Roles, 28, 745-753. Strasburger, V.C. (1989). Adolescent sexuality and themedia. Adolescent Gynecology, 36, 747-773. Strouse, J., Buerkel-Rothfuss, N., & Long, E.C. (1995). Genderand family as moderators of the relationship between music videoexposure and adolescent sexual permissiveness. Adoles- cence, 30, 505-521. Strouse, J., & Fabes, R.A. (1985). Formalversus informal sources of sex education: Competing forces in the sexual socialization of adolescents. Adolescence,20, 251-263. Tapper, J., Thorson, E., & Black, D. (1994). Variationsin music videos as a function of their musical genre. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 38, 103-113. Thompson, M., Walsh-Childers, K. & Brown, J.D. (1993). Theinfluence of family communication patterns and sexual experience on processing ofa movie video. In B.S. Greenberg, J.D. Brown, & N.L. Buerkel-Rothfuss (Eds.). Media,sex and the adolescent, (pp. 248-263). New Jersey: Hampton Press.

152 jI7.27 COPT AVARLABLE 143 Effects of Sexual Content in the Media on Children and Adolescents

Truglio, R.T. (1992). Adolescents' use of prime-time TV for sexual information: What are the risks? Paper Presented at the Society for Research on Adolescence, Washington, D.C. Ward, L.M. (1995). Talking about sex: Common themes about sexuality in the prime-time television programs children and adolescents view most. journal of Youth and Adolescence, 24, 595-615. Zillmann, D. (1982). Transfer of excitation in emotional behavior. In J.T. Cacioppo & R.E. Petty (Eds.), Social psychophysiology. New York: Guilford. Zillmann, D., & Bryant, J. (1982). Pornography, sexual callousness, and the trivialization of rape. Journal of Communication, 32, 10-21.

153 EST COPY AVAILABILIE Sexual Messages on Entertainment TV in the U.S.A.

Dale Kunkel, Kirstie Cope, Wendy Farinola, Erica Biely, Emma Rollin & Edward Donnerstein

It is well established that the stories children and adolescents watch on television can influence their lives in important ways. Heavy exposure to violent depictions can lead to a heightened risk of adopting aggressive attitudes and behaviors. Product purchase decisions are shaped significantly by TV advertising campaigns. Similarly, media portrayals involving sexuality can contribute to the sexual socialization of young people. Many societal factors shape the socialization process by which young people develop their beliefs and attitudes about sex, and ultimately their patterns of sexual behavior. The role of parents and peers, among others, is certainly important, but influence from the media environment is also a factor. Media portrayals surround children and adolescents, and young people are naturally interested in learning about romance, relationships, and sexuality. While many questions remain to be answered regarding the relative degree of influence from media as compared to other sources, we can be reasonably confident that television portrayals do exert an effect on adolescent sexual socialization. As adolescents are grappling with questions such as "When should I start having sex?" and "What will my friends think of me if I do or if I don't?", they inevitably encounter stories on television which speak to sexual issues. Identifying patterns in the portrayal of sex on television in the United States was the goal of the study reported in brief here. In this research, a composite week of programming from the 1997-98 television season was sampled for each of ten of the most frequently viewed national broadcast and cable channels, yielding a total of 942 programs. These programs were evaluated for sexually-related talk and behavior using scientific content analysis techniques. Portrayals involving sexual themes were assessed on a range of contextual variables likely to shape the meaning of the depictions for viewers.

155 D. Kunkel, K. Cope, W. Farinola, E. Biely, E. Rollin & E. Donnerstein

Results The findings indicate that more than half (56%) of allprograms examined contained some sexual content. Some of these shows includedonly minor references to sexual topics, but most of them (39% of all programs) containedone or more scenes with a substantial emphasis on sex. Across all of theprograms that presented sexual material, therewas an average of 3.2 scenes per hour involving sex. Clearly, sexual talk and behaviorsare a common element in American television programming, andmany programs that include sexual messages devote substantial attention to the topic. Talk about sex is more commonon television than the actual portrayal of any sexual behaviors. For example, programs were more than twiceas likely to contain talk about sex (54% of all programs) thanto contain sexual behavior (23% of all programs). In our sample of nearly1,000 programs, we observed 1,719 scenes of talk about sex, comparedto 420 scenes with sexual behavior. Most of the sexual behavior depicted tendedto be precursory in nature (such as physical flirting and kissing), although intercoursewas depicted or strongly implied in 7 percent of theprograms in the sample. These programs rarely include explicit depictions in which nudity is shown, butnonetheless clearly convey that sexual intercourse is either imminent or actually occurring. Figure 1 shows the percentage ofprograms within different genres that contain some sexual content. One of the most important contextual factors likelyto shape the socializing effects of sexual portrayals is the extentto which the risks and responsibilities associated with human sexual activityare included. In this study, we measured the presence of three possible types of themesconcerning the risks or responsibilities of sexual behavior: (1) sexual patience:waiting until a relationship

Figure 1.Percentage of programs that contain sexual content, bygenre

Percent 100 -

85 83 80 - 78

60- 58 58 56

40-

20

mri Soap Talk News Reality operas Movies shows Dramas magazines Sitcoms shows

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EST CopyAVAILABLE Sexual Messages on Entertainment TV in the U.S.A.

matures and both people are equally ready to engage in sex; (2) sexual precau- tion: pursuing efforts to prevent AIDS, STDs (sexually transmitted diseases), and/or unwanted pregnancy when sexually active; and (3) depiction of risks and/or negative consequences of irresponsible sexual behavior. Sexual encounters that are presented without any of these contextual elements certainly convey a much different message to the audience, and in particular to young viewers, than portrayals that include such elements. In analyzing programs for this study, each scene involving any sexual content was evaluated for any mention or depiction of these themes. Only 4 percent of all scenes with sexual content incorporated any message about the risks or responsibilities of sexual activity. Of these cases, about half (or 2% overall) made such topics an important focus within a single scene. Of particular note is the finding that none of the 88 scenes that contained sexual intercourse included even a passing reference to sexual risks or responsibilities. The study also evaluated whether each program considered as a whole placed strong emphasis on any theme about the possible risks or responsibilities of sexual behavior. This analysis indicates that programs with a primary emphasis on risk and responsibility themes were extremely rare, representing only 1 percent of all shows on television that contained any sexual content. As was the case with the scene-level data, the program-level analysis found that none of the 70 programs in the study that included portrayals of intercourse behavior featured a strong emphasis on risk and responsibility, concerns throughout the show. To summarize, risk and responsibility messages are not often presented in conjunction with the treatment of sexual topics on American television. When they are included, they do not tend to receive strong emphasis in a program overall. In addition, messages of risk and responsibility seem particularly lacking in those programs that portray intercourse behaviors, arguably the most salient context in which such messages might appear.

Conclusion Sexual content is a common aspect of the overall television landscape in the United States. Portrayals of talk about sex, as well as sexually-related behaviors, are a potential source of socialization for most young viewers. Although most sexual behaviors shown on television are relatively modest, intercourse is frequently included. Collectively, these sexual messages provide an opportunity for the television industry to communicate an important and realistic view of the true risks associated with human sexual activity. Our research suggests that this opportunity has not yet been tapped very often by most segments of the industry. The pattern of sexual portrayals identified in this research raises concern that young viewers may be influenced to take sexual health precautions less seriously given their lack of consideration on television.

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41, D. Kunkel, K. Cope, W. Farinola, E. Biely, E. Rollin & E. Donnerstein

Note The study reported here was supported by the Henry.J. Kaiser Family Foundationof Menlo Park, CA. Full copies of the report are available from the foundation throughits web site at www.kff.org

158

4 Does Pornography Influence Sexual Activities?

Margareta Forsberg

In 1971, Sweden became the second country in the world (only Denmark was earlier) to legalize pornography. However, it must be stressed that in 1978 child pornography was put under criminal code in Sweden, and a few years later the same occurred with media content presenting sexual violence and coercion. Since the beginning of the 1970's, technological development has been very fast. In the middle of the 1980's, it was still necessary to walk into a video shop or cinema to be able to watch a pornographic movie. Today, porno films are available to anyone with access to the Internet or cable television. This raises many questions. What influence does the access to pornography have on young people in the beginning of their adolescent or adult sexual life? Does it have an impact on them, or is this only a discussion influenced by moral panic among parents and other adults?

Research findings Contemporary Swedish research in the field is still very limited, but some studies carried out in the 1990's give us a picture of connections between consumption of pornography and certain sexual activities. In this context it must be remembered that since the 1950's sexuality and relationships have been included in the Swedish school curriculum and, according to some studies, Swedish young people consider the school to be their prime source of information on these issues. There are indications that in other countries with access to pornography but without school education in sexuality/relationships, pornography plays a larger part as an information source for youth. What the few Swedish research findings show is, firstly, that men, and especially younger men, consume pornography to a greater extent than women do. Despite this fact, we notice that young women have more experience in viewing pornography than do older men (Table 1).

, 159 Margareta Forsberg

Table 1. Men and women in different age groups who haveseen pornographic film during the last year (1996) ( %)

Ages Men Women

18-24 years (n = 412) 76 35 25-34 years (n = 626) 59 24 35-49 years (n = 819) 50 21 50-65 years (n = 605) 33 7 66-74 years (n = 192) 14 2

Source: Sex i Sverige [Sex in Sweden]. National Institute of Public Health, 1998.

In this study, Sex i Sverige (Sex in Sweden), published by theNational Institute of Public Health, it is also stated that when women/girlslook at pornography, it is often on the initiative and in thecompany of men/boys. Thus, 75 per cent of the women who in the study answered that they hadseen a porno film during the last year had done so in thecompany of a man, and 25 per cent had done it alone. Matching numbers for themen were 50 per cent each. Sixty per cent of the men also agreed that "pornographycan be very stimulating", while only 30 per cent of thewomen agreed. Furthermore, the same study reveals connections between sexualactivities, such as oral and anal sex, and pornography consumption(Tables 2 and 3).

Table 2. Share of men who have seen a porno film and who have experience of oral sex, vibrator sex (i.e., dildo) and anal sex, respectively (1996) (0/0)

Have been "giving" Have been "giving" Have had oral sex vibrator sex anal sex Have seen porno film No Yes No Yes No Yes No 68 32 99 1 99 1 Yes 18 82 81 19 77 23

Source: Sex i Sverige [Sex in Sweden]. National Institute of Public Health, 1998.

Table 3. Share of women who have seen a porno film and who haveexperience of oral sex, vibrator sex (i.e., dildo) and anal sex,respectively (1996) (0/0)

Have been "giving" Have been "giving" Have had oral sex vibrator sex anal sex Have seen porno film No Yes No Yes No Yes No 53 47 100 0 95 5 Yes 14 86 93 7 72 28

Source: Sex i Sverige [Sex In Sweden]. National Institute of Public Health, 1998.

160 1 3 0 Does Pornography Influence Sexual Activities?

The connection in itself does not necessarily mean that the activities mentioned in the tables are inspired only by watching pornography. It could also be that a group of highly experimental people is trying a large variety of sexually related activities, of which watching porno films is one and anal intercourse, for instance, is another. Furthermore, having experience with anal intercourse is not the same as having integrated anal intercourse as a frequent part of one's sex life. The experience reported in the investigation could also be a one-time experience. Nevertheless, it is hard to ignore the connection between, for example, frequency of anal intercourse among people who have been watching porno, and the fact that anal intercourse is a very common act in pornographic movies. According to another study on young Swedish women, 57 per cent of the women who had been watching porno thought that this had not influenced their sexual habits at all. Only 5 per cent thought it had had a large impact on their sex life. On the other hand, the young women thought that "others" were more likely to get influenced by watching porno than themselves. According to the results, 22 per cent thought that "others" were influenced "to a large extent" and 56 per cent thought that "others" were "somewhat" influenced. When studying the results, it is obvious that when the young women are reflecting over the influence of pornography on "others", they are mainly thinking of men as "others". Despite the fact that the young women don't believe pornography has an impact on their sexual activities, a connection between pornography consumption and oral and anal sex is obvious also in this study. Taken together, results from different studies make it likely that consumption of pornography does have an influence on people's sexual activities, whether they are aware of it or not. Curiosity is also a central part of the nature of youth and it is not surprising that young people are receptive to new impressions and also want to experiment with them. Illustrating this are the results from a recent study in a suburban area of Stockholm, where 30 per cent of the adolescent boys and 3 per cent of the adolescent girls were watching porno at least once a week. 42 per cent of the boys and 18 per cent of the girls had fantasized about trying acts that they had seen in pornographic movies. 30 per cent of the boys and 9 per cent of the girls had also put this into practice and actually tried some of the acts. Despite this, there is not the same connection between pornography consumption and anal intercourse in this study as in other studies. Finally, we need many more results from a great deal of studies before we can be sure of the possible influences of pornography consumption on sexual activities. Questions that should be asked are, for instance: Do influences differ between different age groups? What are the differences between women and men? If there are influences, what do they look like? If pornography influences sexual activities (for example: trying anal intercourse), does this mean that it also influences long-term sexual habits?

161 In perspective

What Is the Internet? Basic Technology from the User's Perspective

Tor A. Evjen & Ragnhiid T. Bjornebekk

The Internet is a global high-speed net- however, is not affected by such limitations work, consisting of a set of network com- and functions as it did before. puters. The network can be perceived as a The Internet has, as mentioned, been collection of host and client or user com-available since the early 60's, when it was puters. The explosion of Internet has oc- developed and established to protect mili- curred during the last decade. Twenty years tary communication from external interfer- ago, there were about 200 machines. Ac-ence. However, when a new generation of cording to recent figures, there are more software the World Wide Web (WWW) than nine million server computers linkingbrowserswas presented in the beginning between 100 and 200 million users to the of the 90's, the Internet became widespread. Internet. This software offered a Graphical User In- The network communicates via a com- terface, and the WWW made it possible to mon language called Transmission Control navigate an endless number of web ad- Protocol/Internet Protocol (TCP/IP). Thedresses: the Uniform Resources Locators Internet Protocol contains information (URL). Until the beginning of the 90's, the about the computer addressed to theweb browser was mostly an application sender-computer, and about the informa-used to move from one web page to an- tion sent. This is the base of Internet tech- other. nology. The TCP/IP language can be used Today, the web browser includes most in all types of computers. What is unique,of the basic functions on the Internet. The however, is that the information is not de-functions have been integrated into the pendent on being routed to specific com-browser such that persons operating on the puters in order to reach the addressee. ThisNet are scarcely aware of them. There are, was one of the US Forces' prerequisites for however, three basic functions that are easy investing in the development of Internetto separate from the others: the World Wide technology in the early 60's. They wantedWeb, electronic mail (e-mail) and news. an amorphous communication system thatThese functions are crucial for understand- would function even when vital communi- ing the accessibility and flexibility of the cation agencies were unable to function. Internet. Everyone who has invested in communication on the Internet owns a part of the Net. Persons or companies possessing a commercial network own this network.World Wide Web Those who own a server are free to close The World Wide Web (WWW) technology or limit access to it. Such a limitation af-is one of the main reasons for the enor- fects cumulatively those connected to thismous interest in the Internet. The Euro- network. The rest of the global network, pean Laboratory of Particle Physics in Swit-

163 Tor A. Evjen & Ragnhild T. Bjornebekk

zerland developed the technology in 1990.downloading as a file), and they can func- Today, it is the most popular technologytion as editorial tools when creating new for exchanging information on the Net.web pages. Using a point-and-click hypertext system of control, it has made navigation on the Internet an easy task. It has also made possible the exchange of almost any kind ofE-mail information by using a cursor, the mouse. Electronic mail is one of the most popular The keyboard is the most common toolfunctions on the Internet. Using this func- used to operate a computer. It is not, how-tion one can send messages to anyone with ever, particularly important when surfingaccess to the Internet and an e-mail ad- on the Internet. The keyboard is mainlydress. A person may send a letteran e- used to address the groups and pages one mail to one or an unlimited number of wants to visit. When using a WWW brow- persons with a mere click on the keyboard, ser, it is possible to send text, graphics,or she may connect to discussion groups sound, animation and video directly on the (mailing lists) and receive letters automati- Internet and to view it within the browser.cally. E-mail is a very fast and cheap way The WWW browser is the application usedto communicate. Messages may be deliv- to gain access to the WWW. A WWWered to the other side of the world in just a browser has a Graphical User Interface andfew minutes. is available for all kinds of computers. In order to use the e-mail function, it is When using a web browser, one is au-necessary to possess an e-mail address, tomatically linked to a homepage. Thisordered from one of the Internet service page is the anchorage from which to navi-administrators. This address may look like gate in highly flexible ways, towards other"[email protected]". The ad- groups and pages belonging to other sew-dress has a logical structure. In this exam- ers, all over the world. What makes thisple "uk" is the name of the domainthe kind of web transfer possible is the pointername given to the sphere of the United that indicates the next source of informa- Kingdom. The computer belongs to a firm, tion. This pointer is what we previouslyindicated by "co" (= company). The com- referred to as Uniform Resource Locators puter, on the other hand, has the logical (URL). "http://www.sintef.no/sintef.html" isname "westernbank", which tells us that such an address, "http://" tells the webthis is the server operating on the Net. It is browser to make a web linking. The ad-registered with its own Internet address (IP dress next read is "www.sintef. no". "no" isnumber). The name of the employee with the name of the Internet covering Norway,this address is "tom.zorro". The way the and "sintef' is the characterisation of theaddress is constructed tells us that his op- research agency SINTEF in Norway, which erations on the e-mail function are man- has a server and where the homepageaged by the server "westernbank.co.uk". "sintef.html" has been created. "www" on When "tom.zorro" sends an e-mail, he the other hand, has no function other thanmust provide the name of the person (or showing that this is a web address. persons) the e-mail is meant for, along with Today, most of the web browsers are the message he wants to communicate. The more than mere browsers. Increasingly, recipient, then, receives a message telling they are used as functional boxes. Theyher that there is mail in her mailbox. In are able to handle different Internet func- addition, it indicates the name of the sender tions, such as e-mail, news, FTP and Go-and the subject of his message. The mes- pher (see below) as well as streamingsage is easily brought to the recipient's (whereby, e.g., a movie is transmitted di-screen by clicking on the message about rectly onto the screen without prior mail.

164

15 3 What Is the Internet?

News and newsgroups news server manager decides which filter is to be active. In this way, certain mes- News and newsgroups are services we havesages (e.g., illegal content) may not be access to when we are linked to a news admitted.' server on Usenet. Usenet is a common des- When using the news, a person is at ignation for the collection of all computersthe starting point, linked to a news server that exchange news globally. News is theon the server where she has her Internet characterisation of the service containing aconnection. She is, however, free to link to collection of boards for presenting bulle-other news servers, both nationally and tins or messages. A news server is the com- abroad. This is easily done by changing puter that manages and distributes the bul-the news server address in the news pro- letins or messages arriving at the newsgramme. Many large commercial news serv- group. ers cover most of the newsgroups on the Often news consists of messages pub-Internet without active censorship. Exam- lished by a single person on a news serverples of such servers are American On-line, belonging to a newsgroup. Newsgroups,Compuserve, Netcome and Prodigy. There which are a kind of discussion forum, areare also many non-commercial news serv- usually topic-specific and identified by the ers, "the free public NNTP", still with ad- title given. Everyone who has access to the mittance without active censorship, and newsgroup may download and read thewhere the customer does not have to pay messages on her own computer. News canfor the services offered. be presented as text, a picture, "living" pictures like a movie, sound or a combination of all these formats. A person wanting to publish a picture FTP, Gopher and Telnet may easily do so from his e-mail software As mentioned earlier, several functions or web browser. The message may thenother than browsing, e-mail and news ex- be sent to a newsgroup that has a name. Itist on the Internet and WWW. Several of is impossible to verify how many thousands them were developed before the WWW of newsgroups and news titles exist in thetechnology became dominant. FTP (File world. No centralised service offers such a Transfer Protocol) and Gopher are func- register. tions especially suited to transferring files A news server is placed on the Net to from one place to another. These functions exchange information with the news serverare still accessible on most of the web next to it. In this way, a message is gradu-browsers. ally spread on the Net from one computer Telnet is a function that allows a person to the next, and so on. to take control of another computer from A message will remain on a server dur-her own computer, if she has admittance ing a certain period of time before it is re-as a user and a password. Telnet is text- moved. This period may vary from a fewbased and line-oriented as computers were days to weeks. One reason for a short pe-before the development of the Graphical riod is that a newsgroup may have a ca-User Interface. pacity shortage. Existing messages must, therefore, be removed in order to make room for more recent messages. A news server offers a set of differentBBS (Bulletin Board System) newsgroups. Which newsgroups are of- BBS is another service the Internet user may fered depends on which filters the servercall up using a modem and a computer. A uses. It also depends on the other newsmodem is a tool for connecting the com- server it exchanges newsgroups with. Theputer directly to the telephone network.

165 154 Tor A. Evjen & Ragnhild T. Bjornebekk

By calling the BBS telephone number, thetors who control interaction in a passive or user gains access to another computer thatan active manner. is connected to the telephone network by a modem. This technology is based on tele- technology, not on Internet technology. Messages can be posted on just about anyThe search engines topic. The function, however, usually in-An important source of information on the volves smaller groups of users. The BBS isInternet is the search engines. Such an en- commonly tailored for a specific product, gine is a server that systematically searches conference or geographic area. for information on other Net servers and indexes the information into a local database. Indexing means that the information Internet Relay Chat (IRC) is categorised by its content or topic. Dif- ferent search engines have developed their IRC is a "real time" communication systemown specialities, depending on the meth- based on text messages. It implies that whatods used for searching and the profile of one user writes from his keyboard showsthe service they offer. In many searchen- up on the screens of every user taking partgines, functions are developed that enable in the same channel or chat group. A "realusers to put in references to their own or time" communication system means that theother people's or organisations' webpages. messages the "chats" run simultane- The search engine presents a page with ously, in contrast to messages sent through one or more fields for inserting text that the traditional e-mail system, managed byrepresents a cue or keyword or a logical the e-mail service. Theoretically there isnocriterion for reference during the desired limit on the number of users whocan par-search. Moreover, the search engineusu- ticipate on one channel at the same timeally offers different kinds of information in on the IRC. It is also possible to take partthe form of topic categories. The main cat- in different discussion groups at thesameegories are web page information and news time. However, IRC allows private chats toinformation from Usenet. be arranged and conducted betweenspe- The URL address, or information froma cific members. IRC is primarilya systemweb page, constitutes the base ofa key- for exchanging information and discussing.word in the information to a searchen- When communicating on IRC, theus-gine. This means that a search engine is ers identify the particular IRC "room"of-the perfect tool for acquiring desired infor- ten referred to as "chat room"to whichmation. When the user clicks on a URL they want to connect. It is identified by its address on the list of search matches from title, which reflects the conversation sub-the engine's index, she moves directly to ject matter. the page. Common across the Internet functions, When using the Usenet for a web page such as News, IRC and BBS, are rules de-search in newsgroups without support from veloped to govern on-line behaviour. Thesea local server, the user has to download rules are referred to as "netiquette" andthe information indirectly. This means that stress, among other things, that illegal be-she has to download it herself onto her haviour is not allowed. The dynamics ofown computer, save it, and transform the the forums are extremely interesting for thedata to a readable format. Such indirect police. Regulators fiercely monitor them. downloading is necessary when a target But there is constant use of Net alteregosnewsgroup handles text-based information, and a high level of tolerance on the part ofand not binary information such as certain users. Some of the forums have modera-pictures, sounds and movies. The possibil-

166 What Is the Internet?

ity is not well known, but if the know-There might be legitimate reasons for a ledge becomes more widespread, manysender to be anonymous on the Net. In persons will probably use this alternativeautocracies where political and religious method to download information that theyfreedom of speech are repressed, remailing have no access to from their local newsmay give citizens an opportunity to take servers. part in dialogues that they, according to There are many search engines avail-human rights, are ensured to take part in. able with different functionality and capac- Remailing is, however, also a welcome ity. Collation to them is that they use theopportunity for people who have reason search functions, "robots", to seek infor-to avoid being exposed for criminal and mation on Net servers and then register anti-social activities. Remailing gives them the information in a server database. It isprotection and minimises the risk of being such a database the user has access to when discovered. searching. Some well-known search en- Anonymous exchanges may take the gines are Alta Vista, Excite, Infoseek, etc. following form: In a newsgroup there is a Digital Research Laboratories in Palomessage with the address "ano333 Alto develop Alta Vista. Both the number @anonym.server.no". This is probably an of pages indexed by the engine and thee-mail that has passed via a remailer with number of searches being carried out arethe address "[email protected]". In this extremely high. The engine is probably thecase, the sender's real address has been fastest "spider" on the Internet. It has theremoved and replaced by "ano333@ capacity to index more than 3 million pagesanonym.server.no". When the e-mail replay a day, and it indexes both web pages andis transferred to this sender, the remailer newsgroups. Alta Vista news makes all thereplaces the anonymous person's address indexed newsgroups accessible for every- "ano333" with the real e-mail address. Then one using the engine. Through Alta Vistathe person who wants to remain anony- one can get information from newsgroupsmous may receive the e-mails without di- that are not accessible via many of the na- vulging her identity. tional local news servers. Principally, there are two kinds of There are also several private search remailers: "pseudo-anonymous remailers" engines accessible for a fee. and "anonymous remailers". The example given above is a "pseudo-anonymous remailer". The advantage of this kind of remailer is that it is easy to use. It is, how- Anonymous remailers ever, not more secure than the persons Anonymity and remailing are importanthandling the server. The "anonymous aspects of Internet for many of its users. Aremailer" is far safer in the sense that it is remailer is a Net server that offers sendersmore difficult to trace the sender. The dis- of e-mails and news anonymity by remov-advantage for someone seeking anonym- ing their identity or replacing it with otherity is that the latter remailer is difficult to addresses. Anonymity is mainly used tohandle. A common method to reduce the protect the senders' identity and reduce thechances of tracing the sender further is to pathways back to them to a minimum.use two or more remailers.

Note

1.Most of the Norwegian news servers, for example, do not admit messages that contain pictures, sound or videos presenting sexual or violent content. Examples of newsgroups that are filtered out by The Norwegian University of Technology and Science's (NTNU) news server are: alt.binaries.erotica.', alt.binaries.picture.erotica.`, alt.sex.', alt.suicide, alt.pedophilia.

167 Sex on the Internet Issues, Concerns and Implications

Mark Griffiths

The rapid growth of the Internet has led to the re-examination of many areas of behaviour. One such area concerns issues surrounding sexual behaviour and excessive Internet usage, particularly as some academics have alleged that social pathologies are beginning to surface in cyberspace. This article' examines the concept of "Internet addiction" in relation to excessive sexual behaviour and Internet pornography, as well as examining newer areas of Internet sexuality such as "online relationships" and sexually-related Internet crime (e.g., "cyberstalking").

Sexually-related uses of the Internet Before examining the "addictiveness potential" of the Internet and its relationship with sexuality, it would appear wise to examine all the different ways that the Internet can be used for sexually-related purposes as it is probably the case that only some of these activities may be done to excess and/or be potentially addictive. The Internet can (and has) been used for a number of diverse activities surrounding sexually motivated behaviour. These include the use of the Internet for: seeking out sexually-related material for educational use. This includes those seeking information regarding (i) sexual health promotion (e.g., information about contraception, sexually transmitted diseases, etc.), (ii) self-help/ diagnosis (e.g., advice about sexual dysfunctions, sexual diseases, etc.), and (iii) scientific research (e.g., reports of studies in the area of sexology, national reports on sexual behaviour, etc.). These may take the form of either stand-alone web pages or may be incorporated within Usenet discussion groups.

169 Mark Griffiths

buying or selling sexually-related goods for furtheruse offline. This includes the buying or selling of goods for (i) educationalpurposes (e.g., books, videos, CD-ROMs, etc.), (ii) entertainment/masturbatorypurposes (e.g., magazines, books, videos, CD-ROMs, etc.), and (iii)miscellaneous purposes (e.g., sex aids/toys, contraception, aphrodisiacs, etc.). visiting and/or purchasing goods in online virtualsex shops. Visiting a virtual sex shop may be done for eithervoyeuristic purposes ("window shopping") or for the sole intention of actually buying goodsfor use offline. seeking out material for entertainment/masturbatorypurposes for use online. This can either be primarily image-based (e.g.,pornographic web sites offering picture libraries, video clips, videos,etc., live online strip shows, live voyeuristic Web-Cam sites, etc.)or text-based (e.g., chat rooms, Usenet discussion groups, etc.). seeking out sex therapists. Thismay involve either individuals or couples seeking out an online sex therapist for advice aboutsex and/or relationship problems. seeking out sexual partners foran enduring relationship (i.e., a monoga- mous partner) via online dating agencies, personal advertisements/"lonely hearts" columns and/or chatrooms. seeking out sexual partners fora transitory relationship (i.e., escorts, prostitutes, swingers) via online personal advertisements/"lonelyhearts" columns, escort agencies and/or chat rooms. seeking out individuals who then become victims ofsexually-related Internet crime (online sexual harassment, cyberstalking, paedophilic"grooming" of children). engaging in and maintaining online relationships via e-mail and/orchat rooms. exploring gender and identity roles byswapping gender or creating other personas and forming online relationships. digitally manipulating imageson the Internet for entertainment and/or masturbatory purposes (e.g., celebrity fake photographswhere heads of famous people are superimposedonto someone else's naked body). On first examinationand by evaluating the relatively sparse literature in this areait would appear that excessive, addictive, obsessive and/orcompulsive Internet use only applies tosome of these behaviours. The most likely behaviours include the use of online pornography for masturbatorypurposes, engaging in online relationships, and sexually-relatedInternet crime (e.g., cyberstalking). Before looking at these threeareas in more detail, a brief overview of Internet addiction will follow.

170 I 5 a Sex on the Internet

Internet addiction One area where Internet sexuality has been discussed academically is that of "Internet addiction". Despite opposition to the concept of behavioural (i.e., non-chemical) addictions, such as Internet addiction, there is a growing movement (e.g., Orford, 1985; Marks, 1990; Griffiths, 1996a) which views a number of diverse behaviours as potentially addictive, including gambling, overeating, sex, exercise, shopping, and computer game playing. Internet addiction is another such area since it has been alleged by some academics that social pathologies (i.e., technological addictions) may be beginning to surface in cyberspace (e.g., Griffiths, 1996b; 1998a; Brenner, 1997; Cooper, 1998; Scherer, 1997; Young, 1998a; 1998b). Technological addictions are non-chemical (behavioural) addictions which involve excessive human-machine interaction. They can either be passive (e.g., television) or active (e.g., computer games) and usually contain inducing and reinforcing features which may contribute to the promotion of addictive tendencies (Griffiths, 1995a). They also feature the core components of addiction, including salience, mood modification, tolerance, withdrawal, conflict and re- lapse (Griffiths, 1996a; 1996c). It has been argued by Griffiths (1996c) that any behaviour (e.g., Internet use) which fulfils these criteria can be operationally defined as addictions. These core components are expanded upon below in relation to Internet sex of whatever type it happens to be (e.g., downloading pornography, cypersex relationships, etc.): SalienceThis occurs when Internet sex becomes the most important activity in the person's life and dominates their thinking (preoccupations and cognitive distortions), feelings (cravings) and behaviour (deterioration of socialized behaviour). For instance, even if the person is not actually on their computer engaged in Internet sex they will be thinking about the next time they will be. Mood modificationThis refers to the subjective experiences that people report as a consequence of engaging in Internet sex and can be seen as a coping strategy (i.e., they experience an arousing "buzz" or a "high" or paradoxically tranquilizing feel of "escape" or "numbing"). ToleranceThis is the process whereby increasing amounts of Internet sex are required to achieve the former mood modificating effects. This basically means that for someone engaged in Internet sex, they gradually build up the amount of the time they spend in front of the computer engaged in the behaviour. Withdrawal symptoms These are the unpleasant feeling states and/or physical effects which occur when Internet sex is discontinued or suddenly reduced, e.g., the shakes, moodiness, irritability, etc. ConflictThis refers to the conflicts between the Internet user and those around them (interpersonal conflict), conflicts with other activities (job,

171 159 Mark Griffiths

social life, hobbies and interests) or from within the individual themselves (intrapsychic conflict and/or subjective feelings of loss of control) which are concerned with spending too much time engaged in Internet sex. RelapseThis is the tendency for repeated reversions to earlierpatterns of Internet sex to recur and for even the most extreme patterns typical of the height of excessive Internet sex to be quickly restored aftermany years of abstinence or control. Young (1999a) claims Internet addiction isa broad term which covers a wide variety of behaviours and impulse control problems. She claims it is further categorized by five specific subtypes: Cybersexual addiction: Compulsive use of adult web sites for cybersexand cyberporn. Cyber-relationship addiction: over-involvement in online relationships. Net compulsions: obsessive online gambling, shoppingor day-trading. Information overload: compulsive web surfingor database searches. Computer addiction: obsessive computer game playing (e.g., Doom, Myst, Solitaire, etc.). Only two of these specifically refer to potential sexually-based addictions(i.e., cybersexual addiction and cyber-relationship addiction) but Young's classification does raise the question of what peopleare actually addicted to? On a primary level, is it the sexually-related behaviouror is it the Internet? In reply to Young, Griffiths (1999a) has argued that many of these excessiveusers are not "Internet addicts" but just use the Internet excessivelyas a medium to fuel other addictions. Griffiths argues that a gambling addictor a computer game addict is not addicted to the Internet. The Internet is just the place where theyengage in the behaviour. The same argumentcan be applied to Internet sex addicts. How- ever, there are case study reports of individuals who appear to be addictedto the Internet itself. These are usually people whouse Internet chat rooms or play fantasy role playinggamesactivities that they would not engage in except on the Internet itself (some of which are sex-related). These individualsto some extent are engaged in text-based virtual realities and takeon other personas and social identities as a way of making themselves feel good about themselves. In these cases, the Internet may provide an alternative realityto the user and allow them feelings of immersion and anonymity (whichmay lead to an altered state of consciousness). This in itselfmay be highly psychologically and/or physiologically rewarding. The anonymity of theInternet has been identified as a consistent factor underlying excessiveuse of the Internet (Young, 1998b; Griffiths, 1995b). This is perhaps particularly relevantto those using Internet pornography. There may be many people whoare using the medium of the Internet because (a) itovercomes the embarrassment of going into shops

172 0 Sex on the Internet

to buy pornography over the shop counter, and (b) it is faster than waiting for other non-face-to-face commercial transactions (e.g., mail order). Anonymity may also encourage deviant, deceptive and criminal online acts such as the development of aggressive online personas or the viewing and downloading of illegal images (e.g., pornography) (Young, 1999). There have been few studies of excessive Internet use which have found that a small proportion of users admitted using the Internet for sexual purposes (e.g., Morahan-Martin & Schumacher, 1997; Scherer, 1997; Young, 1998b). None of the surveys to date conclusively show that Internet addiction exists or that Internet sex addiction is problematic to anyone but a small minority. At best, they indicate that Internet addiction may be prevalent in a significant minority of individuals but that more research using validated survey instruments and other techniques (e.g., in-depth qualitative interviews) are required. Further to this, Griffiths (1999a) has also noted other problems with the criteria used in most of the surveys to date. They (i) have no measure of severity, (ii) have no temporal dimension, (iii) have a tendency to overestimate the prevalence of problems, and (iv) take no account of the context of Internet use. Case studies of excessive Internet users may provide better evidence of whether Internet sex addiction exists by the fact that the data collected are much more detailed. Even if just one case study can be located, it indicates that Internet sex addiction actually does existeven if it is unrepresentative. Griffiths (1998a) has argued that excessive usage in a majority of cases appears to be purely sympto- matic but that for what appears to be an exceedingly tiny minority, the Internet may be addictive.

Pornography on the Internet From the earliest days of photography to the latest innovations in real-time, e.g., one-to-one video conferencing, sex has played a defining role in the development and advance of new communication technology (Sprenger, 1999). Although the pornography industry cannot be credited with inventing these new technologies, they were certainly the first to put them to profitable use. Pornographers have always been the first to exploit new publishing technologies (e.g., photography, videotape, Internet, etc.). It is estimated that the online pornography industry will reach $366 million by 2001 (Sprenger, 1999) though other estimates suggest it is already worth $1 billion (The Guardian, 1999). Further to this, the research company Datamonitor reported that over half of all spending on the Internet is related to sexual activity (The Guardian, 1999). This includes the conventional (e.g., Internet versions of widely available pornographic magazines like Playboy), the not so conventional (Internet versions of very hardcore pornographic magazines) and what can only be described as the bizarre (discussion groups on almost any sexual paraphilia). Further to this, there are also pornographic picture libraries (commercial and free-access), videos and video clips, live strip-shows, live sex shows and voyeuristic Web-Cam sites.

173 Mark Griffiths

Research has also revealed that Internet surfinghas many parallels with road traffic. There appear to be identicalpatterns of congestion and "solid block motion" where everyone is forcedto advance at the same speed (Brooks, 1999). One web-traffic researcher, BernardoHuberman (who works for Xerox Palo Alto Research Center) analyzedmore than 500,000 visits to a major web portal and came to the conclusion that theInternet sex sites are the "undis- puted kings" in selling advertizingspace. Huberman noticed that Internet surfers typically click once or twice and then get out ofa site. However, Huberman noted that some peoplewere clicking up to 200 times and that nearly all of these instances were people accessing Internetsex sites. Further investigation revealed an amazingly sophisticatedstructure which led surfers deeper and deeper into the site (Brooks, 1999). The "clickcounts" data collected by Huberman suggests that there isan almost compulsive element in accessing online pornography and thatsome people are very heavy users of these services. Such research cannot show that Internet pornographyaddicts exist but is at the very least indicative of repetitive, habitual and/orpathological behaviour. Further to this, the Internet offers 24-hourconstant access and has the potential to stimulate excessive use. In some cases thismay become an addictive and/or compulsive activity. One of the main reasons why the pornographyindustry has such a vested interest in this area is that in the online world thebuying of most products is hassle-free and anonymous. However, buyingpornography in the offline world may be embarrassing or stressful to the consumers particularly ifthey have to go to venues deemed to be "unsavoury". If pornographyconsumers are given the chance to circumvent thisprocess, they invariably will. Pornography and its distribution are now widespreadon the Internetbut how prevalent is Internet pornography? Academic researchers also claim that"sex" is the most searched for topic on the Internet (Cooper, Scherer,Boies & Gordon, 1999) and asmany as one third of all Internet users visit some type of sexual site (Cooper,Delmonico & Burg, in press). In the UK,a survey carried out by University of Middlesex in 1995, and replicated in 1997, analyseda million word searches on an Internet search engine and reported thatover half of them were aimed at locating pornography (Sparrow & Griffiths, 1997).However, these studies were carried out using word searches from onlyone search engine and the situation may have changed slightly in the last fewyears. Furthermore, the study reported that the pornography was more than just pictures of nakedpeople but also included more worrying material. For instance, therewas information for paedophiles on how to entrap and (in some instances) kill children.

Children and Internet pornography One of the biggest fearsamong parents who are thinking of using the Internet is that their children will be exposedto pornography, particularly because over 17 million children are using the Internetworld-wide (Thompson,1999). Issues

174 Sex on the Internet

surrounding censorship are high on the moral agenda but preventingaccess to such sites is difficult. A major US survey undertaken in 1998 by the Annenberg Public Policy Center (Lillington, 1999) reported that 75 per cent of parentswere anxious about what their children might be exposed to on the Internet. To what extent is this fear justified? The media has certainly played a role in height- ening parents' fears as two-thirds of all newspaper articles about the Internet highlight negative aspects and one in four mentioned child pornography (Lillington, 1999). Internet pornography is not difficult to accessespecially with the development of powerful yet easy-to-use search engines. In fact, a survey by the National Opinion Poll (NOP) in June 1999, found that a third of UK children had found content on the Internet that upset or embarrassed themup from 20 per cent in the previous survey (Thompson, 1999; Lillington, 1999). Of this material, 58 per cent was described as being "rude". Given that thesame NOP poll found that one in four UK children aged seven to sixteenyears old (i.e., 3 million children) are regular Internet users with half of them doing it from home (Thompson, 1999), it therefore appears there may be widespreadcause for alarm. There are many steps a parent can take to prevent their child fromaccess- ing pornography including: reading guidelines for parents which run through issues and possibleap- proaches for overseeing Internet use by children. These include thosepro- duced in offline versions (see Table 1) or those that can be found online. These include such sites as the Netparents resource collection (www. netparents.org/parentstips/resources.html), NCH Action for children site (www.nchafc.org.uk/internet/index.html) and Schoolzone's resources (www. schoolzone. co. uk/resou rces/safety_frame. htm). being with your children at all times when they access the Internet. joining an Internet service provider that prevents its users from accessing such things. installing one of the many different types of blocking packageon the market that filter content in some way (Griffiths, 1997b; 1998b). These include those which use lists of key words that you can define (e.g., Net Nanny), software packages that can block certain areas of the Internet, suchas Usenet groups, or which restrict access at certain times (e.g., Cyber Patrol), packages which have a built-in censor to certain categories as defined by the maker of the package (Surf Watch), or packages which blockaccess to certain file types, like GIF and JPEG which are lot of pornographic images use. However, there may be a "technological generation gap" as the recent poll by NOP reported, that children knew more about filtering software than their parents (Thompson, 1999).

175 16 3 Mark Griffiths

Table 1. Guidelines for children on how to be safe on the Internet

(1) Never tell anyone that you meet on the Internet your home address, telephone number or school's name unless you are given permission by a parent or carer. (2) Never send anyone your picture, credit card or bank details (or anything else). (3) Never give your password to anyoneeven your best friend. (4) Never arrange to meet anyone in person that you have met on the Internet without first agreeing it with your parent or carer. (5) Never stay in a chat room or in a conference if someone says or writes something which makes you feel uncomfortable or worried. Always report it to your parent or carer. (6) Never respond to nasty, suggestive or rude e-mails or postings in Usenet groups. (7) If you see bad language or distasteful pictures while you are online, always tell your parent or carer. (8) When you are online, always be yourself and do not pretend to be anyone or anything you are not. (9) Always remember that if someone makes you an offer which seems to good to be truethen it probably is.

Source: NCH Action for Children: Children on the Internet. Opportunities and Hazards, 1998.

Despite packages like Surfwatch and Net Nanny which block access toporno- graphic sites, such packages can still be circumvented. Thereare also other packages like Babewatch which do the exact opposite (i.e., locate nothing but pornographic sites for the user) (Griffiths, 1997b; 1998b). Itappears to be the case that parents are not as vigilant about their children's Internet use as they could be. For instance, a survey of 500 online households by the US-based National Center for Missing and Exploited Children found that 20per cent of parents did not supervise their children's Internet use. It was also reported that 71 per cent of parents with children aged 14 or older said they had stopped monitoring their children's Internet use (Thompson, 1999).

Online relationships Probably one of the most unexpected uses surrounding the growth of the Internet concerns the development of online relationships and their potentially addicting nature. It is hard to estimate the number of online relationships but in the UK it was reported in the media that there had beenover one thousand weddings as a result of Internet meetings. Media commentators claim that cyberspace is becoming another singles bar as thereare now numerous sites aimed at those who want romance and/or a sexual liaison. Some of theseare aimed at single people (e.g., Widows, Thirtysomething UK, and Married with Kids) while others appear to encourage and facilitate virtual adultery (e.g., MarriedM4Affair, Cheating Wife or Lonely Husband). Young, Griffin-Shelley, Cooper, O'Mara and Buchanan (in press) definean online relationship (a "cyberaffair") asa romantic and/or sexual relationship that is initiated via online contact and maintained predominantly through electronic conversations that occur through e-mail and in virtual communities, such as chat rooms, interactive games, or newsgroups. Young et al. report that what

176 Sex on the Internet

starts off as a simple e-mail exchange or an innocent chat room encounter can escalate into an intense and passionate cyberaffair and eventually into face-to- face sexual encounters. Further to this, those in online relationships often turn to mutual erotic dialogue (often referred to as "cybersex"). In this instance, cybersex involves online users swapping text-based sexual fantasies with each other. These text-based interactions may be accompanied by masturbation. Online chat rooms provide opportunities for online social gatherings to occur almost at the push of a button without even having to move from your desk. Online group participants canif they so desiredevelop one-to-one conversations at a later point either through the use of continuous e-mails or by instant messages from chat rooms. It could perhaps be argued that electronic communication is the easiest, most disinhibiting and most accessible way to meet potential new partners.

Infidelity online how and why does it occur? There are a number of factors that make online contacts potentially seductive and/or addictive. Such factors include the disinhibiting and anonymous nature of the Internet. This may be very exciting to those engaged in an online affair. Disinhibition is clearly one of the Internet's key appeals as there is little doubt that the Internet makes people less inhibited (Joinson, 1998). Online users appear to open up more quickly online and reveal themselves emotionally much faster than in the offline world. What might take months or years in an offline relationship may only take days or weeks online. As Cooper and Sportolari (1997) have pointed out, the perception of trust, intimacy and acceptance has the potential to encourage online users to use these relationships as a primary source of companionship and comfort. Some researchers have made attempts to explain how and why infidelity occurs online. Cooper (1998) proposed the "Triple A Engine" (Access, Affordability, and Anonymity) which he claimed help to understand the power and attraction of the Internet for sexual pursuits. Young (1999) also claimed to have developed a variant of the "Triple A Engine" which she called the "ACE model" (Anonymity, Convenience, Escape). Neither of these are strictly models as neither explains the process of how online relationships develop. However, they do provide (in acronym form) the variables involved in the acquisition, development and maintenance of emotional and/or sexual relationships on the Internet (i.e., anonymity, access, convenience, affordability and escape). It would also appear that virtual environments have the potential to provide short-term comfort, excitement and/or distraction.

Types of online relationship A number of researchers have forwarded typologies of the different kinds of Internet users in relation to sexual and/or relationship activity (Cooper, 1998;

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Young, 1999; Griffiths, 1999b). Cooper, Putnam, Planchon andBoies (1999) suggest there are three types of cybersexualuser (recreational, at risk, and compulsive) but this tells us littleexcept about frequency of use. However, Griffiths (1999b) has outlined three basictypes of online relationship in relation to actual online behaviour. The firstone is purely virtual and involves two people who never actually meet. Theyengage in an online relationship which goes further than being pen-pals as the exchanges are usuallyvery sexually explicit. Neither person wants to meet the otherperson and are engaged in the interaction purely for sexual kicks. It is notuncommon for these individuals to swap gender roles. The "relationships" may be very short-lived and the people involved will usually have real-lifepartners. These people prefer the distance, relative anonymity and control offered by the Internetand will prefer to confine the relationship to cyberspace. As faras these people are concerned, they do not feel they are being unfaithful. The second type of online relationship involves peoplemeeting online but eventually wanting the relationship tomove from the virtual to the actual after becoming emotionally intimate with each other online.The shared emotional intimacy often leads to cybersex and/ora strong desire to communicate constantly with each other on the Internet. Formany, the online relationship will progress after sending photographs of each other into secret phone calls, letters, and offline meetings. Once they have metup, and if they are geographically near each other, their Internetuse will usually decrease considerably as they will spend far more time actually (ratherthan virtually) with each other. The third type of relationship involvestwo people first meeting offline but then maintaining their relationship online forthe majority of their relationship. This is usually because theyare geographically distant and may even be living in separate countries. These people onlymeet up a few times a year but may spend vast amounts of time "talking"to their partners on the Internet most nights. As they are geographically distant, the relationshiponly continues for those who have the time, the budget and the travelopportunity to maintain the nominal physical contact. With regardsto "addiction", it is only the first type outlined here that may be addictedto the Internet. The latter two types are more likely to be addicted to the person rather than the activityparticularly as their Internet usage stops almost completelywhen they meet up offline with their partner. Although many people who have not engaged inan online relationship fail to understand the pull and attraction of suchan activity, it quite clearly can have detrimental consequences forsome people who do. An online relationship can lead to a loving and compassionateindividuals to become uncaring towards their partner and/or family, evasive, anddemanding privacy online. In an effort to help both couples and therapists, Younget al. (in press) produced a list of early warning signs in the detection ofa suspected online relationship. These include (i) a change in sleeppatterns, (ii) a demand for privacy, (iii) ignoring other responsibilities, (iv) evidence of lying, (v)personality changes, (vi) loss of interest insex, and (vii) declining investment in the relationship.

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Sexually-related Internet crime Despite the seemingly marked absence of seriousconsideration, sexually-related Internet crime seems set to become increasinglyimportant to all those involved in the administration of criminal justice.Sexually-related Internet crime is on the increase and some of the perpetratorsmay be addicted to the criminal activity in question and/or develop obsessions abouttheir Internet victims. In the broadest possible sense, sexually-relatedInternet crime can be divided into two categories (1) display, downloading and/or the distributionof illegal sexually-related material, and (ii) theuse of the Internet to sexually procure and/or intimidate an individual insome way (e.g., online sexual harassment, cyberstalking, paedophilic grooming). Charlesworth (1995) noted that criminal law and thosewho enforce it have taken time to come to terms with the implications ofchange with regards to Internet crime. Those in the criminal justicesystem continue to rely on their own familiar scheme of reference when attempting to comprehend the criminal behaviour. For the most part, they havesome understanding of the mode of operation, likely benefits to the offender andcosts to the victim of the criminal activity presented before them. However, the unfamiliarityof sexually-related Internet crime denies those in the criminal justicesystem all important access to their own scheme of understanding. Theadvancements in computer technology generally (and the increased availability of the Internet in particular) have provided for new innovations in, andan expansion of, the field of criminality (and more specifically in thearea of sexually-related Internet crime) (Durkin, 1997; Durkin & Bryant, 1998; Griffiths, Rogers &Sparrow, 1998; Deirmenjian, 1999). Most people's perceptions about sexually-relatedInternet crime are probably based on media reports. These usuallyconcern: distribution of illegal pornographyon the Internet. use of the Internet for paedophilic purposes (i.e., paedophiles distributing child pornography or pretending to bea child to make contact with children). high profile prosecutions of Internet pornographers(such as the recent imprisonment of the UK's largest pornographyoperator who was given an 18-month prison for designing web sites (e.g., Farmsex,Europery and School- girls-R-Us) featuring extreme pornography, bestiality,coprophilia and torture (Wilson, 1999). However, one of the main problems with Internet pornographyis that any country's attempt to interdict cross-border flows of pornographywould be defeated by advances in communication technologyespecially data transmission (Millar, 1996; Sprenger, 1999). The police crackdownon Internet pornography has been argued by some to be futileas it could drive it underground (Booth, 1996). Part of the Internet's appeal is its subversivenature, for it crosses frontiers, language barriers and is not policed byany one country.

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Online harassment and cyberstalking Stalking has been a high-profile crime in the 1990's leaving victims witha shat- tered sense of security and well-being. Itnow seems to be the case that stalkers are moving with the times and starting to harass and stalk in cyberspace. As a direct result of the increased accessibility of the Internet world-wide, theinci- dence of cyberstalking will almost certainly increase. Very recently the first prosecution case of cyberstalking or harassment by computer occurred in Los Angeles, when a 50-year old security guardwas arrested for his online stalking activities (Gumbel, 1999). In 1998, Novell (one of the world's leading providers of network software) began a UK study into "spamming" (i.e., the receiving of unwanted andunso- licited cyber junk mail). The focus of the studywas to estimate the cost in business terms of time and money wasted. However,one of the unexpected findings of the research was that a large minority ofwomen, 41 per cent of the regular Internet users, had been sent pornographic materialor been harassed or stalked on the Internet (Gumbel, 1999). Three percent of these messages were highly personal and sexual, and 35 per cent of the messages were unsolicited pornography. Such unwarranted attention is intrusive andis a serious cause for concern. Cyber Angels (www.cyberangels.org) isa branch of the Guardian Angels and was set up in 1995. To date, it has dealt withover 200 cases of cyberstalking two of which ended in the rape of the victims according to their Senior Director, Colin Gabriel Hatcher (Griffiths, Rogers & Sparrow, 1999). The organization claims that cyberstalking usually occurs withwomen who are stalked by men, or by children who are stalked by adult predators. Typically the victim is new online and therefore ignorant of "netiquette". In most cases, people just receive unsolicited junkmail but it can turn sinister. The risk of harassment intensifies if someone enters an Internet chatroom. In most instances, the online harassment and stalking have eventually escalated offline (bytracing the victim's telephone number and address). Hatcher makes the point thatcases such as these should not be trivializedas the paranoia of a small group of computer users (Griffiths, Rogers & Sparrow, 1998). In the US libel and defamation are taken very seriously but stalking is sometimes perceivedas a crime related to women's hysteria. One of the problems with Internet use is that thereare always more novices than those experienced, so the novices are not being taught theways that they can protect themselves from being exploited. At least with obscene phone calls there is a voice and with letters there is handwriting; with e-mails thereis nothing to go on, no clue as to the personality of theperson involved. To some this makes the whole thing creepier. What'smore, these "new" criminals perhaps would never have interfered in other people's lives and committedsuch acts in a face-to-face scenario.

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Cyberstalking: What can be done to combat the problem? The development of computer technology is producing new categoriesof crimes in which the perpetrators believe they can hide behindthe seemingly anonymous computer screen in an attempt tointimidate, threaten and spread hatred. These people appear to be naive about exactly how anonymousthey can be since specialists in this field can trace almost anyelectronic trail back to a computer. Every time a person visits a web site,they are leaving their e-mail address behind as a caning card. If that person takes part in any Internetdiscus- sions on a Usenet site, he or she is again leavinghis/her identity. Where new crimes occur, new methods are used to combat it. For instance, apolice officer was recently caught attempting tosolicit minors over the Internet when a police officer pretended to be a 13-year old girl (Gumbel, 1999). This was alot easier to do over the computer than it would havebeen in real life. The International Web Police (www.Web-Police.org) are well placed to fightthis relatively new type of crime. At present very few cases of cyberstalking have reached UK courtsalthough UK law is adequately equipped to deal with such scenariosbecause of the recent 1997 Protection From Harassment Act.There is no specific mention of computers in the Act but the definition ofharassment is based on the "reasonable man" test, i.e., any action which would reasonably beconsidered to be harassment are caught within the Act. This so-called "stalking act" sets out to create both criminal and civil sanctions forharassment, and in so doing, builds upon existing common law nuisance actions(Griffiths, Rogers & Sparrow, 1999). Criminal law and those who enforce it must come to terms withthe implications of change with regards to computer crime. Itcould be argued that the technical complexity associated with cybercrime combinedwith the limited number of prosecutions has permitted criminal justice practitionersthe luxury of ignorance. Sparrow and Griffiths (1997) have stated if computer-relatedcrime is to occupy a position of increasing importance inthe range of offending behaviour, then criminal justice practitioners must be willing tofamiliarize themselves with such activities in order to make judgements about theoffender and the nature of their offending. In the future, cyberstalking maybe viewed in the same way as other more "traditional"criminal acts are currently viewed.

Internet sexuality: Conclusions One of the objectives of any future research should be todetermine the object of the Internet sex addiction. If some people appear addicted tothe Internet, what are they addicted to? Is it the medium of communication(i.e., the Internet itself)? Aspects of its specific style (e.g., anonymity, disinhibition,etc.)? The information that can be obtained (e.g., hard-core pornography)?Specific types of activity (gender-swapping, role-playing games, playing sex computer games, cyberstalking)? Talking/fantasizing to others (in chat rooms or on Internet Re- lay Chat)? Perhaps it could even be a complex interaction between morethan

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one of these. It is most likely that the Internet providesa medium for the "addiction" to flow to its object of unhealthyattachment (i.e., a secondary addiction to more pervasive primary problems). The Internet can easily be the focus ofexcessive, addictive, obsessive and/ or compulsive behaviours. One thing thatmay intensify this focus are the vast resources on the Internet available to feedor fuel other addictions or compulsions. For example, to a sex addictor a stalker, the Internet could be a very dangerous medium to users and/orrecipients. There is also the problem that the Internet consists ofmany different types of activity (e.g., e-mailing, information browsing, file transferring, socialising,role-game playing, etc.). It could be the case that some of these activities (likeInternet Relay Chat or role-playing games) are potentiallymore addictive than some other Internet activities. Itis also worth noting that there has beenno research indicating that sexually- related Internet crimes suchas cyberstalking are addictive. However, the small number of case studies that have emerged doappear to indicate that cyberstalkers display addictive tendenciesat the very least (salience, mood modification, conflict, etc.) although further researchis needed to ascertain whether these excessive behaviours could be classedas bona fide behavioural addictions. With regard to online relationships andaffairs, these behaviours presenta new dimension in couple relationships. These sexually-relatedInternet behaviours appear as though theycan be used from the healthy and normal through to the unhealthy and abnormal (i.e.,use, abuse, and addiction) (Cooper, Putnam, et al., 1999). The Internet isanonymous, disinhibiting, easily accessible, convenient, affordable, and escape-friendly.These appear to be some of the main reasons for online infidelity. The detection of online affairsmay be difficult but that does not mean it shouldnot be given serious consideration in eitheran academic or practitionercontext. These groups, along with those whoengage in or who are on the receiving end ofsuch behaviours, need to recognize that the Internet adds anew dimension to relationships. This has implications for assessment and treatment of couples whomay, knowingly or unknowingly, undergo a relationship breakdown dueto the impact of excessive onlinecom- munication. However, as was noted earlier,text-based relationshipscan obviously be a positive and rewardingexperience for many people. It is alsoan area in need of future research. Interestingly, there is no clear evidenceabout the effects of pornography on users (Barak, Fisher, Belfry & Lashambe, 1999).However, Young et al. (2000) assert that future research is needed tomore. clearly delineate the identification and classification of problematic onlinesexual activities. Further to this Cooper, Putnam, et al. (1999) proposeda continuum of Internet sexual activities from life enhancing to pathological needsto be replicated and further refined. There are very few areas surrounding excessive Internetuse and its relationship with sexuality that do not need further empiricalresearch (e.g., online sexual addiction, Internet and computer addiction,and online relationship dependency and/or virtual affairs). More remainsto be done in cyberspace to more clearly

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understand both the risks and benefits for Internet users, couples and society as a whole. There is no doubt that Internet usage among the general population will continue to increase over the next few years. Social pathologies relating to Internet sexual behaviour do exist. This is certainly an area that should be of interest and concern not only to psychologists but to all those involved in clinical health issues. Excessive use of the Internet is not problematic in most cases, but the limited case study evidence available does suggest that for some individuals, excessive Internet usage is a real addiction and of genuinecon- cern.

Note 1. A longer and more detailed version of this article will appear in an upcoming issue of Cyber Psychology and Behavior.

References Barak, A., Fisher, W.A., Belfry, S. & Lashambe, D.R. (1999). Sex, guys, and cyberspace: Effects of Internet pornography and individual differences on men's attitudes toward women. Journal of Psychology & Human Sexuality, 11, 63-91. Booth, N. (1996). Clampdown can easily be beaten, say net experts. The Times, August 16, p.2. Brenner, V. (1997). Psychology of computer use: XLVII. Parameters of Internet use, abuse and addiction: The first 90 days of the Internet usage survey. Psychological Reports, 80, 879-882. Brooks, M. (1999). Sex site surfers teach traffic watchers. The Guardian (Online), September 30, p.3. Charlesworth, A. (1995). Never having to say sorry. The Times Higher Educational Supplement (Mul- timedia Section), May 10, p.viii. Cooper, A. (1998). Sexuality and the Internet: Surfing into the new millennium. CyberPsychology and Behavior, 1, 181-187. Cooper, A., Delmonico, D. & Burg, R. (in press). Cybersex users, abusers, and compulsives: New findings and implications. Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity: TheJournal of Treatment and Pre- vention. Cooper, A., Putnam, D.E., Planchon, L.A. & Boies, S.C. (1999). Online sexual compulsivity: Getting tangled in the net. Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity: The journal of Treatment and Prevention, 6, 79-104. Cooper, A., Scherer, C., Boies, S.C. & Gordon, B. (1999). Sexuality on the Internet: From sexual exploration to pathological expression. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 30, 154-164. Cooper, A. & Sportolari, L. (1997). Romance in Cyberspace: Understanding online attraction. Journal of Sex Education and Therapy, 22, 7-14. Deirmenjian, J.M. (1999). Stalking in cyberspace. Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, 27 407-413. Durkin, K.F. (1997). Misuse of the Internet by pedophiles: Implications for law enforcement and probation practice. Federal Probation, 61(3), 14-18. Durkin, K.F. & Bryant, C.D. (1998). Propagandizing pederasty: A thematic analysis of the on-line exculpatory accounts of unrepentant pedophiles. Deviant Behavior, 20, 103-127. Griffiths, M.D. (1995a). Technological addictions. Clinical Psychology Forum, 76, 14-19. Griffiths, M.D. (1995b). Netties anonymous. Times Higher Educational Supplement, April 7, p.18.

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Griffiths, M.D. (1996a). Behavioural addictions: Anissue for everybody? Employee Counselling To- day: The Journal of Workplace Learning, 8(3), 19-25. Griffiths, M.D. (1996b). Internet "addiction": An issue for clinicalpsychology? Clinical Psychology Forum, 97, 32-36. Griffiths, M.D. (1996c). Nicotine, tobacco, and addiction.Nature, 384, 18. Griffiths, M.D. (1997a, August). Technological addictions:Looking to the future. Paper presented at the 105th Annual Convention of the American PsychologicalAssociation, Chicago, Illinois. Griffiths, M.D. (1997b). Children and the Internet. MediaEducation Journal, 21, 31-33. Griffiths, M.D. (1998a). Internet addiction: Does it reallyexist? In J. Gackenbach (Ed.), Psychology and the Internet: Intrapersonal, Interpersonal andTranspersonal Applications. Pp.61-75. New York: Academic Press. Griffiths, M.D. (1998b). Children and the Internet:Issues for parents and teachers. Education and Health, 16, 9-10. Griffiths, M.D. (1999a). Internet addiction: Internet fuelsother addictions. Student British Medical Journal, 7, 428-429. Griffiths, M.D. (1999b). All but connected (Onlinerelationships). Psychology Post, 17, 6-7. Griffiths, M.D. (in press). Gambling technologies:Prospects for problem gambling. Journal of Gam- bling Studies. Griffiths, M.D., Rogers, M.E. & Sparrow, P. (1998). Crimeand IT (part II): 'Stalking the Net'. Proba- tion Journal, 45, 138-141. The Guardian (1999). Blue money. The Guardian(Online), May 27: p.5. Gumbel, A. (1999). Techno detectives net cyber-stalkers.Independent on Sunday, January 31, p.17. Joinson, A. (1998). Causes and implications of disinhibited behavioron the Internet. In J. Gackenback (Ed.), Psychology and the Internet: Intrapersonal,Interpersonal, and Transpersonal Implica- tions. Pp.43-60. New York: Academic Press. Lillington, K. (1999). Web life: Parenting. The Guardian(Online), September 9, p.5. Marks, I. (1990). Non-chemical (behaviourial)addictions. British Journal of Addiction, 85, 1389- 1394. Millar, S. (1996). Police curb on Net porn 'impossible'. TheGuardian, September 2, p.6. Morahan-Martin, J.M. & Schumacher, P. (1997, August).Incidence and correlates of pathological Internet use. Paper presented at the 105th Annual Conventionof the American Psychological Association, Chicago, Illinois. Orford, J. (1985). Excessive Appetites: A PsychologicalView of the Addictions. Chichester: Wiley. Scherer, K. (1997). College life online: Healthy and unhealthyInternet use. Journal of College Devel- opment, 38, 655-665. Sparrow, P. & Griffiths, M.D. (1997). Crime and IT:Hacking and pornography on the Internet. Probation Journal, 44, 144-147. Sprenger, P. (1999). The porn pioneers. The Guardian (Online),September 30, p.2-3. Thompson, B. (1999). New kids on the net. The Guardian(Online), June 24, p.2-3. Wilson, J. (1999). Net porn baronescapes jail. The Guardian, October 7, p.5. Young, K. (1998a). Internet addiction: Theemergence of a new clinical disorder. CyberPsychology and Behavior, 1, 237-244. Young, K. (1998b). Caught in the Net: How to Recognize theSigns of Internet Addiction and a Win- ning Strategy for Recovery. New York: Wiley. Young, K. (1999a). Internet addiction: Evaluation andtreatment. Student British MedicalJournal, 7, 351-352. Young, K. (1999b, August). Cyber-disorders: Themental illness concern for the millennium. Paper presented at the 108th Annual Meeting of theAmerican Psychological Association, Boston, MA. Young, K.S., Griffin-Shelley, E., Cooper, A., O'Mara, J.& Buchanan, J. (in press). Online infidelity: A new dimension in couple relationships with implications forevaluation and treatment. Sexual Addiction and Compulsivity: TheJournal of Treatmentand Prevention.

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BEST COPY AVAHABILE Violent Pornography on the Internet A Study of Accessibility and Prevalence

Ragnhild T. Bjornebekk & Tor A. Evjen

Norway has traditionally been a quiet society with few social problems. During the last years, however, we have witnessedas have other Western societies an increase in violence perpetrated by very young people. Research shows that more children during the 90's have developed anti-social conduct disorders, and more are engaged in severe violent acts than previously (Bjornebekk 1999). This is, of course, a problem for the child himself and his family, but it is also a serious problem for society. Violence and coercive actions challenge democracy and create fear and pain. What accounts for these trends? Violence results from a variety of factors. Some of them are more basic, anchored in the child's dispositions, upbringing and his or her primary relationships. Others are generated from the mainstream values and actions present in the culture. The media are, in interaction with other factors, important contributors to our ways of thinking and acting (e.g., Smith & Donnerstein 1998). Several studies have shown that the violence profile in Scandinavian visual media has become more pronounced during the last decade (e.g., Cronstrom & Floijer 1996). It is also reasonable to believe that the liberal and worldwide character of the Internet offers new contributory dimensions of violence influ- encing youngsters' thoughts and actions. "Violent Pornography on the Internet" is one study within a broader research project called "Violence Against the Eye Relations between Violent Content in Visual Media and Youngsters at Risk". The study is a collaborative effort of the technological research management SINTEF and the research unit at The National Police Academy of Norway. The intention of the study is, first, to throw light on harmful and illegal content on the Internet, thereby making people who are involved with children and youth more aware of what children might discover when surfing the electronic highways. Second, we want to ini- tiate discussions and actions regarding methods to prevent harmful contents, and to strengthen youngsters' resistance to undesirable influences.

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Communicative processes The technological development during thelast decades has transformed the Internet into a hot, wide and fast highway of communication.New opportunities for relationships, interactions and learningare offered. The highway offers worldwide accessibility in thenear absence of customs officers controlling the borders. Interactions between peoplemay go on without the usual aspects of communicative signs and anchorage. During traditionalcommunication a variety of signs, signals, and behaviour give meaningto the ongoing processes of interpretation. The participants are continuallyinterpreting and reinterpreting each others' apparition and style: clothes,hair and make-up, voice, gestures, and visual as well as non-visual reflectionsof feelings and moods. In these processes, the persons involved cannot hide. They must confront theircommu- nication partners immediately, while themessages are being exchanged. Ordi- nary social and internal norms governing the communicativecontent are, therefore, continually at work. This means that during ongoing communicationat least to a certain de- greepeople are also immediately confronted if theygo beyond the bounds of privacy and cross the cultural and personal thresholdsof what is acceptable, passing into the unacceptable, private and shameful.They are responsible for the communicative content andare forced to face others and their reactions to this content. Communicative processes on the Internet differ from ordinaryones. On the Internet, persons may be actively communicating withor without any time delay. At the same time, theymay be hidden and totally anonymous to each other. When this happens, the mechanismsregulating ordinary communication are out of function. This is certainly one of thereasons why persons with criminal, unacceptable or anti-socialintentions may invade some of these lines of communication anduse them to their own benefit, spreading unwanted and illegal content or getting in touch with othersin order to influence them and/or attract them to a particular network (e.g., Feather 1999). While surfing on the Internet,we made contact with open and hidden servers where Nazis, racists, Satanists and drug-users market their beliefsabout and motives for violent actionsor enjoying illegal drugs. We found newsgroups where recipes and formulae demonstratedhow to produce bombs and chemical narcotic drugs. Thesame experience is frequently reported by other surfers, why these phenomenaseem to be established and widespread both in chat groups and newsgroups.

Reports on Internet-related topics Norway is a nation with widespread accessibilityto the Internet, both in the public and the private sphere. Whenpassing the millennium, 55 per cent of Norwegian females and 63per cent of males above the age of 13 had access to Internet. About one million out ofa total population of 4.4 million, reported

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being on-line on an ordinary day. During the last year, there has been a significant increase in the number of persons on-line, and the acceleration in Internet use is formidable. From February 1999 to February 2000, 36 per cent more people gained access to Internet (calculated from data given by Norsk Gallup 2000/Inter Track). Today, about 5,000 Norwegians also pay a fee for access to certain web pages. Most of these web pages present ordinary pornography. How much time the customers spend visiting the pages is unknown. The web master offering two of the most popular pornographic magazines reports, however, that there were 23 million clicks on his web pages during January 2000 (VG-nett 03.03.2000). The pattern of diffusion of Internet use seems to follow the general pattern typical of a new medium spreading in society: Well-educated young males with high wages, students and youngsters are the innovators. The females and the elderly are the followers. In terms of research, there are few, if any, systematic studies on how Internet is used by criminal groups. One report, carried out by the police (Feather 1999), is from a research project concerning Internet and child victimisation. Most knowledge, however, is based on unauthorised reports by professionals (e.g., the police) and organisations monitoring the Internet. The reports show that criminals form relationships and acquire knowledge in order to explore the new technology's possibilities as a tool for ordinary and new forms of criminal conduct (Feather 1999). The latest reports on Norwegian criminal cases connected to Internet cybercrimeshow that six times as many cases were investigated in 1999 than 1998. The increase in criminal cases seems to be accelerating, and cases under investigation are judged to be just the tip of the iceberg. Most of the reported crimes are frauds connected to finance and business, credit cards, pirate copy- ing of software, and different types of hacking (Arsrapport Okokrim 1999). Several of these categories might involve youngsters as offenders. Based on experiences related to criminal cases, the police claim that persons distributing child pornography on the Internet are responsible for recruiting child offenders (The Norwegian Bureau of Investigation 2000). Specific categories of crimes are directly connected to or might involve children and youngsters as victims or targets of harmful and anti-social influence. These crimes include, among others, "hate speech", hate propaganda and racism, material marketing of or incitement to illegal acts, and communication of recipes for drugs and weaponry (tirsrapport Okokrim 1999). Internet, from its very beginning as a public medium, has been used to distribute child pornography and illegal obscene material. During recent years, it appears that Internet has, to a lower or higher degree, even been a tool for child trafficking. Feather stresses that paedophiles are using the Internet to convey sexual fantasies about children, to recruit young children, to reinforce and legitimise sexual preferences. This occurs through associations and access support groups that facilitate networking. She emphasises that it is difficult to identify the exact relationship between child pornography and paedophile ac-

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tivity. Research indicates, however, that child pornographyon the Internet is used by paedophiles as a means of desensitising children andnormalising sexual activity between adults and children (Feather 1999). Reports from several national Save the Children organisations tracking child pornography on the Internet indicate that Internet has becomea distribution channel for commercial child pornography. Swedish Save the Childrenreports having obtained about 10 pieces of inside informationon such activities daily during 1999. 20 percent of this informationwas about serious child pornography where adults perpetrated sexual actson children (Astrom, Radda Barnen 2000). Norwegian Save the Children has tracked child pornographyon the Internet for several years. It claims that, last year, itwas able for the first time to reveal Norwegian paedophiles engaged in "chicken hawking". "Chickenhawk- ing" is a method used by certain persons to sneakup on unsuspecting children surfing the Net and to present themselvesas someone else. The intention of "chicken hawking" is to make appointments with the child.Last year the organisation received more than 6,000 pieces of inside information about child pornography on the Internet, a small increase from theyear before. Much information about child pornography is found innews- and discussion groups (Internet Relay Chat) (Arsrapport Redd Barna 1998,1999). There are several factors that facilitate crimeon the Internet. One of the key factors is the liberal and anarchistic tradition that has beenestablished there and the transnational unwillingness tocope with the problems properly. Users' tolerance levels are extremely high. And the notion ofFree Speech far over- reaches that of being responsible for themessages one sends (Feather 1999). Other factors are, naturally, the global, transnational andanonymous character of the Net itself, all of which make it difficultto monitor and investigate.

Aims of our study and definition of violent pornography The more precise aims of our study "Violent Pornographyon the Internet" were to investigate the accessibility of violent pornography and to conductsystem- atic content analysis of its occurrences. Furthermore,we wanted to discuss how to prevent the injury such portrayalsmay inflict on children and youngsters. Here we will focus on the content analyses done during Autumn 1997 and early Summer 1998. Violent pornography is a depiction ofa violent act that occurs in an explicit sexual context. This makes itnecessary to define a violent depiction. For this purpose we will use the definition given by the National Television Violence Study performed in the US: Depicted violence is defined as...... overt depiction of a credible threat of physical force, or the actualuse of such force intended to physically harm an animate beingor group of beings. Vio- lence also includes certain depictions of physically harmfulconsequences against

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an animate being or group that occur as a result of unseen violent means. Thus, there are three prime types of violent depictions: credible threats, behavioral acts, and harmful consequences. (Smith & Donnerstein 1998, p. 170). Some additional elements need to be included to allow identification of a violent depiction in relation to a violent pornographic depiction. For this purpose we will add some distinctive characteristics to the definition: Violent pornography is defined as...... explicit sexual portrayals of acts that are valued and experienced as violent because of their grotesque, bizarre, disgusting or perverse appearance. in the process of production, involveor look like they involvephysical or psychological injuries to individuals or creatures. are evaluated as involving a credible threat of physical force. involve actual use of credible force intended to physically harm an animate being or group of beings. lead to physically harmful consequences for an animate being or group that occur as a result of unseen violent means. Thus, we focus on four prime types of violent depictions in our definition, instead of the three in the definition of violent depictions: credible threats, behavioural acts, harmful consequences, and the character of the depiction itselfall of which are placed into an explicit sexual context. The National Television Violence Study includes intentional physical or mental injuries to individuals or creatures, portrayed as an ongoing process or as a consequence. We also include explicit sexual portrayals of acts that the onlooker experiences as violent because of their grotesque, bizarre, disgusting or perverse appearance. The latter part is problematic, because it is normative. We find it, however, necessary to include this category, since it represents a distinctive part of what is presented on the Internet. The content of pictures presented in this category is deviant in the sense that it is experienced as a form of violence, e.g., the act implies actions that may result in the persons involved becoming ill or injured in more implicit ways. One of the challenges of this study was to know where on the Internet to start the search, and how to localise the material. While ordinary pornography is very easy to find, gaining access to commercial web servers containing violent and illegal pornographic portrayals is not as easy. To accomplish this, we focused on commercial search engines and international newsgroups. The pornographic portrayals we then hit, represent a wide spectrum of genres and contain serious violence and perversities, many of them certainly illegal for distribution in Norway (§ 140: Incitement to criminal acts, § 211, the paragraph on fornication, and § 382: Portraying serious violent acts) as well as in many

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other countries. Some of the portrayals mightnot be evaluated as illegal, but they are probably of the kind that almost all societieswould regard as unacceptable as a part of children's and youngsters' everydaylives.

The Internetunderstandings of the channel Deciding or settling questions about the accessibility ofviolent pornography on the Internet and understanding the logic connectedto situational prevention methods both involve having knowledge of Internettechnology. We have, therefore, briefly described some structures ofits technology, and some of the main functions particular to accessibilitysee a preceding article "What Is the Internet?" in this book. The description gives insights thatcan facilitate understanding of how we selected a sample forour content analysis. Descriptions and understandings of the Internetvary among persons dealing with the medium. Some users, especially those withprimary training in the humanities, understand the Internet metaphorically,as a world, a "space" for acting and interacting. When a person sits downto operate his mouse and keyboard, microphone orcamera, he becomes a "Cybercitizen"a citizen of the worldwide "space" that is offeredon the Internet. In cyberspace, some create their own "homes"their "sites" or "groups" or "pages"where they welcome guests and offer them information, perhapssome services, and talks. The user who understands Internet in thisway, "leaves" his physical local place when he sits down at the computer. He extendsinto the "Cyberspace", he is "driving on-line" on the highways, bridges andcities that constitute the "Cyberworld". In this space, the rules,norms and modes of interaction that dominate regular everyday communicationare set aside. And the user accepts this. The user might surf from "placeto place" looking at the views, selecting and fetching offered informationas a tourist. If she wants to, she can meet with other "Cybercitizens". Shemay or may not interact with them. She might take part in or build superficial, flexible and hastygroups, or might prefer more rigid networks where she and the other "Cybergroup members" present themselves openly or anonymously. We do not believe such metaphorsare fruitful. They create myths and images that might dramatise and exaggerate,or even minimalise, the influences of the Internet. They mightgenerate irresponsibility and borderline- understandings. Most important, however, the metaphorsare not sufficiently similar to the technology to make them fruitfulas metaphors. Our understanding of the Internetstarts from the perspective of the technological sciences and that of educational psychologywithin media and communication science. Internet is understoodas an effective and practical medium for transferring information fromone place to another. These transfers offer opportunities for communication, forreading and interpretation. Internet is, in our opinion, to be understoodas an extension and integration of the technology that the telephone,camera and computer media are based on. In

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t. Violent Pornography on the Internet

this sense, the Internet is a multimedium, an amalgamation that consists of and integrates several media. A medium is primarily a channel for the transmission of information. Infor- mation exchanged through "natural" media is propagated via waves. Media spread out or reproduce these waves. They must, however, be stimulated to action if communication of information is to occur. The electronic media have the same characteristics as "natural" media, and carry waves in the same manner. On the Internet, the stimulators are the operators of the mouse and the keyboard and the other technical equipment connected to the technology. This means that the person acting and interacting on the Internetthe user is a stimulator when she operates the mouse, keyboard and other Internet equipment. A user searches and sends electronic information, interacting with the electronic messages on the screen. The perception and interpretation processes activated when the person surfs the Internet are not different from those involved when the same person watches television or reads a book (e.g., Dallans Evans' discussions on brain functions during television viewing and other media activity, 1987). The learning processes, however, are different because of the flexibility and interactivity of the Internet technology. As a consequence, the mental resultsthe knowledge and imagesmay vary. From the searched electronic information occurring on the screen, the user creates mental representations based on how she experiences and interprets the information. De- pending on how the perception process has proceeded, the representations become integrated into existing concepts, scripts, schemas and structures of what already constitutes the user's consciousness. The user's "real" experiences with the phenomenon, and her attitudes, values and norms, are crucial for how the electronic information contributes to her consciousness. This has importance for how the information may modify or develop earlier ways of thinking, or create new concepts and structures for thinking and acting (e.g., Schanck & Abelson 1977, Donaldson 1984, Bjornebekk 1993). With regard to violent pornographic content, the phenomenon portrayed is commonly one with which especially young users, but most often also older ones, have had very little or no experience, both in terms of "real" everyday life and the symbolic world. Therefore, young people have few established mental structures allowing them to competently handle such information. From portrayals of violent pornography, the users may create new mental structures to use in perception of the world. On the other hand, if the persons have had some experiences with actions of this sort, such content may legitimise and justify the phenomenon, causing the persons to perceive it as common and widespread.

Method and sampling Our study deals primarily with searching the Internet in order to explore the accessibility and prevalence of violent pornography. Mapping the Internet with-

191 Ragnhild T. Bjornebekk & Tor A. Evjen

out systematic knowledge of how it functions is an impossible task. It isnot as easy to track violent pornography as it is to find ordinary pornography. This is why we have described the Internet technology, its functions andconcepts, in the article "What Is the Internet?" in this book. The challengeis, among other things, knowing how and where to search for thetarget material. If one, for example, wants to use search engines suchas Alta Vista and Excite to locate visual material, certain knowledge isnecessary. One must, for instance, choose Usenet to search on Usenet groups, download by clickingon the link "b", and also know how to convert files into readable formats. In order to study changes over time, we decided to performour searches at two different occasions. The first was autumn 1997, from August to December, and the second early summer 1998, the last week of May.

Selection of function to study For several reasons, news was selected as the function through whichto sample the violent pornography. E-mail is impossibleto study, because of its private and closed character. News, on the other hand, representsan open service, even when access is not given before paying a fee. IRC has proved to be one of the channels of special interestto paedophiles when spreading their messages and constructing networks (e.g., Feather1999, Arsrapport Redd Barna 1998, 1999). On the BBS, activity hasalso been registered that includes communication of violent pornography (e.g., Feather1999). The IRC function, however, is hasty and transitional in character,making it more difficult to study. Moreover, anonymous use of IRC groups for research purposes is ethically questionable. Meeting ethical standards is easier if newsgroups are selected. Newsgroup messages are usually stored for some time and offer, therefore, better opportunities for research. Most important, however, is thatIRC is a text- based function, whereas newsgroups involve all kinds of formats. Theyare principally multimedia. Our primary intention has beento study visual portrayals, making newsgroups more convenient forour purpose.

Selection of search engines Most foreign newsgroups do not subscribe tonewsgroups aimed at Norwe- gians, thus using the Norwegian language. Toaccess newsgroups with violent pornographic topics, it was necessary touse foreign web and news servers as well as high capacity search engines. Alta Vista and Excite allow theuser to locate web server material and news that are spread around the world. The capacity of these searchengines made them particularly convenient forour study. Alta Vista offers an extensive index of web pages and a great selection ofnewsgroups. At the time we started our search, Alta Vista had indexed more than 30 millionpages and more than 12,000 searches were carried out each day. It hada capacity to index more than 3

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million pages daily. Moreover, it makes allnewsgroups accessible to everyone, even to persons who would have been excluded from sections of them by their national servers. Excite is also a large search engine, indexing webpages and newsgroups that have been active during the last two weeks. At the time of our search, it had more than 50 million URL addresses in its database. These search engines were our starting points. In addition,we included other commercial and "free" news servers in the searchprocess when we found it necessary. When we started our research, we found about 21,000newsgroups on all kinds of topics. This number, however, continuously increases, and today it is certainly much higher.

Selection of actual newsgroups To identify newsgroups with violent pornographic content that fitour definition (see the earlier section "Aims of our study and definition of violentpor- nography"), it was necessary to carry out several test searches. The results of these tests led to our decision to focus on three mainnewsgroups: "alt.binaries. picture.* ", "alt.binaries. picture. erotica .* " and "alt. sex.* ". Upon entering the newsgroups, new references and links to other related sources were immediately offered. Addresses, telephone numbers and e-mail references were announced, as well as sales of magazines, videos,etc. We chose to follow a couple of these paths to see whatwas offered. Searching on the free news servers was alk) done, butmore sporadically. From this we learned that material in one group is relatively often duplicated on other more or less related newsgroups. Besides the search engines, there are numerous webpages with explicit sex-related references to other servers. And most of theservers containing sex- oriented material also had references to othersex-servers.

Results

Access

Registration of web pages with violent pornographic material Our main sources and starting points for surfing and downloading of web pages with violent pornographic content were the three central newsgroups mentioned above: "alt.binaries. picture.* ","alt. binaries. picture. erotica.* " and "alt.sex.* ". From these groups, new web pages with related articleswere identified. An overview of the analysed groups is given in Table 1.

193 Ragnhild T. Bjornebekk & Tor A. Evjen

Table 1. Newsgroups analysed

Newsgroup Activity

Alt.sex.bestiality Themes connected to human sex with animals Alt.binaries.pictures.erotica.bestiality

Alt.sex.bondage Themes connected to sex with sado-masochistic acts and Alt.binaries.pictures.erotica.bondage bondage

Alt.sex.watersports Themes connected to sex with urination and defecation Alt.sexietish.watersports

Alt.sex.necrophilia Themes connected to sex with dead bodies Alt.sex.incest Themes connected to illegal sexual relations between family members

Alt.sex.fetish.amputee Themes connected to sex with injuring or injured body parts or mutilation

Alt.sex.pedophilia Themes connected to sexual relations between youngsters or Alt.binaries.pictures.erotica.teen to sexualising children Alt.binaries.pictures.erotica.children Alt.sex.pre-teens

Alt.binaries.pictures.erotica.cartoons Violent sexual themes connected to a variety of different content communicated in cartoon or drawing format

Alt.binaries.multimedia.erotica Themes connected to a variety of content communicated by a variety of formats

Alt.binaries.sounds.erotica A variety of sounds connected to sexual acts

Buying and selling services related to violent pornography For most services on the Net, there is some limitation on admittance. Search engines seldom have any control over admittance; instead most web pages administer their own admittance control. Usually this means that one has to pay for an access code. By selling admittance codes, the editor, web master or owner can check to some degree a person's age and address. Admittance "rules" usually state that a person must be at least 18 or 21 years old in order to obtain an access code. The "age" of admittance seems to be related to the country from which the editor operates. Payment is organised variously. The most common method is via credit card. The buyer must give his name, address and e-mail along with his credit card number and expiration date. The information is supplied in a questionnaire. Within a short time, the buyer receives his confirmation. If there is enough money on the credit card to buy.the service, the buyer is given a user name and a personal password. Control of the services is simple. A four-character word is usually enough to gain access to the "club". The services offered vary from ordinary pin-ups to bondage, sale of magazines, private videos and movies, procurement service, "live entertainment" directed by video conferences, and so on. Pornopass, Adult Pass, Adult Verification System (AVS) are examples of admittance systems for amateurs as well as professionals, offering services related

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to violent pornography. By using these systems, the seller is ableto make more explicit announcements of illegalor shocking and indecent actions and material. The price of an admittancepass is usually about $10 for a period of three months. It allows access both to the webpages and to lists of members of hundreds of web servers that offer thesame category of content. Another payment system offered involves phoninga tele-market (usually a 900-number in the US). The call gives thecustomer an admittance code, a PIN- code allowing immediate access to the webpages. The fee is then charged to the telephone number used when calling. When ordering a video conference, the fee is chargedto the ordinary message unit used. Video conferences are services announced bothon the Net and in Internet magazines. To access the service, thecustomer needs special software. This software is, however, offered free of charge from the Internetserver hosting the service. It is just a matter of downloading itto a personal computer. The software is used as an integrated part of the web browser. First Virtual Account is a payment agency withan Internet address. It seems to be one of the more serious agencies on the Net. Information about the credit card is not on the Net, and a combination of telephone andInternet is used when the service is provided. Theuser is given a fictive First Virtual Account name to use when buying a service. When using this agency,one must pay a quarterly fee for administration of the service ordered. The webmaster uses the First Virtual Account for payment transactions by referring theagency to his home page. The customer orders the service from First VirtualAccount and not from the web master. When theagency has organised the transaction, the fee is registered on the web master's bank account, and thecustomer gains access to the service through the fictive First Virtual Accountname. We also registered "no payment" and free services that offeredcensored material on the so-called "public nntp sites". Thesenews servers offer newsgroups belonging to a variety of categories. Most of them donot publish shocking or obscene content, but there were exceptions. As mentioned earlier, the challenge when seeking violent pornographic content is to discover adequate addresses. In the beginning thiswas complicated, but some training and information made thingseasier. On the Net, services are offered that use "robots" to find "public"news servers that make lists of server addresses. We also identified persons or personal webpages offering similar services free of charge. Furthermore, itwas possible to pay $10 to Alter- native Internet Services to obtain specific guidance in howto "gain access to newsgroups you can't presently getright now!".

An example of how to gain admittance to violent pornography Admittance control varies dependingon the intentions of the person or group offering the information. Several seem to have commercialintentions, and make no effort to protect children from accessing the material. Severalmay have more private motives, and as such protect themselves fromgroups or police monitoring the Net. On some web pages there isa three-step control of admit-

183 195 Ragnhild T. Bjornebekk & Tor A. Evjen

tance. Each step guided the customer through some internal safety protection before permission was given to take part in the next circle. The first step is usually free. The visitor encounters a page that presents picture or video trailers marketing different sex topics. The visitor is informed that the topics will be available after paying a fee. The second step is to pay the fee, and then access is given to the second circle. Here a sample of sex topics is offered. Then new information is given. If the visitor wants access to, for example, child pornography, he has to take a third step. This step can be for the visitor to e-mail child pornographic pictures to the web master and to present himself using his real name and e-mail address. At this point, admittance will be given to the third circle. As researchers we are, of course, not in a position to follow the instructions leading into the third circle. We have, therefore, no sure knowledge of what is being presented there. It would be mere speculation on our part to say that this circle represents a forum for building a network or that the security is just a strategy to hide and protect exchange of illegal material. However, an interview with a child porn collector, who is active on the Net, shows that there is extensive exchange of all kinds of severe child porn and active networking in an "inner circle" where he participates. His group seems to combine closed chat groups on IRC and newsgroups in their exchanges and communications (Bjornevik & Johannessen 1997). Our investigations on the Net revealed aggressive marketing of violent pornography. During the period we worked on the study, e-mails offering different services related to violent pornography were sent to our addresses. The only way these persons could have obtained the addresses is through lists of customers of and visitors to web pages containing violent pornography.

Prevalence During the first period of the study, between 10 and 200 new articles were offered daily in each newsgroup. A total of 6,000 articles were registeredas indexed in the groups. Our sample comprised two searchesa week during a period of five months, i.e., about 40 searches. This means that we registered an average of about 150 new bulletins each day of search. This number is, however, not well-founded methodologically, because the variations are not systematic. One person could suddenly senda large number of pictures or videos to several newsgroups andpages at the same time, and afterwards become passive. Thus, during one day, 300-500 new articles could suddenly be presented in the newsgroups, whereas the next day of search perhaps only 10 new bulletins would be registered. The daily number of articles in the newsgroups or on the pages also varied depending on headline and topic. One rule of thumb is that the mostgro- tesque, bizarre or repulsive topics received the fewest articles. There were, however, as we shall see, topics of severe violent character among the most popular topics, if popularity is evaluated in terms of the number of bulletins presented in the group or on the page.

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Some material would not have been categorised as violent pornography if the content had been evaluated in isolation and out of context. Then it would have been just "violence". When placed in a sexual setting, the interpretation changes and the "violent" picture becomes a violent pornographic picture. Our sample is classified and structured partly in the same way as the material is categorised on the Internet (genre of violence), and partly by its format (as picture, text, video, drawing, or sound). The format is usedas the main category, and the genre of violent content as a subgroup. Several of the downloaded files were videos. We decided, however not to include this medium. This is not because we think the format is unimportant. On the contrary, we find it is very important. Analysis of the kind of hypertext used in videos is, however, too complex to accomplish in this study. It requires a study of its own. Most of the contents downloaded give a deep negative impression. The depictions are such that we decided not to use them as illustrations here. Most of them are indecent and probably illegal to publish inmany countries. Instead of using visual illustrations, we will give a short written description of the mainstream content.

Pictures The photograph is the most common format for communicating violentpor- nography. The reason is probably that such pictures are easy toscan from magazines and other media. It is also easy to transform them on the computer. They contain much information compared to the digital volume needed. More- over, photos are relatively quickly downloaded and they are cheap to produce. The pictures registered during the first period of study derive from several sources, from amateur photos to professional ones, from freeze-frame video pictures to pictures generated from other media and digital constructions. The content of the pictures can be divided into 11 groups:

1. Fisting and abuse of the genitalia The pictures in this category focus on the genitalia, often presentedas ultra close-ups. Extreme widening of genitalia using bottles, vegetables, tongs, etc. is presented. Big needles, clips, clamps and hooks are inserted into or fastened to the genitalia or nipples. Some of the pictures show heavy counterweights hanging from the penis, while others show injurious piercing of the genitaliaor nipples. This is a one of the largest subgroups studied.

2. Tied-up - torture This category is the largest in the newsgroups studied. Most of the pictures show one or more victims, most often a female, tied toor held up by some kind of apparatus. Several are connected to the instruments and guillotines with handcuffs and footcuffs. Some are held up by metal sticks in theirnose, arms or feet. Females are usually gagged, threatened and tortured in differentways.

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The expression on their faces and eyesappears to be fright. Some are stabbed with knives, others with needles, hooks, sticksor different instruments constructed for torture. The torture might be aimed at different parts of the body: thetongue, face, nipples or the genitalia. The acts are usually presented ina sexually explicit context, while the torture is going on. The females are usually almost nude. Belts and straps are twisted under and above their breasts and around thehips. Mostly, the torturer is a half-naked, disguised male, witha black hood covering his head and face. The appearance ofsome men gives associations to the Ku Klux Klan. A specific subgroup involves strangling of a victim. Often severalpictures are presented as a sequence showing the strangling process. Many portrayals in this group are presented as "real", as documentaries. It seems almost as though there are no limits to the acts oftyranny that can be presented in pictures belonging to thiscategory. In connection to the web pages presenting this category, thereare sometimes announcements for different instruments meant for sado-masochistictor- ture. For the most part, pictures in this category are presented innewsgroups labelled ".bondage"a kind of newsgroup with several subgroups presenting more specific forms of torture that we have categorised using other labels. This is also one of the largest subgroups studied.

3. Plastic and strangling This group consists of pictures where different plastic materials, bagsand foils are used in a variety of ways for sexual satisfaction. Several pictures showa naked person, usually a male, standing ina room, wrapped in a big transparent plastic bag that covers the entire body. Avacuum cleaner, with the tube placed under the bag, creates a vacuum depleting the air supply. Whetherthe person has been strangled is, in several cases, impossibleto determine. Other pictures show naked persons wrapped up withropes around the neck and body and transparent foils around the head and face, while they gasp for air. Theexpres- sion on their faces seems in several pictures to beone of despair. One specific subgroup presents pictures focussedon strangling, without the use of the "plastic" or "vacuum" strategies. Inone of the pictures, we see a male tied up in a rope that at one end is fastened around his neck.The other end is tied to a car. A centrifugal movementputs him into a position where he will either be almost strangled or, if he looses his control, strangled. Several of the pictures presented are old black and whites, probably photos shot in relation to real cases in which the person involved died. The images seem to have received a kind of cult status. The number of pictures in this category presented in the newsgroups we studied is small comparedto the previously mentioned categories.

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4. Rape Another large category of pictures presents a variety of rapes, most often portrayed as snuffers, i.e., as rapes that "really" have happened. Several seem to be amateur or "home-made" pictures. Some are "stolen" from identifiable movies, scanned and presented in a sequence of about 5-8 pictures. Most of the victims portrayed are female. Some of the pictures are close-ups, focusing on the en- croachment, on painful facial expression or on different kinds of torture details, such as a knife cutting part of the body, the nipples or a breast. The pictures occur in newsgroups with different labels. Many of them are, however, presented in subgroups systematised under the "bondage" variety of newsgroup.

5. Child pornography The content of the child pornography pictures covers all kinds of sexual acts perpetrated on small and older children and on young people. The age of the smallest children we observed was about 5-6 years. Some pictures present nude children, some involve indecent exposure of the child, usually a male. Other pictures, however, represent a variety of intercourse acts, rapes and physical injuries towards both boys and girls. Most of the offenders are males. Some of them are presented as the child's grandparents or other family members. The categorisation of pictures presenting child pornography is mostly based on highly specific factors, such as age spans of just a few years (4-5 years, and so on) and the children's gender.

6. Necrophilia and bestiality Many pictures in this category depict suicide, murder or consequences of different accidents where the persons involved are dying or dead. Severely dam- aged, crushed or torn off body parts and wounds are shot in ultra close-ups. The focus is on the injuries. Many of the pictures seem to belong to archives from hospitals, pathologists, police, etc. Some of them are close-ups showing touching of corpses' genitalia or of blue and hideous marks on the neck after strangling. Labels and texts place the portrayals into a sexual context. One subgroup contains bodies with dark blue death marks, showing processes of decay and torture of a corpse's body parts. The pictures are presented both on specific web pages and on news sew- ers. This is a rather small group. During the period of the first study, however, the group was regularly supplied with new pictures.

7. Murder and dismemberment of bodies Sequences of murder by dismemberment using a variety of tools are depicted through series of 4-8 pictures. The act is usually presented in detail. This category also consists of very few pictures. During the period of the study, we registered only some new pictures on the page in question. They were similar to the ones first registered, presenting the same kind of sequences.

199 18t Ragnhild T. Bjornebekk & Tor A. Evjen

Access to these pictures was possible for a small fee. Thepage address was found in a newsgroup.

8. War-related accidents Some pictures from wars are presented on pages with sex-related labels.One of them portrays two males executinga kneeling boy. The boy's body is still upright, though his head is cut off. In the backgrounda crowd is watching the execution. Another young boy, also kneeling, with hisarms behind his back, is gazing at what is happening. He is probably the next boyto be beheaded. Another photo shows a group of young soldier-boys kneeling behinda bleeding, decapitated head. The head belongs to whatseems to have been a young boy or girl. The text "Khmer Rouge" signals that this is a war photo. Some of the pictures registered are identifiedas award winning photos from famous exhibitions. They are probably "stolen" and scanned frommaga- zines or posters before being sent to a newsserver containing violent pornographic content. This category is also rather small.

9. Animal pornography Portrayals of sexual acts between animals and humans constitutequite a large category on the web servers and in the newsgroups investigated. A wide variety of animals are portrayed, and the human participants are both males and females, individuals as well as two or more people. The depictionscover intercourse, as well as a variety of close-ups of genitalia, and a general overview of the whole context. The pictures are usually presented in groups labelled ".animal" andin subgroups that communicate what kind of animal is focused on,or the location where the acts take place. Often the labelling gives associationsto "cowboy- culture", or to specific nations or places.

10. Defecation and urination This category is usually presented in subgroups labelled"wet and messy". The pictures involve portrayals of defecation and urination, and eating anddrinking of the excrements. There are depictions of people whosmear the excrements over their bodies. Often there are close-ups focusing on the anus whilea nude child or an adult male or female is defecating into anotherperson's mouth or while he or she is "helped" by fisting. Theprocess may be presented through picture sequences. Pictures of different kinds of urination actsare also presented on ordinary commercial web servers offering pornography. Bulletins aboutdefecation are, however, usually not communicated here.

11. Mutilated and dead infants and embryos It is questionable whether this category should be includedin violent pornography. The reason why we chose to include it is that,on the web servers and in

200 Violent Pornography on the Internet

the newsgroups we studied, this category is presented as a subgroup beside and along with violent pornography. Several of the pictures seem to be illustrations from books about pregnancy and birth defects and injuries occurring during embryonic development. Some of them seem, however, to be photos from aborted embryos. This theme is presented regularly in several newsgroups. Some of the pictures are identical to those presented in magazines published by satanic groups in Norway. It is impossible to say what the relations may be between these magazines and the web groups.

Drawings The registered drawings are usually cartoon strips. This is the format most often found in newsgroups that present violent pornography bulletins. The different topics in the drawings and strips are nearly identical to what was found in the picture bulletins. We observed acts similar to those reported from the war category and from the "Tied-up and torture" group. Some details of the content are, however, even more grotesque and bizarre than in the photos.This is probably because a drawing allows the depiction of acts that are almost impossible to perform in real life. Usually the drawings are followed by a text presented in cartoon-bubbles (most often in English) or in a graphical symbolic language. Several strips portray a person, usually a female, who is being impaled on a spit. The spit runs from her vagina to her mouth. Afterwards she is roasted on the spit and eaten by the audience watching what happened. Other strips focus on sexualised torturing of a woman before she is guillotined. She is cutoff at her neck or waist. The end of the story might be a depiction of a man lifting the cut-off head by the hair, while another tied-up woman is waiting for the guillo- tine. Other cartoon stories concentrate on rape performed with different kinds of instruments and machines, while a group of men run the machines and watch what happens. Several of the strips presented are identified as originating in French and Belgian cartoons. In Norway these cartoons are for sale in underground contexts.

Videos In terms of computer technique, the video format is much more demanding to transmit and download than are pictures and cartoons. A movie consists of long sequences of pictures, thus requiring considerable storage and transmission capacity. Two different kinds of movie transformations are commonly used on the Internet. One is downloading of the sequence as a file,before it is possible to play the sequence. The other method is streaming, whereby the movie is transmitted directly onto the screen without prior storage. When the study was running, sound did not accompany the movies, probably because it dramatically decreases transmission speed.

201 Ragnhild T. Bjfarnebekk & Tor A. Evjen

The volume of movies presented in thenewsgroups varied from one to ten megabytes for each sequence. Usually,every act consisted of several sequences. The video sequences consist of similar, oftenidentical, content to what was registered in the picture categories. Most ofwhat was found belonged to the categories "Tied-uptorture", "Rape" and "Animal pornography". Theywere stored in newsgroups labelled ".multimedia",".bondage" ".animal" and ".bestiality". A large proportion of videos presentedseems to be amateur shots. The sequences are very explicit in their sexual and violent expression.The reason is probably that, due to technical limitations,it is convenient to dense pack the story climaxes.

Sound Two different kinds of soundwere found in the sampled newsgroups: sound as an expression in a movie, and sound asan independent expression of information on a data file. Thereare no technical limitations when downloading sound from the Net. In orderto record speech, however, it is necessary to possess a computer with the required technical equipment. We registered no kind of sound that could berelated to or associated with any category of violent pornography. Sounds of explicit sexualcharacter were, however, registered in some of thenewsgroups labelled "multimedia". Thus, according to this study, soundseems to be of very little concern.

What has changed between the first andsecond period of study? The technological development ofInternet is rapid, especially in terms of the increased capacity and speed of theNet. At the same time, there has also been increased development of strategiesto prevent illegal and harmful content. During the period betweenour downloadings, there was an explosion in the number of people with Internetaccess and in the number on-line. Are these changes reflected in what is communicatedin the newsgroups presenting violent pornography? As mentioned, we revisited the webservers, the newsgroups and web pages and did a second analysis during earlysummer 1998.

Accessibility We found that the search engines hadincreased their capacity such that newsgroups had become more accessible forusers with less computer knowledge and experience. Now, itwas no longer necessary to decryptify or decode bulletins in order to interpret them. Theywere transformed directly on the screen when downloaded. This means that, at the second studyoccasion, we had direct access to the messages in the free newsgroups, as wellas in the closed ones, once the fee was paid. In several of the groups, however, therewere files that had been "zipped". "Zipped" files have been compressedand need a program to decom-

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press them. This indicates that there are still some limitations in accessibility for the less proficient user. The admittance fee to several of the web pages had not changed. The visitors still had to pay about $10 to gain access.

The number The number of bulletins had increased dramatically. From being about 150 a v.TP registered about 600 bulletins in justonegrouponan average day. In the subgroup".tasteless", the number registered during one night was more than 100, and in ".torture" slightly less than a hundred. On an ordinary Sunday (27.5.98), the number of bulletins that dropped down to the subgroup ".bondage" amounted to about 870. The number of videos and movies had also increased substantially since the first downloading. We are not certain that the increase is as large as it seems from the number registered. The number corresponding to the second period conceals many depictions that do not satisfy our definition of violent pornography. Even if the label and announcement promised hard core pornography for a fee, the bulletins could still present posing and ordinary pornography.

The content We also registered a change in the labels used to characterise the subgroups. No longer were there groups labelled "child pornography" or "paedophilia". The analyses showed, however, that child pornography or paedophilia was not removed from the actual newsgroups and pages. They were categorised into other, more neutral labels, such as ".schoolgirl", "Japan.natural.art", ".latino", ".indian.girl" and ".teen". When visiting the group a warning was often presented: "This page may be illegal in your country. If this is so in your country, then please do not visit '8' " (from "geisha", 25.5.1998). Whereas at the first study occasion the child pornography was highly specified, tied to categories of boys and girls and age, it was more differentiated and varied at the second. In the newsgroups studied, the most severe portrayals were removed. Pictures focusing on different kinds of posing had instead increased, as well as the total number of portrayals of children. The category ".teen", which consists of one main group and several subgroups, presented, for example, about 230 messages on an ordinary Wednesday during this second period of study. Some of the groups with the most bizarre, grotesque and disgusting content, like "bestiality", had disappeared on the second occasion. A brief run through of a variety of pages showed, however, that the content had not been removed. The bulletins were presented under other labels that did not give associations to that kind of content. In light of the critique against the distribution of violent pornography, this strategy of appearing to clean up the bulletins is probably an attempt to avoid unnecessarily provoking American server owners. Changing the labels of the

203 Ragnhild T. Bjornebekk & Tor A. Evjen

news pages is also a strategy used to escape the Cyberangels,Save the Child- ren, and other organisations that intentionally monitor the linesin order to stop illegal and harmful contentson the Internet. Compared to the first period of study,one marked change was the increase in commercial groups announcing differentproducts or services. The category of torture had, for example,got a new subgroup presenting a variety of products for sado-masochistic torture: masks made of leather,belts, hand-, feet- and neckpillories, police sticks, links and cuffs fordifferent parts of the body, and metal rods for torturing thetongue. The assortment of products was surprisingly rich and as grotesque as thepages that depicted "acts" and stories related to violent sex. In our first study, theannouncements were more sporadic, and the assortment muchpoorer. Other groups announced exchanging ofpartners that were willing to participate in violent sexual acts. Thiswas portrayed as a general commercial service. No such announcementwas registered at the first study occasion. Then only "swapping" and procurement activitywas registered. "Swapping" concerns girls who themselvesannounce their services. "Necrophilia", which was an accessiblegroup during the first period, was not in the same groups during the second period. Thelink "I prefer necrophilia" led us, however, to the necrophiliagroup and subgroups in the same genre. One message related, however, that therewas no admittance to the actual group. We tried to link to another webgroup that announced necrophilia "totally free". But the webgroup did not seem to present any pictures belonging to the category. This probablymeans that the category is censored out of the news server. Another group that had disappeared since thefirst study was "bestiality". The label "tasteless"seems, however, to have absorbed the "bestiality"genre as well as part of the necrophiliagroup. The new group presented pictures ofa wide range of extreme and bizarre depictionsof several of the moresevere and grotesque genres. More than 350 bulletinswere presented in the group during one week. In the other categories, the results show smallerchanges related to content. A category that, at the first study occasion,contained so few pictures that it was not conceived of as a separate group, is digitally constructedor manipulated pictures. Quitenew searches show, however, that today this representsa new distinctive expression. One reason why thegroup seems to be growing is that programs for creating picturesare offered. These three-dimensional modelling programs make it possibleto create pictures and animation without real models, just virtual ones. Persons dealingwith violent pornographyuse the programs for constructing anti-social depictions presentedon the web pages studied.

204 192 Violent Pornography on the Internet

Concluding discussion When we started our study, some knowledge of Internet and searching methods was required in order to reach the web servers and web pages that communicate violent pornography. It was necessary to know how to decode the messages in order to transform them into pictures and texts. Today, the same knowledge is not required. Finding the web groups and pages with violent pornography is no longer as complicated. Access to violent pornography has become eqsier, and such content is voluminous on the Net. One characteristic feature of the violent pornography portrayals across categories is that most of them are presented as "real" happenings or as documentaries. The depictions are characterised by their cruelty, extreme anti-sociality and sadism. Most of the pictures and movies portray events that are far-removed from what most people are able to think about. Presented are phenomena that exist neither in the mainstream culture nor in people's imaginations or consciousness. Access to violent pornography will therefore promote thoughts about new and anti-social phenomena. Although some of the most extreme portrayals are no longer presented on the web servers investigated, other formats have been added. The number of representations of violent pornography in newsgroups and on web pages has, however, increased during the period of our analyses. Today, inexpensive "human" modelling and animation programs (e.g., Poser from Metacreation) are available to Internet users. The programs allow the user to create "virtual" persons who can be visually manipulated and placed into different surroundings. The virtual portrayals may be presented as pictures or in an animated form as movies. The apparitions are realistic. This means that the creator of the pictures or animations is not dependent on real persons or physical models in his production of images that may almost look like documentaries. Part of the violent pornography we analysed, especially depictions belonging to the sado-masochistic genre presented in the newsgroups, consists today of virtual portrayals created by such programs. We know relatively much about how violent pornography influences ordinary adult men. There are negative influences on men's attitudes towards woman. After reception of violent pornography, men become more positive to rape and evaluate women more callously. There are also results showing a relationship between consumption of violent pornography and aggressive behaviour in young males (Donnerstein, Linz & Penrod 1987). The studies focusing on influences of violent pornography are valid for adults. Few, if any, studies have focused on children. Today, extremely severe violent pornography is available to many children on the computer screen in their own home. We can only guess about the influences of this on children who already are aggressive and on children who are afraid of becoming subjected to crime.

205 Ragnhild T. Bjornebekk & Tor A. Evjen

Note The Norwegian Government's Campaignon Combating Violence in the Visual Media contributed to the funding of this study.

References Bjornebeld( R (1993): ReklameBevissthetKulturproduksjon [Advertising, Awareness, Cultural Production]. Paper to the XI. Nordic Conferenceon Mass Communication Research, Trondheim, 1993 Bjornebeldc R (1999): Gjenger, ran og voldnittitallets kriminalitetstreenighet? [Gangs, Robbery, and Violencethe Criminal Trinity of the 90'0. Sosiologi II, PensumheftePHS, Oslo Bjornevik H & Johannessen C (1997): Bamepomografi pa internett[Child Pornography on the Internet]. Journalist- og mediestudiet, Merkantilt institutt Cronstram J & Hoijer B (1996): 40 timmar vend i veckan [40Hours of TV Violence a Week]. Stock- holm, Valdsskildringsradet, nr 14 Dallans Evans T (1987): "De farliga bolgene [TheDangerous Waves] ", in Andresen H (red): Barn foran skjermen. Oslo, Cap. Donaldson M (1984): Barns tankeverden [Children's World ofThought]. Oslo, Cap. Donnerstein E, Linz D & Penrod S (1987): The Question ofPornography. New York, The Free Press Feather, M (1999): Internet and Child Victimization.Paper presented at the conference The Children and Crime: Victims and Offenders, Brisbane, June 1999 The Norwegian Bureau of Investigation: Police ChiefInspector Ole Petter Ekhaugen, Aftenposten 14.03.2000 Schanck R C & Abelson R (1977): Scripts, Plans, Goals andUnderstanding. Hillsdale, Lawrence Erlbaum Smith S L & Donnerstein E (1998): "Media Violence",in Geen Russel G & Donnerstein E (eds.): Human Aggression. New York, Academic Press,pp. 167-202 Arsrapport 1999 [Yearly Report 1999], ReddBarna, Oslo Arsrapport 1999 [Yearly Report 1999], Okokrim,Oslo

206

I("4 Paedophile Information Networks in Cyberspace

Rachel O'Connell

Two case studies within the COPINE1 research project, University College, Cork, Ireland, are concerned with how individuals dedicated to child sex organise themselves on the Internet, and to the content of the pictures posted.' The studies focus on Usenet newsgroups. Newsgroups, a public form of virtual communication, are only one outlet for the expression of adult sexual interest in children on the Internet. It is likely that private e-mail, mailing lists, ICQ (I Seek You) and IRC (Internet Relay Chat) have a greater role than newsgroups in the dissemination of more direct sensitive information, 'private' photographs, contacts, etc. IRC also affords users the opportunity to communicate in 'real time', and the option to open a Direct Client-to-client Communication (DCC) between two users, which bypasses the need for a server and thereby raises the level of security. The method used in the case studies involved subscribing to a newsreader that provided access to all newsgroups in which pictures were posted. The newsgroups that might be concerned with adult sexual interest in children were noted and accessed. References in these made to other similar newsgroups were also noted. Of the many thousands newsgroups identified, 0.07 per cent contained child erotica (children in stages of undress, but not sexually explicit) or child pornography. From an organisational perspective, restricting their activities to a limited number of newsgroups has obvious advantages for paedophiles. And few newsgroups do not restrict the large amount of picture trading that takes place in the groups.

Content of the pictures posted Some results from the analysis of the pictures posted during one week in Janu- ary and one week in April 1998 are the following:

207 eN, Rachel O'Connell

Newsgroups that contained pictures of male and femalechildren together were few. In total fifteen newsgroups were identified that containedfemale child erotica and pornographic pictures. Thelargest amount of picture posting took place in newsgroups with the words'pre-teen' and 'children' in the title. The overall number of female child pictures duringthe first week amounted to 3,487, posted by 193users. The number of pictures during the second week, when two of the newsgroupswere no longer in existence but another group had become more active, amountedto 5,233, posted by 313 users. (However, posters may use more than one pseudonym whenposting to different newsgroups). In January, nine newsgroupswere found where pictures of boys were posted. In general thesenewsgroups contained the world 'boy' in the title. The overall number of male pictures during the firstweek amounted to 2,546, posted by 126 posters. In April the number ofpictures was 2,070 and the number of posters 100. Two thirds of all pictures posted could be describedas erotic in nature and many of these appeared to be relatively recent, featuring childrenof Asian extraction or including text indicating Japaneseorigins. Pornographic photographs (as distinct from erotic)were largely either European photographs more than 15-20 years old, ormore recent ones featuring Asian children. Itseems likely that most of the pictures have theirorigins either in scanned magazine photographs, or in video captures. New erotic (asopposed to pornographic) photographs were mainly scanned fromJapanese magazines. There were also growing numbers of digitised video clips, derived fromvideotape originals. The content analyses, as wellas an analysis of paedophile fantasies discussed in IRC chatrooms, furthersuggest that there are clear indications of individuals' sexual preferencesan individual user's postings are specific and selective, defined in terms of factors including:sex of the child; stage of development of the child; ethnic origin of child; sexualinteraction; use of force; adult involvement; sex of adult; number ofadults; ethnic origin of adults; and sexual behaviour.

The posters The pseudonyms of posters toone group who used the same pseudonym in January and April were noted. These pseudonymsrepresent some of the core set of posters to the group, which suggests that theindividuals behind these pseudonyms are aware of each other, that theremay be private communication between them, and that they gain recognitionas the 'gurus' who seem to have access to large numbers of pictures and post regularly. The structure and organisation of paedophilenewsgroup activity are distinct. But the activity does notappear to operate in a strictly hierarchical fashion. Instead posters adopta co-operative approach; the images are posted ina

208 196 Paedophile Information Networks in Cyberspace

sympathetic environment that is supportive of the posters' rationalisations for child sex encounters. Posters can be identified as having a variety of roles. The main 'promoting' roles are as follows: Infrastructure advice co-ordinators act as a protective buffer zone orchestrating paedophile newsgroup activity and giving advice (e.g., about the group, how to download and decode articles and pictures, how to post anonymously and prevent discovery, suitable e-mail addresses and other newsgroups, how to respond to 'Flames', i.e., anti-paedophile reactionaries). Literature reviewers give detailed information regarding paedophile related publications, how to become a member of paedophile organisations, etc. Story/fantasy generators directly engage in the production and posting of stories. Support people contribute to a supportive context in which sexual interest in children can develop. They detail positive aspects of adult child sexual interaction, claim to disagree with coerced sex between adult and child and fully support consensual sex between adult and child. Posters and traders of child erotic and child pornographic pictures fall mainly into the following categories: child erotica only; child pornographic only; hard core child pornography only; mixed child erotica and child pornography; multi- sex deviants. A large amount of the activity consists of swapping pictures. Posts may ask for a certain picture to complete a particular series; there are posts containing 'prize pictures', recent pictures, offers of free CDs of series of photos, etc. There are also 'detractors' posting material to the paedophile newsgroups, i.e., the reactionaries who aggressively react against the content of the newsgroup postings, and paedophile register propagators who post identification details of paedophiles. Thus, the Internet provides a uniquely safe, easily accessible, and supportive context for posting, trading and collecting child pornography. This illegal material drives a market that is distinctive in that it typically, in the newsgroups, does not involve the exchange of money.

Justification to a wider audience Not to forget, there are an unknown number of people engaged in the passive monitoring and downloading of images and information. All the evidence is that many people at least browse in this area, if not actively downloading. The easy accessibility and transnational distribution of child pornography and rationalisations for child sex has broader implications in the context of sexualising children to an audience who may not have any primary interest in child sex per se. The children depicted in child pornography pictures are engaged in sexual behaviour, and are directed by the photographer to behave in specific ways that serve to sexualise children, in order to gratify a whole range of fanta-

209 4t. ."' .4. or Rachel O'Connell

sies. The result is that children engaged in sex acts are often smiling or have neutral expressions; very rarely do children in child pornographic pictures show signs of discomfort. These depictions appear to be designed to reinforce ration- alisation and justification processes for adult sexual interest in children. To the wider audience the pictures depict children as 'willing sexual beings'.

Notes 1.Combating Paedophile Information Networks in Europe. For more information about theresearch project, see Rachel O'Connell's article "Child Sex Iconography" in this book. 2.This article is a summary of findings presented in a paper by Rachel O'Connell at the Expert Meeting at UNESCO, "Sexual Abuse of Children, Child Pornography and Paedophilia on the Internet", Paris, January 18-19, 1999.

210 Child Sex Iconography Iconic Narratives of Child Sex Myths

Rachel O'Connell

This article seeks to explore the socio-historic origins of child sex myths transmitted via the iconic narratives of child sex iconography.' (The reasons for using the term 'child sex iconography' instead of 'child erotica' and 'child pornography' are given in note 1.) This approach marks a departure from a more typical discussion of child sex iconography within a narrow legal perspective. It is proposed that child sex iconography may be viewed as one of the media by which child sex myths and metaphors have been disseminated throughout the last century and a half. Furthermore, it is suggested that the template of these iconic child sex narratives may be situated in European turn of the century art. This theoretical approach involves borrowing the methods of study of iconography, which Panojsky2 described as the branch of art history, which concerns itself with subject matter or meaning, as opposed to form. This endeavor is important because, as Preziosi3 points out, a picture is a discursive space in which it is possible to connect artistic motifs and combinations of artistic motifs, i.e., compositions with themes or concepts. Motifs are thus recognized as carriers of a secondary and conventional meaning and combinations of images can be described as stories. Images whose content are left unexamined continue to have hidden powers of persuasion, something which is of no great concern in images whose ideological messages are clearly understood. It would be very remiss to ignore the narrative content of child sex iconography which is continually disseminated worldwide, particularly in view of the facts that these narratives support and justify both child sex myths and actual child sexual abuse.

Three periods of child sex iconography The three periods briefly explored in this article are characterised by proliferations of child sex iconography in the public domain.4 Commencing this exploration around the middle of the last century seems appropriate, as it was around

211 Rachel O'Connell

this time that a body of work became organised intoa category referred to as pornography. Arguably, this began aprocess of both categorising material as pornographic and defining the meaning of pornography interms of the 'forbidden'. With necessary selectivity, the article will explore the following media and periods in chronological orderthe purpose is to briefly explicate the possible origins, embellishments and mutations of childsex myths over the last century and a half: works of art dating from the turn of the last century; photographs and videos from the period 1969-1979 when pornography was legalised in Denmark and subsequently disseminated worldwide; images, photographs and video clips disseminated via the Internet. Tang' proposes that the history of pornographycan be told in terms of technologies. A recurrent set of related issues arises in relationto child sex iconography at the turn of the last century, and permeate throughto the present day. These issues can be outlined briefly in terms of the conjoining ofa set of circumstances attendant to proliferations of child sex iconographyissues that will be addressed in greater depth throughout the article: increased technological sophistication; ease of accessibility of material; worldwide dissemination of child sex iconography; perceived lax, absent or difficult to enforce legal constraints. The rationale for this historical approach is underpinned by the necessityto understand the meanings, myths and metaphors contained in childsex iconography. The approach facilitates the search for enduring commonalties, threads, and themes in these depictions. It is hoped that seekingto illuminate the unex- plored meanings depicted in child sex iconography ina systematic manner may provide some valuable psychological insights intosome of the seemingly implicit ideological assumptions made by adults witha sexual interest in children. Such an analysis would provide a means of eliciting useful discriminatingvari- ables that would assist theory building about sexual interest in children. It seems reasonable to suggest that such a studymay provide insights into how sexual behaviours with childrenare maintained. This process may ultimately assist in assessing the danger an individualmay pose to the community. Equally, a systematic categorisation system of the childsex myths that an individual adheres to would be useful ina therapeutic setting, for the purposes of deconstructing those myths.

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0r)11 goifti Child Sex Iconography

The COPINE project The main body of research that informs this article stems from over three years of research investigating pedophile activity on the Internet as part of my doc- toral thesis in psychology that commenced in 1996. In 1997, the Child Studies Unit, Department of Psychology, University College Cork, secured funding from the European Union for a European wide project called COPINE (Combating Paedophile Information Networks in Europe). The aims of this project were as follows: to promote an awareness and understanding of the issues involved; to facilitate the clear communication and development of contacts between law enforcement and other professionals in Europe; to identify areas for future operational co-ordination and co-operation. The last three years have been spent working in close collaboration with the Irish Police, The Paedophile Unit, Scotland Yard, and the Belgian and Dutch Police to execute these aims. Part of the research involved an analysis of the structure and social organisation of child sex related activities in cyberspace and its implications for investigative strategies.6 Research also involved the detailed analysis of over 1,000 child sex iconography images, in order to arrive at a systematic categorisation system of the content. The variables analysed centred on age, sex, and ethnic origin of the children, adolescents and adults depicted, along with the sex acts and sexual interactions featured. A similar detailed analysis of over 100 child pornography videos was carried out again for the purposes of categorising the content of these videos. And over twenty hours were spent in Internet Relay Chatrooms (IRC) dedicated to child sex gathering information about adult sexual interest in children. Some broad findings of this research will be referred to later in this article. Arising from the studies outlined above it became clear that a number of differing broad approaches can be employed when analysing the meaning, content, function and role of child sex iconography. By focusing on images defined as child pornography, the multifaceted layers of interpretation can be stated explicitly as follows: Child pornography images are the evidence of serious sexual assaults. As records of both the crime and the crime scene, these pictures are open to the techniques of crime scene analysis. This has important ramifications from a legal, law enforcement and child protection perspective. Research findings over the last four years suggest that adults with a sexual interest in children are highly selective in the kinds and content of the child sex iconography images they prefer. Therefore a forensic psychological perspective may be adopted when the collection of child pornography is viewed as a behaviour, rather than an intention or attitude. It therefore

2 0 213 Rachel O'Connell

constitutes a firm base on which to developempirical analyses relating collecting behaviour to offending. Collecting choicesare a behavioural expression of sexual interest, andas such therefore may provide objective and tangible insights in twosenses: i. by helping to identify the kind of pedophileinterest that characterises the person concerned; ii.by giving an objective and empirical basisto predictions of future risk and dangerousness, especially in circumstanceswhere there is no history of offending on which to base predictions ofdangerousness. Categorising the child sex iconic narratives thatindividuals subscribe to plays an important role inour understanding of adults with a sexual interest in children. This process would provide insightson a number of levels: i. Developing a categorisation of the variousiconic narratives of child sex myths that individuals subscribe to will helpto identify the kinds of child sex myths that characterise individuals. ii.Provide the opportunity touse sequential analyses to explore corre- spondences between the nature of myths thatan individual subscribes to and the nature of the offences, if any, perpetrated. iii.Provide insights into the childsex myths and ideologies to which an individual subscribe. This has implications fortreatment and predicting liability to offend.

Child sex myths are discursive products Over the course of the last fouryears analyzing child sex iconography and text based accounts of alleged sexual abuse andfantasies recounted by adults with a sexual interest in children, I have encounteredsome frequently occurring myths surrounding childsex. These include notions such as 'childrenare sexual beings', 'children demand sexual gratificationfrom adults', and 'sexual interaction between children and adults doesnot result in harm to children'in fact it is often suggested that sexual interactionwith children causes more harmto the adult than the child. Howare we to interpret and understand these myths? The approach taken here isa social constructionist one, which asks: How do culture, history and society shape andmaintain child sex myths? The underlying premise of this argument is thatpeople are embedded in conversations and we constantly makesense of the world through narratives and stories.' Child sex myths are discursive products,the roots of which can be situated in mainstream dominant narratives ofour society. As such, these narratives and of particular interest hereiconic narratives of child sex myths transmittedvia child sex iconographyare open to examination. They are located within, and defined by, the complexes of socialactivity. Nowhere is this more apparent

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than via computer-mediated communication which enables us to encounter many diverse people representing different waysof being in the world. Rom Harre8 has argued that if there is one fundamental or most basic social psychological activity, then we would have to say that conversation and social interaction are the best candidates for this distinction. This approach turns on its head the traditional methodology of looking at, e.g., cognitive distortions as ways of explainingthe ideological assumptions about child sex. The cognitive approach tends to begin with attempts to locate the origins of child sex myths and ideologies within the individual. Murphy (1990, cited in Hollins and Howells9) and Segal and Stermac (1990, cited in Grubin10) have reviewed the role of cognition in sexual assault. They found that although clinical observations suggest that child molesters do have cognitive distortions that are related to their offences, it has been difficult to detect defective cognitions specific to child molesters in research. This article tentatively situates the origins of child sex myths, as we know them today, within mainstream art at the turn of the century. As a part and parcel of mainstream art and popular culture the narrative discourse on child sex would have been incorporated into mainstreamdominant narratives. The subsequent sub-cultural narratives that grew around these mainstream narratives are visible in the discussions that pedophiles engage in and the iconic narratives of the child sex iconography that they exchange in child sex related sites on the Internet. The sub-cultural narratives of adults with asexual interest in children are accessible to research, something which will be discussed in greater depth later. The iconic narratives of child sex mythsthat encourage sexual offending are legitimate research targets, regardless of their causal status, because they may serve to maintain offending once ithas begun. Child sex myths may be necessary, if insufficient, for child molestation. In a discussion of myths and metaphors, Eliade Mircea11 highlighted the central aspect of myths, i.e., the ambiguity that myths seek to createan ambiguity that suggests that myths may be about the past but they may also be about the present, e.g., sexual interest in children has always existed. Using such a premise infers that sexual interest in children is something that stands outside of the realms of current social and legal sanctions and it is thereby granted enduring mythical and ideological status. Myths do not lose their relevance by virtue of being ancient, because they existoutside of ordinary time. In psychological terms the central figure of a myth corresponds to anarche- type, which in this case refers to the 'forbidden fruit' or the'sexually desirable child'. This archetype also exists outside of ordinary time and so is granted ideological status. The effects of such myths can be regarded as twofold. Firstly, for adults with a sexual interest in children these myths serve to provide an ideological and mythical basis for their sexual predilections. To society the citing of these myths in terms of the archetypal 'forbidden fruit' represents a circular argument which by the nature of its circularity is impossible to refute. Furthermore, a reciprocal interaction between the child sex myths contained in the sub-cultural narratives, i.e., those of adults with a sexual interest

215 203 Rachel O'Connell

in children, transact and shape the understandingthat society in general has about child sex. Conversely, social and legalsanctions, media commentary, and reaction to child sex cases will havean effect on how adults with a sexual interest in children interpret childsex.

Iconic depictions of child sex myths in highart of the last century Tracing the origins of child sex myths and metaphorsdepicted at the turn of the century is a difficult task, not least because this period isovershadowed by the impressionist movement and has received littleattention in its own right from art historians. These facts are further confounded by thetendency to avoid child sex iconography asa subject for discussion. Speculating on the meaning of the material to viewers is fraught witheven more difficulties, particularly as this exploration is carried out inretrospect. Exploring meanings and metaphors is further complicated by the differences in legalparameters surrounding child sex at the turn of the last century. In the United Kingdom priorto 1885, the age of consent for sexual relationswas just twelve years of age. Until 1880, English courts held that if a female child consentedto sexual intercourse no charges could be brought against the adult involved.Child prostitution was rife incer- tain parts of London at that time. Bram Dijkstra" has providedan insightful and rare account of turn of the century art. From an art historian's perspective, he providessome illuminating insights into what he termsas the 'iconography of misogyny' from the middle up to the turn of the last century. Throughout this period thehegemony of the Darwinian creed prevailed, i.e., the well-proselytized'scientific proof that women were inferior to men and had minds that couldat best be likened to a child's. Research findings such as these, made by themost eminent of scientists, offered license to artists and writersto depict women as child-like creatures. The `woman-child analogy' became prevalent, andsoon the parameters of that analogy saw some artists choose to focus exclusivelyon children. Turn of the century artists borrowed the symbolic motifs andiconic narratives that had traditionally been used to depict adult femalesexuality and utilized thesame motifs when depicting children. Hence, childsex iconography was born and in time it was further embellished with scripts andnarratives of its own. The audiences for these works ofart consisted of a small elite of wealthy individuals who were well versed in thesymbolic meanings of certain motifs and symbols. Toward the close of thecentury, gravure-assisted photographic reproductions printed in periodicals, booksand magazines made the work of contemporary artists accessible to millions of viewers allover the world. This resulted in works of art being elevatedto a position of international importance, which Dijkstra'3 describesas not unlike that occupied by television in our own time. It is important to point out that childsex iconography does not exist in a vacuum. Although it falls outsidethe scope of this article itseems

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reasonable to highlight that the child sex narratives and myths depicted in works of art were mirrored in the literature of that time. The ideology and symbolism underlying the emergent child sex iconography has far-reaching relevance in terms of situating the origins and subsequent elaboration, mutations and dissemination of child sex myths. These issues will be returned to later in this article. The following paragraphs will briefly explore some of the motifs, myths and iconic narratives that surfaced in turn of the century depictions of children. All of the paintin2s mentioned were widely distributed in periodicals and magazines and thus were easily accessible to the general population at that time.

Iconic child sex myths and narratives

The search for the ideal of innocence According to Dijkstra14 there was an underlying quest in the art of this period for the contours of the adult woman's lost innocence in the features of the child. A curious crossing of boundaries began to take place where the sexual enticements of women were represented in the physical body of the child. For example, the female artist Susanne Daynes Grassot in her painting 'Child before a mirror' depicts a naked child approximately eight years old standing before a mirror. The child is depicted standing naked in an erotic pose and appears to be completely self-absorbed. Depictions such as this and many others serve to underpin the analogies between a nude little girl and the poses of vanity and sexual arousal given to adult females by turn of the century artists. The underlying scripts and narratives of these depictions were well understood by the turn of the century viewer.

Waiting and or pleading for carnal knowledge motif Dijkstra describes the artist Paul Chabas as one of the most diligent artists in exploring the sexual implications of the woman-child analogy. He repeatedly painted scenes depicting adolescent girls posed naked and unprotected, surrounded by nature. The notion of therapeutic rape entered into the symbolic narratives of these depictions. There arose a veritable obsession with the cer- tainty that these girls would come to have carnal knowledge. The motif at the time frequently used to depict children waiting for carnal knowledge was a naked girl, usually seated, eyes shut and seemingly waiting with an expectant air.

Promise of 'love without fear' motifs As the century drew to a close, themes around the process of awakening the woman in the child became more prevalent. This was mirrored in literature where the notion of the young child unfettered by social convention, and as yet unaware of the wiles of womanhood, would embrace her sexual awakening into carnal knowledge by the viewer without fear. This process would be a

217 2O Rachel O'Connell

natural conclusion to the child's plea for carnal knowledge. Dijkstradiscusses Bruno Piglhein's use of a favorite artistic pose ofa sexually sated woman and applied the same formulaic depiction to the pleasurable exhaustion ofa toddler on 'Christmas Morning'. Simultaneously, in France Leon Perault made the erotic depictions of toddlers a specialty. In 1897, he painteda picture entitled 'Bacchus as a Child' in which he placed a naked infant in the characteristic pose ofa nymph with broken back. This motif was frequently used in the depictionof naked adult women lying supine in sharp backward anglesas if these women were in terminal backward spasms of uncontrollable sexual desire." The position inferred that it was only natural to take thesewomen by force and that they were in fact pleading for sexual gratification. That artists in the depiction of young children applied the same motif gives insight into just how close to pornographic the celebrated artist wished to take theeager viewers' imagination.

Anti-infantine sentiment In 1900, Leon Frederic painted 'The Stream' depicting the world of the childin what Dijkstra describes as a 'carnalorgy of infant flesh'. It seems that the turn of the century mind had reached the opposite end of thespectrum from where it had commenced. The artists had sought the ideal of innocencein female children which had quickly turned to viewing the childas somewhat precocious and self-obsessed. She was subsequently depictedas impatiently waiting for carnal knowledge. Her innocence in matters carnal representedto the turn of the century male the promise of yielding compliant love.At the close of the century, she was considered by the most eminent scientists to have criminal tendencies. Paul Adam, in an article 'On children' published in La RevueBlanche in 1895 (cited in Dijkstral6), warned that: "virtually all vices fester in the mindof the child". These sentiments were echoed bynumerous writers, scientists and philoso- phers and came to feature in the work of artists. The validity of Dijkstra'sinter- pretations is open to debate, but his argumentsare easily appreciated by looking at the artwork he refers to. Fortunately,turn of the century artists that he refers to adhered to the strict representational style that allowseasy recognition of the handful of well used motifs and styles. This examinationcan be supplemented by examining the literature and scientific findings from thiserait is hard to dispute his findings. In any event thata debate should be initiated can only be a good thing, for if we do not scrutinize themessages and myths that are transmitted through iconic depictions, then in all probability they willcon- tinue to permeate throughout our culture.

Dissemination of the template of childsex iconic narratives Towards the end of the last century, the template of childsex myths was disseminated throughout Europe and beyond. This disseminationwas to be aided

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further by the then widespread use and accessibility of photography. It seems reasonable to suggest that photographers would have emulated and sought to reproduce the classical images of art. This is evidenced in the case of photographs of nude adult females, which the French Academy had initially accepted as works of art. With the advent of cheap mechanisms for producing negatives, an unlimited numbers of prints could be produced quite cheaply. The voyeur- ism facilitated by photography allowed viewers to look at real children while not being seen. At that time numerous obscene pictures were produced, traded and disseminated in and around Europe. A forging of distribution channels and trade links with this new photographic industry took place but the evidence of this has been obscured over time. The proliferation of child sex iconography came to the attention of legal structures that grappled with a number of issues. These issues can be outlined as follows: The reproducibility of the photograph and its relative cheapness created significant opportunities for wide-ranging public access to such materials. Transnational dimensions were added as porn dealers utilized the postal system as a means for disseminating pornographic images. Distinctive structured and socially organized group dynamics with porn dealers akin to drug dealers and those buying child sex iconography akin to users, were created and maintained.

Commercial child sex iconography magazines and videos ten years of madness (1969-1979) The second illustrative example explores the period 1969-1979 during which all forms of pornography were legalized in Denmark. This legalization was accompanied by the subsequent global dissemination of such material during the same ten years. This period witnessed a growth of commercial child pornography magazines and videos. Tate" provides the names of the fathers of commercial child pornography in the twentieth century. These men were two existing adult pornography producers, Peter Theander and Willy Strauss. Strauss launched a child pornography magazine entitled Bambina Sex in 1971. In the first issue he used pictures from a collection that a pedophile had given to him and printed, bound and sold these images in the form of a magazine. This method of soliciting pictures from readers became the standard method of acquiring photographs that were published in subsequent magazines. According to Tate, Theander brought child sex iconography into the domain of the moving picture, applied the methods used in the filming of adult pornography and transposed them onto child pornography. Comparative analysis of the content of both adult pornography and child pornography videos produced during this period highlights the influence of filming methods applied in adult pornography, for example, the tendency to show angles that were nor-

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mally hidden from view even of the participants. Accordingto Tang18 these explicit shots of penetration originated from early Americanstag movies; the recurrent motif was the low angle shot between the legs to reveal penetration in the missionary position. Films were subjectto the demands of a mass market and this market was catered to in whatappears to be a systematic manner. Just as in adult movies there were possible combinations of heterosexual, homosexual, and a mixture of both; sexual interaction between couples,or groups; vaginal, anal, oral, genital-digital penetration,etc. Similar methods were applied to child pornography movies. In these the number ofchildren were alter- nated and the sexual interaction could be: child to self (e.g., self masturbating); child to child (children performingsex acts on other children); child to adult (child performing a sex acton an adult); adult to child (adult performing a sex acton a child); group of children and adults of either one or both sexes engaging in any number of sex acts. Typically the children involved were Caucasian and appeared wellfed and materially well cared for, which it seems reasonableto suggest further normal- ized the sexual abuse of children. The child sex myths from the turn of the centurywere, thus, maintained in the cine-film and videos produced during theera (1969-1979) but also embellished further with motifs borrowed from adult pornography.The moving picture reinforced child sex myths with a dynamic real life quality that still pictures do not infuse. This increased the perceived veracity of childsex myths. These movie depictions became the new medium for the transmission ofchild sex myths. The scenes were orchestrated and the children instructedto behave in ways which were designed to leave the viewer in no doubt about the 'truth' of the underlying child sex myths. Theuse and juxtaposition of the techniques applied to adult pornography in child pornography videosserved to further blur boundaries and meaning of child pornography,i.e., serious sexual assaults. These aspects of child pornographywere minimized, and myths about child sex maximized, using the following techniques: Children depicted in these films were generally smilingor had neutral expressions. They appeared to be well versed in theirown and adult anatomy. They rarely showed hesitation in going througha series of sex acts, something which conceivably has the desired effect of normalizingand sanitiz- ing child sex to viewers. Through analysis of these films itwas possible to discernnumber of additions to the child sex myths from the turn of the century. These films typiCally de-

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picted children as more than willing participants, and rarely contained evidence of harm having been done to the child. Between 1971 and 1978, Theander's company Colour Climax Corporation produced a series of at least thirty-six ten minute films, with titles such as Sucking Daddy, Fucking Children and Little Girl Sex. These shorts were marketed under the brand name Tolita' and were professionally made with titles, lighting and music. This period also witnessed the dissemination of child sex iconography worldwide. The production of commercial film based child sex iconography utilized the most up-to-date and sophisticated technology available. As had happened at the turn of the century, the conjoining of lax or absent legal constraints, with increased technological sophistication, facilitated easy accessibility of this material, which was distributed worldwide. Tate outlines that the subsequent re-instatement of the prohibition against child pornography simply resulted in cutting out the go-between. Pedophiles continued to exchange pictures of themselves abusing children amongst one another but without the commercial element to this trade.

Child sex related activities in cyberspace Communication technologies such as the Internet facilitate the rapid dissemination of a virtual stream of child sex iconography that appears to cater to every sort of child sex fantasy. The global dissemination of iconic narratives of child sex myths has met the ultimate tool. Just as moving pictures had an impact on the nature and dimensions of child sex iconography, the Internet has impacted on the accessibility and worldwide distribution of a wide selection of images on an even greater scale. The interconnectivity and anonymity that the Internet affords, allows users to become increasingly engaged in child sex related activities. This has resulted in the facilitated formation of child sex related groups and the fostering of on-line relational development between adults with a sexual interest in children who engage in trading, collecting, disseminating, discussing and producing child sex iconography. These activities highlight the need to consider the following factors: The nature of on-line child sex related activities is illegal in most countries, so the forging of strong relationships based on a certain amount of trust would appear to be essential ingredients to underpin pedophile activity in cyberspace. How is this brought about in cyberspace amongst people whom in many cases have never met one another face-to-face? Research findings show how members of on-line child sex related groups appropriate identifiable sets of norms for behavior, or codes of on-line `netiquette', which serves to protect group members in two ways. Firstly, any deviation by a user from a set of prescribed rules and norms of the group would serve to identify that group member as a potential risk to other members of the group. Alerted to possible danger group members can take steps to limit

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the damage that such a person maycause. Secondly, these rules serve to protect group members from detection, and socialor legal sanction. Arguably pedophile activity in cyberspace has pushedchild sex iconography from an offline covert 'closet' position intoan on-line public position of prominence, which perhaps addsa new potency to the material. This may lead to a false sense of the acceptability and normality of theseimages and the underlying sexual abuse of children. Computer-mediated communication (CMC) providesan interactive medium that facilitates the on-line admixture of childsex myths. Users come on-line to discuss child sex related alleged experiences and fantasies,and to exchange masturbatory fantasies, by engaging ina form of cybersex which involves role-playing the abuse ofa virtual child. These activities are often supplemented by the exchange of childsex iconographic images to illustrate individual preferences in terms of age,sex, ethnic origin, position of child (i.e., standing, sitting, straddling, kneeling,lying, bending over), and location (outdoors, indoors) of child. Theseimages also depict the preferred sex act that the user likes to view childrenperforming, and the direction of the sexual interaction (i.e., childto self, child to child, child to adult, adult to child, or group interactions).As these images are discussed users often record the conversations so a text and picture based record exists detailing the admixture of ideas, myths and metaphorsof child sex. Admixtures may occur in a number ofways, i.e., interaction of both traditional and personal child sex myths with the childsex myths adhered to by others. Interactions such as these could conceivablyresult in the creation and appropriation of newor altered child sex myths. Researching the processes behind the creation of new or altered narratives of childsex myths may provide a measure of the social impact of adults witha sexual interest in children interacting in cyberspace.

Levels of publicly accessible on-line childsex iconography activity In 1997, a study that involved monitoring activityin child sex related newsgroups on the Internet estimated that of the 30,000 newsgroups thatwere in operation at the time approximately 0.07 per cent (23 newsgroups) containedchild erotica and child pornography (O'Connell).20 In 1999, thenumber of newsgroups that contain child sex iconography fluctuates between 50 and55 groups. This represents a doubling of the number of Internetnewsgroups dedicated to child sex over the last two years. This figure has to be viewed with caution,as there is evidence that users migrate ina nomadic fashion from one newsgroup to another. So a newsgroup that containeda lot of child iconography activity may be perceived by users as under scrutiny from law enforcementofficers. Users may move en-masse to a new newsgroup while activitymay persist in the original group but at a far lower level, or may consist primarily ofcross postings from

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adult pornography sites. Thus, the apparent increase in the number of groups is not necessarily an accurate reflection of an increase in pedophile groups in which child sex related activities take place. Over the course of the last two years, the COPINE team has collected approximately 50,000 child erotica and child pornographic images. Approximately two thirds of this material consists of child erotica and the reminder consists of child pornography. Of the remaining one third consisting of child pornography, relatively much is comprised of old materials. Similarly, the number of pictures available at the publicly accessible layers of the Internet may not be an accurate representation of the number of images traded on more hidden layers of the Internet. Nor does that number represent an accurate picture of the number of images that may exist in any individual's private or personal collec- tions. The figure 50,000 therefore must be viewed with caution. The key issue here has more to do with the fact that to sustain this activity it seems reasonable to assert that newness and novelty both play a crucial role this process.

Iconographic study of child sex iconography exchanged in cyberspace A study of the content and meaning of the broad categories of child sex iconography available on the Internet will serve to highlight some of the myths that have persisted from the turn. of the century to the present day. Many of the images valuable on the Internet originate from the period 1969-1979 and smaller percentages are more recent in origin.

Erotic child sex iconography The first category 'Erotica' consists of images of children in various stages of undress, from fully dressed to depictions of children wearing only a panties or bikini bottom. Many of these images look like ones that could be found in any family photo album. Many of the children depicted seem to be unaware that a photograph of them was being recorded. Some of the photographs clearly involve sophisticated photographic equipment (e.g., zoom lenses). It is important to stress that these imagesno matter how normal the contentare being exchanged in a virtual environment where children are regarded as sexual beings. Within this category are images that I have subcategorized as 'Erotica 2'. These images depict girls in the latter stages of undress where the focus is again on panties either pulled to one side, half way on/off or removed completely. The girls are not in sexually explicit positions but are posed in a sexually suggestive manner. The subtext of these images is that these children are sexual beings. These poses are easily recognizable from adult pornography and are reminiscent of artistic depictions from the turn of the century. The underlying iconic narratives are suggestive of child sex myths that intimate that those children are sexual, precocious beings.

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The iconic narratives of child sex myths that fall into thesecategories appear to be designed to be 'subtly suggestive of children's sexuality'. The broader impact of these images on the general public whomay not realize that these pictures are orchestrated may assist in the propagation ofsex myths. The third category labeled 'Naked' consists of images of individualor groups of naked girls. The children depicted in these photographsare typically either toddlers (0-4 year old) or young children (5-8year old) with far fewer preteens or pubescents. Within this category there exists further discrete subcategories of images that depict children ina natural state, i.e., not posed, and depictions of children in sexually suggestiveposes which suggests an element of orches- tration on the part of the photographer whichserves to sexualize children.

Pornographic child sex iconography The label for the fourth category 'Waiting'was taken from the heading of one of the images described by this category. It wouldappear that at this point images digress from the defining features of eroticism andmove into the sphere of pornography. These images depict children in 'sexually preparedpositions', i.e., lying or sitting with legs spread wide and genitals fully exposed, typically in the absence of an adult. The iconic narratives clearlysuggest that these children are waiting for carnal knowledge. This motif of thelone child in a sexually prepared position typicallyon a bed suggests that these pictures represent a voyeuristic perspective on what children will do when left to thereown devices. The iconic narratives serve to 'substantiate' iconicnarratives laid down at the turn of the century that children are curious, precocious sexual beings that in their natural state crave sexual advances. The children'sgaze may be directed at the camera suggestive ofa plea to the viewer. A subcategory consists of images that are close-up shots of children'sgeni- talia which may cater to specific fantasies but alsoserve to educate those un- sure about the capabilities of children's anatomy. A further category labeled 'ready and inserting' show images of girlsinsert- ing sex objects in to their own genital orifices. The clear iconicnarratives here again serve to reinforce the notion of childrenas curious sexual beings. Typi- cally children are depicted alone and again the idea ofa voyeuristic view of these activities is aided by the fact that children typicallyare not looking at the camera. The averted gaze motif that repeatedly recurs in images that fall into this category is designed to reinforce the pornographicvoyeuristic element and child sex myths about the sex acts childrenengage in when they believe they are not being watched. The iconic narrativesthat these kinds of activities do not harm children are 'substantiated' by the orchestrated depiction of the children as smiling or with neutral expressions. Furthermorethese images serve to minimize the sexual abuse of children by adults, by providing 'evidence'that young girls engage in means of penetration in lieu of sexual interactions with adult males.

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The remaining categories depict children engaged in various sex acts from genital-digital penetration, cunnilingus, fellatio, masturbation, inserting sex aids and, less commonly, in sado-masochistic scenes, etc. The iconic narratives depict children as knowledgeable and with smiling or neutral expressions that are orchestrated to imply that these children are not averse to these activities. Part of the process of categorizing these images was recording a number of variables, including sex, age, and ethnic origin of children involved; the sex act(s) they were engaged in the number, sex, and ethnic origin of adults involved; the sex act they were engaged in; and, most importantly, the direction of the sexual interaction, whether it was child to self, child to child, child to adult, adult to child or a group situation. This final factor is crucial to the development of subcategories of child sex iconography. The most recent images show a new discursive child sex myth as series of pictures become available that depict children situated in domestic settings engaged in typical activities like watching television or playing with toys. As the series progresses the same children are depicted engaged in various sex acts either alone or with an adult, before they are pictured again engaged in normal everyday activities. The narratives of these child sex myths seem to be designed to engage the viewer in the discursive process of thinking about child sex as something which is a 'normal' part of everyday life. These images engage the viewer in a discursive space where one is simultaneously engaged in a process of interpreting the narratives contained therein. The voyeuristic element maintained by motifs like the averted gaze serves to engage the viewer with the abuse that is being depicted. Confronted with such images the viewers' focus centers on the child. Typically, the child is smiling or has a neutral expression. The fact that this is an orchestrated image, designed to support child sex myths, is not readily observable and it is in this respect that the child sex iconography is a potent means of transmission of child sex myths. The question then is: What effect will these activities have on child sex related activities? Is there a sense in which the child sex myths that an individual adheres to could provide useful discriminating variables? If the emphasis is shifted away from locating the locus of child sex ideologies or cognitive distortions from within an individual and situate them instead within society are there ways in which the child sex myths that individuals subscribe to vary in degree along a continuum that could provide useful predictors of offence liability? Many social scientists have remarked upon how the social effects of immersion in cyberspace are potentially complex and only dimly understood. When adults with a sexual interest in children from different backgrounds come together, new ideas can arise from their conversations. Sometimes new ideas are built up incrementally from the fragments of different view- points. Ideas may be more robust when they have been bounced around, critiqued, polished, and repackaged by a group. Therefore any program

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designed to elucidate the process of pedophile activity in cyberspacemust be cognizant of these potential effects and seek to recordany changes or embellishments that occur to child sex myths.

Research investigating the appropriation of child sex myths in cyberspace Central to elucidating the process of appropriation of childsex myths in cyberspace would be the arrival at a baseline taxonomy of childsex myths by analyzing the iconic narratives, motifs and symbols depicted in childsex iconography. These processes would be further enhanced by theuse of discourse analysis of pedophile conversations to uncover the text based sub-culturalnar- ratives of these myths, rationalizations and justifications of childsex. Designing a research program to investigate the appropriation of child sex myths in cyberspace would need to be cognizant of the effects of computer-mediated communication. Therefore research would be couched within the framework of existing computer-mediated communication (CMC) research. A number of researchers have identified five broad factors that influence computer-mediated communication. These factors include: the externalcon- texts in which the use of CMC is set; the temporal structure of the group; infrastructure of the computer system; the purposes for which CMC is used; and the characteristics of the group and its members (Contractor & Seibold, 1993; Hollingshead & McGrath, 1995; Seibold, Heller & Contractor, 1994; Steinfeld, 1986; cited in jones21). I will address each of these issues in relationto pedophile activity in child sex related sites on the Internet.

External contexts Users engaged on-line in exchanging, trading, collecting and disseminating child sex iconography, and in particular child pornography,are typically engaged in highly illegal activities. It seems reasonable to suggest that both legal and social sanctions may effect the extent individualsengage on-line in child sex related activities and these effects must be borne in mind. External contexts will also affect the likelihood of whether participants know each otheror not, or if their physical locations mean that they can meet up. External contexts may play a role in on-line and offline networking amongst adults witha sexual interest in children.

Temporal structure Walther (1996, cited in Jones") has described the temporalstructure of CMC activity in terms of synchronicity and asynchronisity. Research into pedophile activity in cyberspace suggests that the temporal structure of CMC activity lend itself to a further dichotomy, i.e., public or private and levels of activity:

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1. Synchronistic activity involves a user being on-line and simultaneously engaged in reading and responding to computer-mediated communication. Synchronistic activity lends itself to more private levels of activity, which may also be affected by the level of technical sophistication of the user involved. Synchronistic activity can be situated in private and hidden layers of the Internet. 1.1 Private or hidden layers of the Internet: For example, IRC23 is one of a number of communication protocols, such as e-mail and ICQ,24 that due to its ability to enable private communication has a role in the direct passage of sensitive information, as well as supporting the distribution of pornography. DCC (Direct Client-to-client Communication) is a feature of IRC that facilitates users connected on-line via a server the option to bypass the server and establish one-to-one contact. This increases the level of anonymity afforded to the user and it seems reasonable to suggest that these synchronistic, private layers of the Internet would be used in the transfer of sensitive information including recent child pornography images. 2. Asynchronistic temporal structure can be described as CMC that need not be on-line simultaneously. Users can read and respond at different times, e.g., in newsgroups and on mailing-lists. Because anyone can read or participate, all Usenet interactions is fundamentally multiparty and public. 2.1 Public layer: An example of a public but potentially anonymous i.e., users can strip the messages they post of any identity information interface of the Internet would include Usenet newsgroups.25 Accord- ing to O'Conne1126 research into pedophile networking on the Internet indicates that child sex related newsgroups provide a passive supportive, virtual environment that facilitates 'the discussion of fantasies and alleged experiences of sexual offences against children in a context that sanitizes, routines and normalizes sexual contact with children. Asynchronistic public layer activity changes the relationship places child sex iconography in a publicly accessible medium available to anybody who is interested. This serves to put law enforcement officers engaged in combating pedophile activity on the Internet in a position where they can watch these activities taking place. The distinctions between public and private layers are closely related to system infrastructure.

System infrastructure As the differences in possible temporal structures suggest, computer network interactions shape interaction in many ways. System infrastructure is important to users engaged in illegal activities. Seibold et al. (1994, cited in Jones27) argue that systems differ in three general ways:

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Physical configurationsincludes such variables as how many computers there are and the speed of the system. Systems adaptabilityincludes such variables as the capacity for anonymous entries and systems programmability. Level of user friendlinessinformation about how to optimize system infrastructure for their own purposes is often exchanged amongstusers along with detailed technical support. The fluidity of communication technologies allows technically sophisticated users to shape the technologiesto their own uses that the rapid advances in sophistication allow foran in- finite number of technical possibilities designed to support pedophileac- tivity in cyberspace. Similarly, the infrastructure of the systems available to law enforcementto combat pedophile activity will have an impacton interactions.

Group processes McGrath28 discusses group processes in terms of the tasks they needto complete. Tasks in child sex related groups include the transmission of technical and social information among members of thegroup and also the transmission of child sex myths. Research has indicated how these tasksare carried out in child sex related groups (O'Conne1129 ). A briefsummary of that research will highlight some relevant points: The structure and social organization of pedophile networking activityon the Internet does not appear to operate in a strictly hierarchical fashion. Instead posters adopt a co-operative approach with an organizing executive, i.e., 'infrastructure advice coordinators' engaged in disseminating information about how to avoid detection and outlining the rules of `netiquette'. These users alsoap- pear to have a role in orchestrating the en-masse migration of users to different newsgroups. Relational development amongst users seems to center around co-operative activities. A large amount of the activity on picture based child erotica and child pornography newsgroups is driven ina co-operative manner, around swapping pictures. Posts may ask fora certain picture to complete a particular series, posts containing what are describedas 'prize pictures', 'recent pictures', and offers of free CDs of series of photos for all toaccess. A focus on completing series of pictures by filling in missing pictures, and the frequency with which recent looking pictures appear, givesan indication of the organized approach that these users adopt in relation to their child pornography collec- tions and their appetite for newness. The development of behaviournorms and codes of `netiquette' which are posted in the form of FAQ (Frequently Asked Questions texts) provide guidelines to users about how to behave both toward one another and to detractors while on-line. The overall sense is of a cohesive, well-organized set of group dynamics.

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Participant characteristics Group and member characteristics have been argued to affect outcomes of computer-mediated communication. Research undertaken by the COPINE project indicates that in cyberspace there are at least six not necessarily exclusive kinds of participant involvement with child sex iconography: The 'confirmed collector' pedophile, whose sexual preference is expressed in terms of a narrow and explicit range of material collected. Child sex iconography is a central aspect of the individual's sexual life. Examining the content, and underlying sex myths depicted in the material collected, may provide important information on the sexual fantasies of the individual. The confirmed 'active' pedophile, who not only has a sexual interest in children but also engages in the process of recording his sexual abuse of children and in so doing, produces child sex iconography. It is not clear whether there are distinct differences in the sexual interest expressed by the confirmed collector who does not engage in child sexual abuse and the active pedophile who does. It is not clear if they are different to some degree, or whether they are in some sense different. The sexually 'omnivorous' who collect a wide range of unusual sexual material, of which child sex iconography is simply one. The sexually 'curious'. The 'libertarian' who may be involved in trade for reasons that are not explicitly motivated by sexual interest in children but have more to do with striving to keep the Internet free from censorship. The libertarian is often highly technically sophisticated. The 'entrepreneur' who seeks to exploit a commercial opportunity by meeting the demand for child sex iconography. Such individuals may have previous experience on the fringe of the sex trade, and may have links with organized criminal activity. This may be combined with criminal activity or may be an opportunistic commercial activity. Users' characteristics can be further categorized by" using the criteria of level of engagement in child sex related activities on the Internet: 1. Passive involvement through lurking," i.e., browsing through public layers of the Internet but not engaging with others. This level of activity is very difficult to detect and so there are an unknown number of people engaged in the passive monitoring and downloading of images and information. There is a sense in which these people constitute a passive market for child sex iconography and thereby add fuel to the process. Passive involvement may appeal to users for the following reasons:

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Users want to avoid detection, i.e., usersare less likely to be detected if they confine their activities to lurking. Users' desire to engage in the collection of childsex iconography may not coincide with the desire to communicate with other adultswith sexual interest in children. Engaging passively may be a precursor to engaging actively,or engaging passively may be the end stage of active involvement,i.e., may represent a diminishing involvement in the process. Points of contact may exist between those who lurkon public levels but may engage with others at more private levels. 2. Active involvement in theprocess of producing or trading pictures, and stories or alleged experiences or fantasies. This kind ofinvolvement may be engaged in at either publicor private layers of the Internet. The persons actively involved in the process inmany ways constitute the greater problem in that they keep the supply of imagesgoing. These individuals, by actively distributing illegal images,are in a position analogous to a drug dealer, as opposed to the druguser or passive user outlined above.

Conclusions This theoretical article sought to explore the socio-historicorigins of child sex myths transmitted via the iconic narratives of childsex iconography. The purpose of this endeavour was to highlight child sex iconographyas a discursive medium in the transmission of iconic narratives of childsex myths. The premise in understanding child sex myths involves situating themalong a continuum within the dominant narratives ofour culture and the sub-cultural narratives of adults with a sexual interest in children. Thenecessity of such a perspective is highlighted by the advent of communication technologiessuch as the Internet, where the dynamic global discursiveprocesses facilitate what Gergen31 describes as 'social saturation' taking place. Peopleappropriate new ways of interpreting child sex myths. It is hoped that this article willgive rise to new avenues of research in the search for more discriminating variableswith which to understand and ultimately combat adult sexual interestin children.

Notes 1. Child sex iconography: The definitions of pornography havechanged over the last century and to avoid confusion the term child sex iconography will be used throughout thisarticle. A second reason for using the term child sex iconography stems from the need tomove away from the terms child erotica and child pornography which are often confused in readers'minds with

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issues surrounding adult pornography and erotica. The term child pornography does not adequately highlight the fact that the mere existence of the product is the evidence of serious sexual assaults on children. Child erotica refers to images of children in various stages of undress, or naked but not sexually explicit. The definition of child pornography within legal parameters, and the exclusion of child erotica, seems to have resulted in a minimizing of the importance of child erotica in psychological terms. The term erotica is an unfortunate one because of its use in describing adult material. A perusal of the debates surrounding the distinction between adult pornography and erotica reveals the use of benign words to describe erotica, which are also applied to child erotica. Catherine Itzin, editor of Pornography: Women, Vio- lence and Civil Libenies (1992), draws upon the arguments c.f 'the following authors to highlight some of the issues: Gloria Steinman (1992) draws what she describes as the 'clear and present difference between erotica and pornography'. 'Pornography', she wrote 'is about dominance, an imbalance of male-female power' while 'erotica is about mutuality'. John Stolenberg (1992) defines erotica as 'materials premised on equality, mutuality, reciprocity, and so forth'. Diana Russell (1992) defined erotica as 'sexual representations that are non-abusive and non-sexist'. The language used here suggests that those depicted in erotica are engaged in consensual, mutual, and reciprocal activities. This prompts the question about how this language translates for child erotica. Indeed, mutuality and reciprocity may be exactly the ideas conveyed to adults with a sexual interest in children. Currently, there is a curious minimizing of issues related to child erotica premised on the idea that if the activities are not illegal then they do no warrant attention. From a psychological perspective such a blinkered view must be avoided and to that end I have coined the term child sex iconography in an attempt to attain a broader perspective of the issues. However, in instances where research has distinguished between child erotica and child pornography for purposes of clarity, these terms will be used. 2.Panojsky, E. (1995) Meaning in Visual Art. Penguin Books. Australia. 3.Preziosi, D. (1989) Rethinking Art History: Meditations on a Coy Science. Yale University Press. New Haven. 4.It is important to highlight that while this discussion largely focuses on proliferations of child sex iconography in the public domain, the author is cognizant that this is only one of the possible layers of activity. Hidden layers of child sex iconography activity include a 'private level' (activity between two or more individuals) and a 'personal level' (activity solely confined to personal use) that typically do not permeate into the public domain. The permeability of material between levels has probably helped child sex iconography activity survive during periods of strict social and legal sanction. 5.Tang, I. (1999) Pornography: A Secret History of Civilization. Macmillan Publishers. Oxford. 6.O'Connell, R. (in press) The structure and social organization of pedophile activity on the Internet: Implications for investigative strategies. 7.Sacks, H. (1992) Lectures on Conversation. Blackwell Publishers. Oxford. 8.Harre, R. (1993) Linguistics and Philosophy: The Controversial Interface. Pergamon. Oxford. 9.Hollins, C.R. and Howells, K. (1994) Clinical Approaches to Sex Offenders and their Victims. Wiley. New York. 10. Grubin, D. (1998). Sex Offending Against Children: Understanding the Risk. Home Office Re- search, Development and Statistics Directorate. 11. Eliade, M. (1954) The Myth of the Eternal Return, or, Cosmos and History. Pantheon. New York. P .Dijkstra, B. (1986) Idols of Perversity: Fantasies of Feminine Evil in Fin-de-Siecle Culture. Oxford University Press. Oxford. 13.ibid. 14.ibid. 15.ibid. 16.ibid., p. 220. 17. Tate, T. (1990) Child Pornography: An Investigation. Methuen. London. 18. Tang, I. (1999) Pornography: A Secret History of Civilization. Macmillan Publishers. Oxford. 19. Tate, T. (1992) cited in Itzin, C. (ed.) Pornography: Women, Violence and Civil Liberties. Oxford University Press. Oxford.

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20. O'Connell, R. (in press) The structure and social organizationof pedophile activity on the Internet: Implications for investigative strategies. 21. Jones, S. (1998) (ed.) Cybersociety: Revisiting Computer-MediatedCommunication and Com- munity. Sage Publications. California. 22.ibid. 23. Internet Relay Chat is a feature that enablesusers to hold live keyboard chats with people worldwide. 24. ICQ (I seek you) is a feature that enablesusers to hold live keyboard conversations with people worldwide and operates like a paging system. 25. Newsgroups. News refers to a collection of articles carried byUsenet. These articles, or postings, are messages sent as contributions to public discussions. Theyare similar to e-mail messages but are transmitted on a separate system andare publicly accessible to anyone who wishes to read them. 26. O'Connell, R. (1998) Pedophilia, Networking and theInternet. First COPINE Conference Pro- ceedings. 27. Jones, S. (1998) (ed.) Cybersociety: Revisiting Computer-MediatedCommunication and Com- munity. Sage Publications. California. 28. McGrath, J.E. (1984). Groups: Interaction and Performance.Routledge. Englewood Cliffs. 29. O'Connell, R. (in press) The structure and social organization ofpedophile activity on the Internet: Implications for investigative strategies. 30. Lurking, i.e., reading postings without participating. 31. Gergen, K. (1980). Social Exchange Advances in Theory andResearch. Plenum Press. London. The Naked, Hairy Caveman Child Abuse on the Internet

Carlos A. Arnaldo, UNESCO

Rado Brzoka, a Polish youngster, is an alert student adept in electronics, computers and media. He is also sensitive to deep human values. Speaking at the "Oslo Challenge" forum in November 1999 on the tenth anniversary of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, he attempted to portray his image of the future: It is a naked, hairy caveman, sitting in his dark cave. His whole body is hover- ing over something small and complicated. As we come closer, we see it is a modern cellular phone. You mean the cell phone is an old technology used by cavemen? No, I mean to say that technology is advancing to newer models of communication. But man risks going backwards to the cave! In a very real sense this young man's vision portrays exactly what is happening today. Technology is advancing to newer and more complex forms of communication, such as the cell phone and the Internet. And yet some sectors of the human population are degenerating back to animal instincts and behaviour, even worse than animals for they seek the prey of young children! In war and conflict situations, some misuse their arms and their force to abduct children into prostitution. Others use the new communication media as an electronic net to catch their prey. In either case it is the same animal. The Internetas well as all future forms of electronic, global dissemination of information and knowledge are indisputably powerful media, instanta- neous and interactive. They offer gateways to education, culture and self-improvement. They can uplift individuals, they can empower whole societies, they can become hubs of business and profitable human enterprise. We should want our children to learn and master the Internet for their own education, their enlightenment, the social and civic upbringing. But like any other communication technology the Internet is only a means, a carrier. The Internet can be the bearer of evil, as well. It can be the forum for hate speech, intolerance, racism and apartheid philosophies. It can present

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images of young children, boys and girls, tortured, sexually attacked,in various stages of suffering, and death. This is perhaps the worst violence thatcan happen to children anywhere in the world because they are violated twice, the first time when they are sexually abused, and the second time andmany times over, when this criminal scene is portrayed in photos, film, videoor digitised images on the Internet. And each time these mediatised images are shown,we know that the sexual crime has already happened in reality. This is why UNESCO has been involved in this battlealongside the other specialised agencies of the United Nations system. The WorldTourism Organi- sation fights the traffic of young children toserve as prostitutes and sexual tourism involving children. The International Labour Organisation seeksto protect children from unfair labour laws and working under hard labour conditions, and as prostitutes or sexual toys. UNICEFsupports non-governmental organisations (NGOs) fighting the commercial and sexual exploitation ofchildren. The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights worksto enforce the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child andto strengthen it with a new international protocol. UNESCO and the other specialised agencies also work hand in hand with the many hundreds of NGOs workingin these fields to save children, to protect children, to comfort them after the violence has been inflicted on them. And hence, the UNESCO International Clearinghouseon Children and Vio- lence on the Screen, hosted at Goteborg University, also fulfilsits role as a principal partner providing the services ofa clearinghouse on research and information concerning children and themany kinds of media violence they must face in the world. For while technology is advancing, the social culture of the human species seems to be regressing. Concerning pornography and paedophilia in electronic forms, particularly as they occur on the Internet, the problem is often not knownor not well enough understood. Some people areeven so frightened of the subject that they do not want to know anything about it. Butmature adults of this day and age must know, for their sakes and for their children or their children's children. We need to analyse what young people will find on the Internet and how they may overcome these problems. We willattempt to present this briefly in this article, though there are stillmany more aspects and details that should be studied and prepared for. For aswe go deeper into analysing the Internet, it will be seen that not all problemsare solvable within the scope of what parents or even parents and teachers together can do. The scope of the problem is much larger, as large as the Internet itself. When crimescross frontiers, police enforcement and judicial processes must also be ableto transcend borders; otherwise there is no sanction against cybercrimes. Child predatorscan look forward to a future of crime without punishment, suchas they are enjoying now, because so far laws and enforcement are inadequate to keepup with crimes on the Internet. We also need to draw a map of the Internet to show where the good forces are: child protection agencies, police and judicial services, Internet servicepro-

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viders, NGOs. For while the Internet is like a vast road map of broad highways and avenues, there are also dimly lit side streets and dark alleys where children should not venture. We should try to point out to them and their parents where the 'help' stations are. It is a vast task because while help is virtually all around, physically it may be only in some countries or in some cities or presented only in a few languages, and by far most sites operate in English. We will nonetheless point out the more available ones and show how others can be found. The main concern of UNESCO are the young children of today.1.1111U1 en who are at the very crossroads of life where education and culture, tolerance and peace should beckon them to create their place in society, and not let them succumb to the traffic of prostitution and other forms of sexual abuse. These are the children who should be in the schools that UNESCO and its Member States seek to assist and for which the Organisation seeks to provide the latest resources and techniques in education, science and culture. The minds of children are the seeding grounds for the peace of the next generation. "Who destroys children, destroys the future of society", said Ms Homayra Sellier, President of the World Citizens' Movement to Protect Innocence in Dan- ger. She also said in Brussels last 17 March 2000 at the international forum "Fighting Paedophilia on the Internet" (organised by the Association Mondiale des Amis de l'Enfance in co-operation with the Movement): "A government that cannot protect its children has no right to govern its people." This should re- mind all of us, particularly governments, that they do have a serious obligation to study and fulfil the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. A particular area where governments, specifically their parliaments and lawmaking bodies, can make a major contribution is to strengthen laws to protect children from harm in the media and on the Internet, and to sign agreements to make extra- territorial laws operable. Many countries still have weak outdated laws in this respect, some have no laws at all. While seeking to protect children from the dangers of the Internet, it is also important to distinguish and punish the real criminals, and not destroy the tools, the new communication and information technologies, the creative environment which offers the means of transferring culture and education, as well as, unfortunately, child pornography and paedophilia. All too often, the temp- tation is merely to legislate against pornography and paedophilia on the Internet, in legal formulations that are difficult to separate from outright censorship. UNESCO has an ethical mandate to promote the free flow of ideas by word and image, a wider and better-balanced dissemination of information at international as well as national levels without any obstacle to the freedom of expression. The only way to cure the ills of freedom is to ensure more freedom, and the only way to cure the ills of democracy is to have more democracy. Censor- ship is not a solution. This article will proceed to explain what are the real problems with the Internet as concerns young children, and attempt to review some of the solutions that have been operating for the last few years.

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What is the real problem with the Internet? Will children really find such pornographic images when surfingon the Internet for music to download or games to play? Are child predatorswaiting on every site to kidnap young children? What exactly is the danger? The Belgian MAPI group (Movement Against Paedophileson the Internet) does not confine the concept of child pornographyto images alone. It defines child pornography as any material depicting children in explicitly sexual situations or inciting the sexual exploitation of children. Interpol has established a very broad definition of childpornography: Child pornography is the consequence of exploitationor sexual abuse perpetrated on a child. It may be defined as anymeans of depicting or promoting the sexual exploitation of a child, including in written and/or audio form,centred on sexual acts committed by, or on the genital organs of, a child. It is important to bear these concepts in mind,as there are several shades of pornography to be found on the Internet,some illegal, some not. Many offensive and vulgar, but not necessarily illegal.

Images of child pornography Specialist psychology researcher Rachel O'Connell, University of CentralLanca- shire, UK, has studied pornographic and paedophile"sites for several years. She presented a summary to UNESCO at the Expert Meetingon "Sexual Abuse of Children, Child Pornography and Paedophiliaon the Internet" in Paris, 18-19 January 1999. To date, she has found no more than fifty sites (i.e.,newsgroups) that really show or trade images of child pornographyin the legally criminal sense of the word. Even supposing 100 per cent error, thismeans that there are probably no more than a hundred such sites around theworld. These are accessed only by complicated codes and passwords, and thusnormally accessible only by a small group ofpersons with whom the site owners or managers have cultivated a certain confidence andtrust. This relationship is cultivated over several tradings or 'swaps' of photos usually increasing in daringnessor illegality, such as images showing sado-masochism,torture and sometimes killing. As these sites are illegal and pursued by police fromvarious countries, including Interpol, it is highly unlikely thata young child would fall acciden- tally upon one of these sites. For those who traffic theseimages commercially, the volume of business these fewsources can transact go into several hundred gigabytes of digital storage.

Images of adult pornography and faked child pornography One can, however, find many sites that offer images of adultpornography and what could be called 'pseudo child pornography'.It is called pseudo child

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pornography because the persons presented are not minors in the legal sense of the term, that is, they are not below the legal age of majority taken as 18 years in most, but not all, countries. But through make-up, hairstyle, kind of clothing and the background setting they are made to appear younger than they actually are. A number of sites have also been reported that present nudity of young persons, boys and girls. These are usually photos of children and young teenagers taken at nudist camps. But at first sight, it is not always clear whether these images are illegal pornography or whether they merely portray nudity. When there is an undue emphasis on the sexual parts, or stances or poses which are usually not natural but contrived to 'entice', these may be said to go beyond just simple nudity. And hence the definition of pornography adhered to by MAPI is the more inclusive. There is another form of 'pseudo pornography' using digital techniques, also called `morphing'. Examples of morphing were shown in the well known film Terminator towards the end when the enemy cop's hand became a steel spike and struck through an elevator door, or when he appeared to emerge from the flat black and white harlequin tiled floor and take the form of a policeman in a black and white uniform. In the same manner some pornographers take unclothed bodies of girls or boys and attach the heads of younger boys and girls to make the person look like a child or to make innocent boys and girls look like sex perverts. In some cases it is not easy to apply the law since it is difficult to determine the involvement of the children in this kind of `morphed' pornography where all the action stems from the image manipulator. Nor is it simple to tell whether the images are illegal pornography, unless one includes the aspect of the 'intention to entice'. These images are almost always offensive, vulgar and can be harmful to young children, instilling in them at a young age a cheap outlook on human values, the worth of human beings and human sexuality, making another person's body equivalent to commercial merchandise. For these and many other reasons, there should be ways to limit young children's access to these images. Whether these images are also illegal or not, depends on the laws of the country where they are produced, where they are presented and where they are received. Some countries may outlaw adult pornography exhibiting persons of less than the legal age of majority, 18 in some countries, but 17 or even 16 in others; some may outlaw all kinds of pornography, that is, regardless of the age of the persons presented. In countries where these images are illegal, they can be voluntarily removed from access by the Internet service provider (ISP) under request from the police, judiciary or the appointed authority, or sometimes on the advice of trustworthy and credible child protection agencies. As a matter of fact, most ISPs prefer to remove these sites voluntarily rather than have the whole server closed down or be labelled as having a questionable reputation because of these salacious sites. For such sites also affect their good business relations with other potential customers. When they are offensive and even harmful, but

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strictly not illegal, teachers, parents and family guardianshave to resort to other means to prevent children from coming upon these sites. One certain method is the parent's personal and continual (notnagging) advice, and seeking to learn and surf on the Net together withchildren, thus showing them good sites and helping them avoid bad sites.Since parents are not always home to render this service, but their childrenmay have access to the computer in their absence, a help to ensuring safe surfingis the use of technical filters. A filter is an additional software thatcan be purchased, in- stalled on the computer and programmed by theparent and child together. It is best to do this together so the child learns why he has agreedto block certain sites. For once a child understands how toprogramme a filter, he can also de- programme the filter or turn it off in the parent's absence. Hencea co-operative approach to the use of filters is recommended.

Images attractive to paedophiles Yet another set of images are those that are attractiveto paedophiles, although they may appear otherwise completely normalto everyone else. Their main purpose is to inspire paedophiles or nourish their hopes of meetingyoung children, such as those in the photos. In thesecases, children are usually clothed, or at least in shorts or a swimming trunks; they are usuallyyoung boys playing sports outdoors. Some are young movie actors that have faces anda physique attractive to paedophiles. But otherwise, there is nothing illegalin these images. You could find similar photos in a catalogue of children's clothing. While these images, found easily everywhere,are provocative for paedophiles, they are hardly illegal and impossible to outlaw. These kinds of imagesare shown on many of the 40,000 and more paedophile sites on the Internet.

Chat rooms Another feature of the Internet, where child predatorscan meet children and seek to meet or kidnap them, is the chatroom. In effect this is a large electronic bulletin board, where surfers may offer theirname and start up a conversation with whomever wishes to respond. For obviousreasons, it is best for children to give only a nick name or a pen name to avoid their being tracedby prospective predators or even by unwanted intruders. Some chatrooms are entirely free, that is, there is no moderator to givea topic or guide discussions. These can be very risky for young children, unless they have been well trainedor are supervised at home or in school. A moderated chatroom has a full time super- visor who, for example, monitors all the dialogue andmay intervene to warn a surfer to use appropriate language,or may chase someone away who appears to be entering into salacious dialogue or seeking toset up a questionable rendezvous or meeting with a young surfer. It is here wherechild predators can easily put on the guise of a youngperson and seek to court a younger surfer to a meeting. A typical dialogue, culled by Parry Aftab of Cyberangels from several such dialogues and interviews with children, wouldgo like this:

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On the Net they (child predators) can hide behind anonymity and pretend they are just another child, to lure children in ways that we are not yet prepared to teach them to avoid. Chat rooms, instant messages, ICRs (Internet Chat Relays) are like beeper messages that go right to our children. Anything that allows someone to speak in real time to our children on a one-on-one basis is dangerous. Children normally enter chat rooms. Paedophiles take note of this, they follow conversations and track children who are ioneiy. One child may send messages like: "My parents are getting divorced... I hate my mother, she never buys me the computer game I want... I don't like her boy friend either." The paedophile comes in and says: "My parents are getting divorced, too... I hate my mother... I can never get the game I want, until Uncle Timmy got it for me.51 "Oh yeah?" says the first child, trying to seek a companion in misery or possibly a solution. "Yeah", says the paedophile, "all you gotta do is go to the mall and meet Uncle Timmy." Children require close supervision for work in chat rooms. Children should never give their real name online, nor their address nor the name of their school nor any information that may help in identifying where he or she lives. Of course, they should never give any information about the credit card of their parents!

Sites with stories, essays and other writings The most subtle trap for children, and therefore the most risky because it is highly underestimated, are the several thousand seemingly innocent sitesrun by paedophiles to exhibit their stories, essays, real histories of themselvesor the members of their association, photos of themselves or friends oreven of celebrities who are attractive to paedophiles. Many paedophile sites aimpre- cisely at proving that their deviant behaviour is normal or acceptable by the very fact that they are openly and prominently displayed on the Internet. Like water dripping relentlessly on a stone to crack it, repeated exposure to paedophile writings, essays and images can lead children and the general public to believe that there is nothing wrong with free sex for children ofany age, that there is nothing illegal or harmful with the sexual abuse of childrenor in displaying such acts through pornography or paedophile web sites on the Internet. Some 40,000 such sites have been identified by researchers and child protection groups. Their site names are simple and easy to fall into, and some are even attractive to children.

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Drug abuse, trafficking of children, child prostitution and AIDS The threat of sexual abuse of children should not beseen in isolation, for it is not an isolated phenomenon. It often happens that we see only that part of the crime concerning the child and not the entire organised crime behind itor other aspects. If there are over a million cases of child AIDS victims in South Asia last year, the mix of causes certainly includes child abuse and child prostitution among them, which is preceded by child abduction, kidnapping and child trafficking of many kinds. Drugs are involvedas well, as a means to keep young victims manageable but also to lure them into habits difficult to break, thus forcing them to remain within the criminal ring. One vice thus easily leads to another. The difficulty is how to break in. Meanwhile, children's rights are being trampled upon and violated with impunity. Undoubtedly,more research is needed on these aspects where one social ill crosses into another.

Ways to cope It is not easy to propose solutions. None is totally satisfactory. There is always one that could be left out. Nonetheless one has to make a start somewhere. This section attempts to review those organisations that have workedto protect children online by going online themselves and by using the technology of electronic databases and transmission. Inadvertently we tracea preliminary sketch of the evolution of these web sites over the last fewyears. Their shades of difference will also show how they developed differently in different regions and in response to different aspects of the problem. Their growth isexponen- tial and there are today perhaps a hundred timesmore than there were even just five years ago. And there are many other sites that offer informationor tips, like the Yellow Pages for Kids, Teen Tips, Tips for Kids, Safe Surfing by Disney Online. Indeed, this only shows that the study of these web sites is in itselfa research worth undertaking. The main point in presenting the sites below isto show the comprehensive sites that combine information, reflection and action, and those that have been at the forefront.

Child protection agencies Child protection agencies online have been established mainly in the United States of America and most have had a history of at least five toseven years. While most of these are per se non-commercial,some also have commercial aspects (like sale of books) to contribute to their sustenance. Others havea page for surfers to make donations online with tax rebates or other tax incen- tive measures. Protection groupslike Cyberangels and Safeguarding Our Chil- drenUnited Mothers (SOC-UM) are in many ways the pioneers of child safety on the Net and their experiences have been thoroughly groundedin legislation, Internet operations, and the variousnuances of pornography, paedophilia and abuse of children through the Internet.

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Cyberangels (http://www.cyberangels.org) seeks basically to educate parents, teachers and child Internet users on online safety. They also have tearis of volunteers who search the Internet for child pornography and work with law enforcement agencies around the world to report paedophile luring acljivities online. They hold classes online to teach safety and have one of the most popular volunteer tiplines at the site to report cybercrimes against children. Parry Aftab manages the site and personally answers most if not all mail; her lawyer background provides further substance to the insights on her pages. She is also Head of the U.S. National Action Group of Innocence in Danger. Her first book, A Parents' Guide to the Internet (New York: SC Press, 1997), is a simple introduction to the pleasures and hazards of the web. Her second book, The Parents' Guide to Protecting Your Children in Cyberspace (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2000), culls from a longer experience and provides straight off the shoulder advice. Safeguarding Our ChildrenUnited Mothers (SOC-UM) (http://www.soc- um.org) is similarly oriented to public awareness, education, and prevention of child abuse. Its web site serves as a resource to those who have been wounded by childhood abuse. It is highly informative, interactive, and provides access to information both for safety tips and for understanding the phenomena of child abuse and paedophilia. It is managed by Debbie Mahoney who is a fierce advocate for child protection. In Europe and elsewhere, such helping agents are relatively rare. A number of sites went up following the "World Congress Against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children" which took place in Stockholm, Sweden, in 1996. Among these were, apart from the hotline [email protected], the several sites of Redd Barna (Save The Children Norway) in English and various Scandinavian languages. The addresses of these web sites are for Norway: http://childhouse. uio.no/redd_barna, and for Sweden: http://www.rb.se/engindex.htm, which also contains material about the Stockholm World Congress. ECPAT International (End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Traf- ficking of Children for Sexual Purposes) works today on political action, lawmaking and law enforcement, awareness-raising in the tourist industry, education and media coverage. ECPAT has national groups and affiliates in 50 countries. A clippings service is available on their web site: http://www.ecpat.net. One of the more recent and dynamic ones is Telefono Arcobaleno (Rain- bow Telephone) in Sicily, where a priest, Don Fortunato di Noto and his team of technicians, trace pornographers and traffickers of children in all parts of the globe, using technical tools and the Internet. Their web site (http: / /www.viesse.it/ arcobaleno) is mainly in Italian but some texts are also available in English. They work closely with the state police as well as with researchers, particularly the CENSIS Foundation in Rome. Rainbow Telephone actively contributes to the defence and protection of the inviolable rights of children, by fighting against every form of abuse and maltreatment. The association monitors the entire Internet network against paedophilia, reporting games and programmes harmful to minors. As of last February 2000, the association identified and cen-

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sured some 7,650 paedophile sites on the Internet. They further identified the countries where these servers are operating: 55 per centare in the USA, 20 per cent in Asia, 13 per cent in Eastern Europe, 7 per cent in Western Europe and 5 per cent in the Mideast. Some 200,000 photos and 1,500 films were transacted. Last year, their efforts paid off when they sent agroup of paedophiles in Brazil to police prosecution for operating a network for showing and distributing images of children chained and in obscene poses. The Movement Against Paedophilia on the Internet (MAPI) isa research group working on paedophilia and child pornography on the Internet. Their objectives are to promote interdisciplinary researchon the field, inform the users of the Internet and be available for the Internet providers concerning advice and recommendations. The site: http://www.infolundp.ac.be/-mapi/ plan.html will show the complete MAPI reporton paedophilia on the Internet. But from being a purely research oriented group, MAPI has movedto being proactive with the recent publication of their brochure, Internet and Child Pornography- how to deal with it? (in French, located at: http://www.info.fundp. ac.be/-mapi/mapi-fr. html). Casa Alianza, a non-governmental organisation (http://www.casa- alianza.org), is dedicated to the rehabilitation and defence ofstreet children in Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico. Casa Alianza monitors andcares for about 3,000 street children, most of whom have been orphaned by civilwar, abused or rejected by their families, and who as a result are begging, stealing or selling themselves for a hot meal, a shower, a clean bed. The organisation has actively militated for justice even against threats to theirown personnel. "Child prostitution exists in Costa Rica", said its Director Bruce Harris to the international forum in Brussels last 17 March 2000. "Whenyou pay for sex, you convert the body of the other person into merchandise andyou commit an aggression. Those of us who watch in silence are accomplices of thisaggression." Casa Alianza has contributed to arranging for a two week inspection visit of theUN Special Rapporteur to Guatemala. The PREDA Foundation (People's Recovery, Empowerment and Development Assistance Foundation) (http://www.preda.org) is a small but pro-active, chari- table, not-for-profit organisation workingon a national and international level for Human Rights, especially Women's and Children's Rights. Itruns a residen- tial therapeutic community for abused and exploited children, therapy andcoun- selling techniques, and help for battling against discrimination andracism. PREDA campaigns against child labour, the sexual exploitation of children, and seeks to educate about AIDS. There is a full archive for documentation, information and news campaigns. PREDA has also been instrumental innew legislation concerning conviction of paedophiles and child abusers. Childnet International (http://www.childnet-int.org) networks with child welfare and educational groups, governments and internationalagencies to provide information on how childrencan benefit from and be protected in using international communications systems like the Internet. "On thissite you can find out how we are developing projects which promote the new media to

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children and widen access to those who are marginalized, as wellas see how we are working at the strategic level on initiatives which protect children in the use of new technologies." Related to this is the Internet Hotline Providers in Europe (EVHOPE) Association, a project initially funded under the European Commission Daphne programme to bring together the main hotlines/tiplines in Europe that deal with child pornography and other illegal material on the Internet. The Association is serviced by Childnet Internationalsee site on: www.childnet- int.org/hotlinesbut has a web site of its own: www.inhope.org. While UNESCO is not per se a child protection agency, it has establisheda major web site called Innocence in Danger (www.unesco.org/webworld/innocence) to act as a gateway to fellow child protection organisations. After the welcome page which presents the World Citizens' Movement to Protect Child- ren Online, including twenty national action groups, the site points to over 40 child protection agencies; furnishes papers from recent conferences; providesa calendar of coming events; and offers a news service to reporton these conferences or other events. It is also planned to open a new site addressed directly to children and hosted by two puppets of Bululu Theatre, Agathe and Bartolo.

National police and Interpol Many police services now have departments or services that handle crimes on the Internet, including pornography and paedophilia. In some countries, police agents are trained in informatics and some of them do searches for criminal sites. In France (as in Hong Kong for several years), recent laws have been enacted to require police handling such cases to turn the childrenover to certified medical doctors and psychologists for examination andcare prior to police or judicial questioning. This ensures proper treatment of the child in these delicate circumstances and that his statements are not misconstruedor taken out of context. In other cases, care is taken to ensure the truthfulness of child witness and its usability in court. Interpol is perhaps the most attuned to these problems because in almost every case, the use of the Internet has transformed what may have begun as a national police case to an international affair. Interpol has itsown unit concerned with cybercrimes and hosts a web site providing information andcon- tact numbers. Because of the international dimension of crimes on the Internet, the Inter- national Bureau for Children's Rights, dealing with juridical process and extra- territorial legislation in response to the international dimension of child sexual exploitation, has become extremely active in recent years. The Bureau has held regular tribunals for children's cases in France (1997), Brazil (1998) and Sri Lanka (1999). The results of these tribunals and recommendations formore innovative legislative action is contained in their Global Report: International Dimensions of the Sexual Exploitation of Children (Montreal: International Bu- reau for Children's Rights, 2000). Their site is at: http://www.web.net/-tribu- nal.

243 Carlos A. Arnaldo

These are but a few of the organisations, associations and agencies seeking to protect children from the dangers of media and the Internet, as wellas all new forms of communication technology to come. It shows that there is a growing phalanx of troops ready and willing to fight this battle and that the walls of silence surrounding child abuseare quickly breaking down, whether this is through advocates who speak on these matters,or journalists who report them. The symbiosis is beginning to take place. While technology advances and some of the human familyregress to animal behaviour, there are some whosee the moral and ethical implications and act to redress the balance. But it is a battle in which everyone has a role, where no work is too humble to be undertaken or too lowly to be acknowledged. The best contributions to this work have not been in the form ofmoney, but in offering sincere help: students who work at documents ina conference, an artist who designs a cover, a trainee who photocopies until 4 in the morning. But there is room for big contributions, too. Lots of room!

The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child

Article 34 States Parties undertake to protect the child from all forms of sexual exploitation and sexual abuse. For these purposes, States Parties shall in particular take all appropriate national, bilateral and multilateral measures to prevent: (a)The inducement or coercion of a child to engage in any unlawful sexual activity; (b) The exploitative use of children in prostitution or other unlawful sexualprac- tises; (c)The exploitative use of children in pornographic performances and materials.

244 23re) Audience Perceptions of Violence and Sex in the Media The Audience's Perception of Media Violence Review of Research in the UK

Andrea Millwood Hargrave

This article presents a review of recent research findings in the United Kingdom on the audience's perception of violence on television, including the views of young people. Much of the work discussed here was commissioned bythe Broadcasting Standards Commission (although not exclusively) and so has a British slant to it. This is an important point because the article will not cover, except in passing, studies which aim to prove that televisual violence can lead to actual violence. Little work of that nature has been conducted in the UK. Much British research has tested the active nature of the relationship between the audience and the screen, and allows the notion of 'influence' more easily than 'behavioural effects'. Hence the Commission's role in advising broadcasters about the care to be exercised in the depiction of violence, particularly in programmes aimed at the young who are felt to be more vulnerable to influence. Certainly on-screen violence affects public perception. There are many stories in the media (especially the press) that seek to link behaviour with a televised programme or a film. The Commission has conducted tracking studies annually for seven years, asking questions of the public. Whether the answer is prompted or unprompted, violence remains the issue of most concern. In 1998, one-third of respondents said spontaneously that they had a concern about an issue on television; a third of these (32%) mentioned violence.' When prompted with a choice of issues, including violence, nearly three in five respondents (58%) now mentioned it. This has been a decreasing figure, however, and it will be interesting to see if the trend continues. Young people (those aged between 16 and 24 years) were far less likely to mention that any issue was of concern to them (only 16 per cent mentioned they had a concern, unprompted). However, when prompted, they were more likely to mention violence (59%) than any of the other issues.

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The tracking study has, in additionto this survey of public opinion, two other parts: a content analysis of incidents of violence,sexual activity and bad language across a sample of free-to-air and satelliteprogramming, and an audience monitoring panel. In line with the findings from the public opinionsurvey, these other data showed decreases in 1998, both in the number ofviolent incidents captured through content analysis and in reports of violentincidents on television (reports made by panels of viewers). Importantly, the viewer panels alsonoted a decrease in the amount of violence they thoughteditorially unjustified: less than a quarter of violent incidents (23%)were not thought to be appropriate within their editorial context. This has beena consistent finding, with violence far more likely to be thought justified withinits programme context than either the use of bad language or the depiction of sexualactivity. This rather important pointthe ability of the audience tosee whether an incident was gratuitous or justifiedis key to much of the research discussed below. It underlines again the view that televisionaudiences are, by and large, sophisticated viewers who have developed critical skillsthat allow a significant interaction between themselves and thescreen.

Definition of violence The most recent work looking at audienceattitudes towards violence came from an industry initiative, andwas the result of a debate between broadcasters and regulators (including the Broadcasting StandardsCommission). In 1995-96 the industry conductedan extensive content analysis of violent incidents. This analysis had shown that violence accounted forrelatively little broadcast time (0.72% of all terrestrial broadcast time in 1995/96could be defined as `violence').2 The then government asked theCommission to host a seminar which included a discussion of these findings. Programmemakers at the seminar challenged the definition of violence usedin these 'academic' analyses and itwas agreed that a cross industry study should beundertaken looking at how the audience defined 'violence'. Concurrently theCommission, with the BBC (Brit- ish Broadcasting Corporation) and theITC (Independent Television Commis- sion), set up a Joint Working Partyon Violence with an independent Chair- man,' which reported publicly in 1998. The research by David Morrison et al.was published in 1999 and in the introduction, it is stated:

The purpose of the research...was twofold. We, at the intellectual level, wanted to determine how violence was defined, and at the practicallevel to have information that would assist us in determining theperceived level of violence on television as opposed to the level as defined bysome objective scoring... The research was not concerned withtastethat is, whether viewers enjoyed or disliked a particular scene of screen violencebut rather with how violence was determined or defined.'

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The research was predominantly qualitative in nature. A total of 12 groups of eight respondents each were recruited according to their experience of and attitudes towards violence. Each group was played clips from programmes, most of which had already been transmitted on British television. Respondents were allowed to edit these clips but had to explain, at each stage, their decision for the edits they were making. In this process, they clarified how they defined violence. Each group brought different attitudes towards the way in which televisual violence was defined. The research showed, as other work has done, that the audience was not homogenous, but was made up of people with many different mind-sets and levels of tolerance to material which could offend. The area that was least clear involved attitudes towards factual programming: here respondents seemed to concentrate their minds on violence that was interpersonal and, if they did not see the actual act of violence, were less likely to define it as such. By definition, this excluded much factual material. The following quotations regarding a news footage of the bombing of a marketplace in Sarajevo are illustrative examples: It's not violent. It's more upsetting. This is more people caring for each other after the violence. The violence is when it actually happens. (Females, aged 18-24, with experience of violence) This would contradict other work conducted by the same research team for the Commission in 1993, to be discussed later.5

This research on definitions showed that most respondents graded the violence they saw. The researchers outlined three categories of violent scene: I.Playful violenceSeen to be unreal. Recognised as being 'entertainment' and not graphic. II. Depicted violenceDesigned to be realistic and can be very graphic. III. Authentic violenceThis was violence set within an environment that was recognised by the viewer. Domestic violence fell within this category or, for this British sample of respondents, material showing violence in contemporary Britain. Importantly, the way in which the scene was filmed had a bearing on how violent the viewer considered it. All respondents brought to their viewing of violence their view of violence in real life. The researchers summarised: What constitutes violence is an act which breaks a recognised code of behaviour. Crucial to this was a sense of what was `fair' in a violent exchange. Within this concept of 'fairness' were matters such as the balance of power between protagonists, the extent to which protagonists were felt to be helpless, and whether or not the violence received was 'de-

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served'. The researchers called this desire forfairness a 'primary definer' of violence. `Secondary definers' were those that affected theweight of violence in a scene, such as the use of bad language, orgore. The researchers contended that these definers were determined by whathad been learnt by viewers from the screenwhile the primary definerwas linked back to knowledge of actual violence. So, as we shall see, the secondarydefiners for a young audience, raised on Tarantino-like realism,were different from those for an older audience, some of who had seen violence, and itsconsequences, in war.

Young people aged 18-24 In total, four groups of young people, aged 18-24,were interviewed. Two groups, one male and one female, were recruited because of theirfamiliarity with violence in real life. Yet,even for these groups where violence was a fact of life, there was a baseline against whichthey would judge on-screen violence. For them, violence occurred ina world where there were certain rules to be followed, even for violent conduct.Fairness and the balance of power between protagonists were crucial to their attitudes.However, they also understood that real life violence rarelywas as depicted cinematically and that production techniques were employedto increase dramatic effect. In so doing, the level of violence withina scene was often increased. As one respondent said: People who get hit actually fall over sometimes and don'tget up. People can get shot 20 times on some films and then getup. (Male, aged 18-24, with experience of violence) The male respondents in thisgroup enjoyed violence, by and large, and cruciallyenjoyed graphic representations of violence.The setting of the violence was also important to theway in which they rated it. One of the clips shown, taken from the Ken Loach film Ladybird,Ladybird, was of domestic violence in which a male character beatsup his female partner, swearing at her viciously, while the childrenare seen to look on. The young men recognised aspects of the violence to come, such as changes in the malecharacter's breathing:

You can tell he's going to lose it (control) by theway he's breathing but I wouldn't have thought he would have lostit that much. (Male, aged 18-24, with experience of violence) What made this scene particularly violentto this group of young males was that their sense of fairnesswas transgressed. The female character so obviously could not defend herself against the physicallystronger male. A respondent said the violence might have feltmore balanced if she had lashed out first or if the male character had had betterreason to be so violent. Interestingly, an item on bear baiting (in factualmaterial) was felt by these young males to be 'sick', but did not fall within their definition of 'violence'.It

250 The Audience's Perception of Media Violence

went against their sense of fairness. They noted the gross imbalance of power between the protagonists (the bear's claws had been blunted and its teeth pulled so that it could not defend itself against its attackers, dogs). But it was not an act of interpersonal violence and so was not rated as 'violence' in this context. Sympathy for a character's weakness, then, could be important in a definition of violence. So too, could empathy with the victim, especially for the group of young women, recruited for their experience of violence. The researchers argued that the more the victim was known and liked, the more likely it was that they would define a scene involving that victim as 'violent', however inexplicit the action. This was demonstrated by this female group's reaction to a scene of domestic violence, which was not graphic, from a popular soap opera. 6 Nonetheless, for this group, as with the men, the violence had to be witnessed, not just alluded to. The exception to this was the use of serious bad language which could add to or act as violence in itself. The scene of domestic violence from the film Ladybird, Ladybird described above, clearly fell into the category of 'violence'. Crucial to this group's reading of it was the perceived viciousness of the attack, both physical and verbal, not just the imbalance of power. These two groups of young people were counter-balanced by a group each of men and women aged 18-24, for whom violence was not potentially part of their everyday life. The researchers found that the men within this group, like their counterparts described above, enjoyed violence, and used production techniques, such as spurting blood, to help them rate a scene as violent. The equivalent group of women, however, did not show any pleasure in viewing violence; indeed for many, violence was upsetting. This group edited most of the clips of violence they were shown quite heavily. In particular, and in contrast to their 'equivalent' group of men, they took away many of the production techniques employed in scenes such as the use of slow motion or the sounds of violence. Unlike many of the other groups, this group of young women also questioned the moral value of the scenes they saw. As the researchers said, 'this group assessed violence as much by their emotional response to it as by analytical yardsticks'. For them, the violence had to be more than pure entertainment and was required to serve a purpose. As a result, this group accepted quite graphic violence in films or programmes, as long as they were based on real life events.

Other groups The research went on to consider many other groups, including parents with children living at home. It was found that being a parent did not affect a general definition of violence, unless the violence depicted involved children. Then, mothers with children living at home appeared to consider scenes within the framework of their own families, and with an awareness that their sons (if they had them) may be involved in violence. Also the depicted presence of children

251 Andrea Millwood Hargrave

in scenes of violence, such as the scene of domestic violencein the film mentioned above, actually made it seemmore violent to these women. The males recruited because they had childrenat home8 did not apply this particular frame of reference to their viewing, although theywere sensitive to the 9 o'clock Watershed (the time before whichprogramming should be suitable for all the family). Thisgroup reacted strongly to the scene of domestic violence, and edited the children'spresence out of it. However, unlike the mothers but like most othergroups, these men did not think the presence of the children made the scenemore violent, just more upsetting. This group also underlined the researchers' contentionthat verbal violence could constitute 'violence': Within 'the domestic violencescene the verbal assault became akin to physical assault, by delivering hurtin the form of fear. It threatened the imminence of real physical hurt'. Crucially, however, the researchers argued, from the findings ofthese groups where, for some, violence wasa factor of life that 'in general, a diet of screen violence does not seem to lessen the shock of violence in real life. The two types of violence are experienced entirely differently'. Insummary, the reality of violence was well differentiated for all these respondentsfrom the depictions of on-screen, fictional violence.

Fictional violence The report reviewed above showed that the audience itselftended to define `violence' as an interpersonal and witnessedact. The fact that the audience views fictional violence in different terms from factual violence hasbeen well documented. One respondent interviewedas part of the Commission's research into factual television said: ...no matter how realistically any kind of acting is done, you always know it's fiction, there is always something that tellsyou that it's fictional and it acts as a kind of barrier. (Man, 40-50 years old) Generally, other research has concluded that audiences foundfactual violence more upsetting than fictional violence, because they understood what theysaw was 'real'. However, viewers could still be distressed by fictional violence and much of the research in this area shows that reactionsto violence in fictional television were determined by matters ofcontext. Indeed, it was this argument that the programme makers used when rejecting the definitionsused in content analyses. Unlike the British analyses, a content analysis undertakenby a research consortium of four American universities studying violencein the media, explored how the manipulation of contextual featuresin violent television portrayals could influence the audience's reactionsto violence.9 While this was based in a tradition of 'effects' research, it is interestingto note this attempt to understand how the audience interprets and perceivesviolent imagery. Indeed

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there were many similarities with the British work already discussed. The US study found that the way in which violence was presented in a programme could have different meanings to the viewer. The researchers went on to hypothesise that these meanings, in turn, could produce varied reactions in terms of personal aggression, fear and desensitisation. The contextual factors were broken down into categories: Nature of the perpetratorviolence carried out by a 'good guy' evoked a different reaction to that perpetrated by a 'bad guy'. Nature of the targetif the viewer could share the character's emotional experiences and perceived the character to be likeable, the level of fear of violence felt by the viewer increased. Presence of weaponsguns were seen as the most violent weapons. Reason for violenceunjustified violence was more likely to induce feelings of unease than socially sanctioned or altruistic violence. Therefore, violence used in self-defence was more likely to be seen as justified in a programme because the perpetrator of the violence was perceived as innocent and the victim was seen as guilty. Extent and graphicness of violencethe research reported that persistent close-ups of violence were interpreted as more violent than violence filmed from a distance. Realism of violencethe more realistic the nature of the violence, the more likely it was that viewers would be distressed. Rewards and punishmentsthe fears viewers expressed were reduced if the perpetrator of the violence was seen to receive the punishment he/she deserved. Consequences of violencethe research suggested that the audience judged scenes in which violence resulted in observable harm and pain to be more violent than scenes that did not show the results of violence. This study, while a content analysis and a 'count' of violent incidents in programming, sought to recognise that viewers' interpretations of fictional violence were based on a complex set of values and judgements about the various different elements that made up any violent act. The Broadcasting Standards Commission, which undertakes content analysis as part of its tracking study, has also sought to reflect these variables. It has attempted to measure incidents of violence against the 'definers' outlined by the British study and has incorporated the measures of 'consequence' from the US study. Results using these different measures are to be found in the Com- mission's Monitoring Report series.10 Years earlier, Barrie Gunter" had shown the complexities of response to perceptions of violence. He conducted twelve experimental studies in which respondents were shown clips from various fictional genres and asked how

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they felt about the violence portrayed in each. Theprogrammes were British and American crime series, Westerns, science fiction andanimation. The results from these studieswere broadly similar: British respondents rated violent acts in British crime seriesas more violent than violence in Ameri- can crime drama series. Gunter suggests that viewer'sresponses to fictional violence were affected by the closenessto home of the violence portrayed. Violent behaviour in both the animation and science fictionprogrammes was not classed as 'violent' by the respondents because itwas not seated in reality. Other factors such as the nature of the fictional characterswho inflicted the violence, how the harm was inflicted and how much damagewas done to the recipient also had a bearing on respondents' views. Gunter's research showed, too, that the audience had clearopinions about the appropriateness of the level of violence used. Thiswas especially true if the violence did not seem appropriate to the provocation.In crime genres, for example, the level of violence used to enforce the law shouldbe appropriate to the crime committedviewers would be particularly disturbed bya non-violent car thief being gunned down bya policeman. Some forms of physical violence were perceivedto be more violent than others. As with the US studybut preceding it by many years!Gunter found that shootings were classed as more violent than stabbings,but were not found to be as disturbing. Fist fighting was the least distressing form of violentaction. Gunter and his colleague, Adrian Furnham, proposed that becausestabbings were rarer in British crime drama than shootings, viewerswere more shocked by them. In contrast they had become accustomed,and thus desensitised, to shootings." No evidence, however,was provided to support this reasoning. Gunter also found that, in general, viewerswere more troubled by violence against, and by, women than such acts involvingmen. Violence involving women was especially distressing if it was featured in a scenario to which the viewer could readily relate, such as the domestic violencescene mentioned above, from the later work by Morrison et al. The effect of contextual factorson perceptions of the suitability of violence was also discussed in a study undertaken by the Commission's predecessor body, the Broadcasting Standards Counci1.13 A sample ofviewers were sent video tapes of three full length fictionalprogrammes and were asked how they would edit each programme before transmission. The research showed respondentswere widely accepting of the violence shown in an edition of the British crime drama serial,The Bill, broadcast on a mainstream channel. It depicted the killing, by police marksmen, ofbank rob- bers who had held a gun to a cashier's head. Anexceedingly small number of respondents either wanted to edit theprogramme or not show it at all. The second programme wasa drama about football hooliganism, The Firm, transmitted on a minority channel. It featured several violentscenes including a young black boy having his face slashed, an infant who puta blade in his mouth and various gang fights. Some respondentswere so disgusted by the violence that they refused to watch theprogramme and sent back the tapes.

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1 474A The Audience's Perception of Media Violence

Out of the 54 respondents aged 35 or over, 57 per cent did not want the drama to be transmitted, whilst a significant number, 26 per cent, thought it could be shown in its entirety. Fewer of the viewers under 35 years of age (33%) did not want the drama to be broadcast and 50 per cent of this age group had no problem with showing it in full. The main concern of those who did not want to see The Firm transmitted at all was that they felt it glorified a certain type of violence, and they considered that it would encourage people to act in an irresponsible manner: I disliked everything about it. I think it encourages everything we want stamped out in this country and it helps to glorify mindless violence to those inclined. (Female, unskilled working class, over 35) Importantly, those who were in support of showing the drama in full thought the violent imagery was necessary to convey effectively the programme's central message. The third programme the respondents watched was the horror film Night- mare on Elm Street which includes particularly bloody special effects. The majority of respondents thought the film could be transmitted in its entirety so long as it was shown after the Watershed at 9.00 p.m. However, 25 per cent of the older respondents and 21 per cent of the younger ones did not think the film was suitable for transmission on television at all. They were disgusted by the violence, especially the special effects. Those respondents who thought the film could be broadcast, but only after editing, wanted to change the killing scenes, particularly the first murder. In this study, the researcher drew on the concept of 'deep and shallow play', a concept originally developed by the anthropologist, Clifford Geertz. The suggestion was that viewers interpreted violent imagery in different ways according to the context of the violence shown. Viewers related directly to violence in 'deep play' fictionThe Firm was a drama about football hooligans and showed violence that was perceived to be indicative of British life. In contrast, violence in 'shallow play' fiction did not worry respondents because it was inflicted on a society they could not identify with. Nightmare on Elm Street was a horror film and, as such, the violence shown was socially, politically, and, for the most part, psychologically removed from society.

Factual violence Reference has been made already to the perceived differences between fictional and factual violenceit has been suggested that respondents often found factual violence more upsetting than fictional violence, but they were also more accepting of it. Perhaps the most important recent work in this area was conducted by Morrison and his team in 1993, who also undertook the (later) work on audience views of the definition of violence, described above.

255 4 Andrea Millwood Hargrave

This team pioneered the editing group technique, whichwas used to considerable effect in this 1993 study of attitudesto factual television. Groups of men and women were recruited by age categories and shown a variety of factual material.14 They were allowed to edit the material theywere shown to make it more 'acceptable' to them, but had to explain thereasons for their edits. Importantly, many of the criteria that affected audience perceptions of fiction seem to apply to perceptions of actual violence. Different items created different reactions. In response to a localnews item about a bar fight, which showed graphic shots of the victim's wound andwas accompanied by a detailed description of the fight, each respondentgroup made different comments. Most agreed the report had over-sensationalised the eventit was clear that viewers did not want the news to dramatise eventsor create sensation. They regarded the news as the purest form of factualprogramme and objected to the dramatic words of the voice-over. Some of the young female respondents felt they did not need to know the level of detail that the item provided.Some, notably the 24-35 aged group of men, madea judgement about the men involved in the reported brawl, saying they would be the 'type' ofpersons used to such violence. This group of men would have beenmore shocked and, indeed, more sympathetic if the victimwas seen to be someone not used to being caught up in such violence. This link between audiencereaction and sympathy or empathy with the victim was noted in other factual material, and had also been found in research into fictional representations. Footage from the Vietnam war was shown, includinga scene showing the shooting of a 'Vietcong' suspect. Most of thegroups had seen it at least once before and all of them were shocked by thescenes. Once again, however, sympathy and, by extension, emotional upsetas a response to the scene was dependent on the perceived and accorded status of the victim. Awoman who had felt strongly for the 'Vietcong' man changed her views after shewas told that he was suspected of several murders. Despite the distress caused to them by this footage, most respondents felt it was necessary and acceptable to show the pictures. Mostgroups expressed a desire for the material to be shown after the Watershed; others suggesteda less graphic pre-Watershed version whilst others suggesteda warning. One group, the 40-55 year old women, suggested that if the footagewere from a current war, there would be more justification in broadcasting it as news at any time. Since the material featured in a documentary, it should be transmittedlater. What appears to be operating is the principle of 'needto know' or 'duty to be informed' about current events, a principle that did not applyso clearly to past events. This difference between the news and documentarieswas highlighted again when groups had to consider the suitability of other footage theywere shown. Respondents thought that documentaries should elaborateon the basic information provided by the news. The nature ofa documentary, describing past events, also made it easier to accept difficult content, since viewers couldex- pect to know beforehand the type of scenes that might be transmitted.

256 The Audience's Perception of Media Violence

What the research findings also show is that violence in war reports was perceived differently from violence in civilian circumstances. War is war and it was expected to be violent. In a study of the audience's opinions about television and the Gulf war, the majority of respondents (70%) felt it was right to show all the footage they were presented with." However, over half the sample (57%) felt that footage showing captured coalition pilots should not be shown on British television. Many respondents thought these pictures were too upsetting to be shown; this opinion was voiced specifically because of concern for the pilots' relatives. In the same study, focus groups were used to test responses to different levels of coverage of the bombing of the Amiriya bunker. Reports of the bombing had been transmitted by the BBC and ITN (British news agencies), and WTN (a Canadian/American agency). The BBC and ITN films used edited footage of the human devastation caused by the strike, whilst the WTN film showed more explicit material, including charred bodies. The BBC and ITN material was accepted by most of the groups despite its distressing nature, because it was held to have a clear purpose. In contrast, the WTN footage was deemed to go far beyond what was necessary to explain the event that had occurred. As with the research into violence in factual television, the differences between such material being used for news as opposed to documentary purposes was highlightedrespondents agreed that more graphic material could be shown in documentaries, as the viewer could expect, and therefore be mentally prepared for, violent images in a documentary about war. Similar findings were reported in an earlier survey of public response to footage of the Falklands war." Respondents were asked whether all or only part of the material available should be shown. The research found that respondents placed limits on what they wanted to see, and they were only mar- ginally less sensitive about seeing explicit coverage of dying or wounded Argentinean soldiers. However, the message was quite cleargreater consideration needed to be given to the sensibilities of the British audience if injury and death involved British nationals. As shown, documentaries were allowed greater licence to use more violent imagery than news by respondents, as long as the Watershed was applied and warnings were given. However, it had to be used to make a valid point gratuitous use of violence was not tolerated in this genre. One documentary used in the research was a programme which investigated the psychological make up of serial killers." It was generally felt that the programme did not have a justifiable purpose and that the interview with a murderer was misjudged. This man expressed his view strongly: The public had not been served anything from that. Absolutely nothing wrong in producing that for experts, pathologists, if it's an insight into them sort of persons, but what the hell is me, or the public, getting from that, I just don't know. (Male satellite viewer)

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This view echoes the argument about news footagerespondents considered the showing of violent scenes justifiable only if the display of violence lent purpose to the story. Another concern about this particular documentary was for the relatives of the victims. Respondents thought sucha programme with such explicit descriptions of the violence inflicted on victims would be likelyto cause extreme distress to any friends or family that might be watching. It is also worth noting that several viewers who had seen theprogramme when it was broadcast, said that they had been disturbed by it, and thememory of it had stayed with them for longer than any fictional violence they hadever seen. Another documentary shown to the groups featured a dramatic reconstruction of a kidnapping, using the stylistic techniques of slow motion, soft focus shots and sound effects. Most of the groups said the use of dramatic techniques made it more like a drama than a documentary, and they felt theseover-sensationalised a factual story. The researchers hypothesised four main factors which they considered had an influence on viewer perceptions and reactions to violence in factual television: The Factor of ClosenessThe more distance, in terms of geography, time and other relationships, between the violence and the viewer, the less disturbing it was found to be. The Factor of CertaintyViewers were less likely to be shocked either if they knew the outcome of a violent scene or if they fully understood what was happening in it. The Factor of StatusViewers were likely to tolerate a higher degree of violence if the victim is regarded to have lower claim to justice. The victim's perceived innocence was an important factor in how much violencewas accepted and how disturbing it was likely to be. The Factor of MinimalismViolent imagery, whether real or reconstructed, should not use greater detail in factual programmes thanwas needed to illustrate the point being made. Dramatic techniques were not thoughtap- propriate to this type of material.

Children's perceptions of violence on television Much of the concern about the effects of the media on behaviour hasconcen- trated on children and their propensity for imitativeresponses to what they watch, read or hear.2 Yet it is interesting that studies find thatconcern amongst parents that children might become violent as a result of watching media violence was almost always voiced with reference to 'other people's' children.19 The parent's fears about the possible negative impacts of violenceon television for their own children lay with a concern that their children might become frightened or traumatised by on-screen violence.

258 The Audience's Perception of Media Violence

In research commissioned by the Broadcasting Standards Council, investigating the attitudes of young people (aged 6-17) to the media, the views of parents concerning the effect of television were also considered. The dominant view held by parents was that there was too much violence on television. The research also showed that parents did not believe that such violence adversely affected their children.20 When they said they wished to restrict the amount of violence their children viewed on television, the reason for doingso was usually that they were worried that the children might be frightened by what they saw, rather than because they thought the children might be encouraged to behave violently. I don't like it, but it doesn't harm him in what he doeshas quite a mind of his own. (Father of 14 year old boy) When asked in what areas of programming they restricted their children's viewing, parents predominantly mentioned those programmes that contained sex. When children themselves were asked if they were concerned about the possible effects of television, they did not consider themselves to be at risk. Some children did say, however, that they thought that younger children, who might not be able to tell the difference between fiction and reality, might be affected by violence on television. Again, it is thecase of 'the other' being affected and not the respondents themselves. Children, and indeed adults, were shown to be able to differentiate between various forms of violence. Even children of a pre-school age have been noted to respond differently to different forms of media violence as evidenced in the changes in their facial expressions." These children were shown: schematic violence, realistic violence in which the suffering of the victim was also shown, cartoon violence, verbal violence, and a non-violentscene. They were found to watch both the schematic and the cartoon violence with joy and understanding, showing no signs of distress or fear. The realistic physical violence troubled the children most and produced facial expressions of serious- ness, tenseness, and anger in the children. Other research has shown that pre-adolescent viewers could distinguish between real violence and fantasy violence.22 Children were noted to perceive real violence as sickening rather than frightening, and they preferredto see violence in a 'make believe' and play context which they could enjoy and subsequently forget. In 1996, the Commission (then the Broadcasting Standards Council) asked David Buckingham to conduct a study which looked at how children reactedto and coped with difficult images. His research began withan extensive literature search.23 Buckingham then conducted a series of focussed interviews with small groups of children aged between six and sixteen, and interviews with the families of some of these children.24 Buckingham found that negative emotional responses were recalled by most of his sample of children, but there was little predictability in the content that could create such a response. The programming that could lead to upset ran from horror films to the news. In the horror film, as in many programmes of

259 Andrea Millwood Hargrave

fiction, the negative response was often counterbalanced by positive responses such as excitement or enjoyment. In factual programmes, children themselves often felt that their negative emotions were part of a learning process. Gener- ally, these had a positive outcome thereforeexcept for the news at times. Many of the young respondents said that the scenes they saw on the news evoked a sense of helplessness in them, a powerful emotion: I try and turn over the channel and try and watch a little cartoon and try and block it out of my mind. But it's always there, like wars and things and bombing, and you see all the Ethiopians. Like at Christmas, they always put them on, and you're sitting there and you're like having tons of chocolates and things... You can't exactly get a doggie bag and send it off. But we donate money and stuff... I just feel like that's unfair, I just think there must be some way, some way. It could just like give them tons of food and fix it, but I don't know, it's just impossible. (12 year old girl) The children described a variety of strategies they adopted to cope with possible distress. They included avoiding the material (turning away from it, leaving the room), distracting themselves, and actively reinterpreting the text (as in fiction, or providing alternative endings for themselves!).

Summary This review of recent research could look in greater detail at all the issues discussed here. Gender differences have been largely ignored and one of the Commission's most valuable pieces of work considered the responses of survivors to media coverage of the events they had lived through.25 All these studies deserve the reader's full attention. What this review has sought to do is to establish the underlying similarities in response found in British research,regardless of the type or place of violence. Encouragingly, many of these base- lines are found in other workan American example is given hereand it is to be hoped that a time will come when comparative researchcan be extended to look at the viewing of violence, particularly asprogrammes increasingly cross national frontiers. The Joint Working Party on Violence in the UK reported in 1998. It said: To seek to stop broadcasting from telling and retelling hard truths about the world would be a substantial disservice both to democracy and to our understanding of the human condition. The portrayal of violence has playeda major part in popular storytelling throughout human history, and continues to have a place in the civilising process of which broadcasting is a part... At thesame time there are anxieties among sections of the viewing audience about why, how and when violence is shown on television... Broadcasters accordingly have a responsibility to the public to ensure that a property balance is struck between freedom of expression and protection of the vulnerable.26 This is where much of the research effort has been focussed.

260 The Audience's Perception of Media Violence

Notes 1. Monitoring Report 7. Broadcasting Standards Commission, 1999. 2.Violence on Television in Britain: A Content Analysis 1995-96. London: Independent Television Commission. 3.Charles Denton, a former current affairs programme maker. 4.Morrison D.E. et al: Defining Violence: The Search for Understanding. University of Luton Press, 1999. 5.Millwood Hargrave, A.: Violence in Factual Television. Broadcasting Standards Council, 1993. 6. The soap opera was Brookside. 7. These were mothers aged 25-45, recruited so that the eldest child was aged between 5 and 11. 8. These were fathers aged 25-45, recruited so that the eldest child was aged between 12 and 16. 9.National Television Violence Study- Scientific Papers 1994-1995. Four studies by University of California, Santa Barbara; University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill; University of Texas, Austin; and University of Wisconsin, Madison. Published by Media Scope, Inc. 10. Monitoring Report 7. Broadcasting Standards Commission, 1999. 11.Gunter, B.: Perceptions of television violence: Effects of programmes genre and the physical form of violence, 1988, p.33; Gunter, B. and Furnham, A.: British Journal of Social Psychology Vol.23, 1984, p.155-184. 12.Gunter, B.: Perceptions of television violence: Effects of programmes genre and the physical form of violence, 1988, p.33; Gunter, B. and Furnham, A.: British Journal of Social Psychology Vol.23, 1984, p.155-184. 13.Docherty, D: Violence in Television Fiction. Broadcasting Standards Council, 1990. 14. Millwood Hargrave, A.: Violence in Factual Television. Broadcasting Standards Council, 1993. 15.Morrison, D.E.: Television and the Gulf War. University of Luton Press, 1992. 16. Gunter B. and Wober M.: Violence on Television: What the Viewers Think. John Libbey & Com- pany Ltd, 1988. 17. Millwood Hargrave, A.: Violence in Factual Television. Broadcasting Standards Council, 1993. 18.For an overview of the literature, see Gauntlett, D.: Moving Experiences: Understanding Televi- sion's Influences and Effects. John Libbey & Company Ltd, 1995. 19. Buckingham, D.: Moving Images: Understanding Children's Emotional Responses to Television. Manchester University Press, 1996. 20. Millwood Hargrave, A., Halloran, J.D. and Gray, P: Young People and the Media. Broadcasting Standards Council, 1996. 21. Lagerspetz et al. (1978) in article by Gunter, B. 'Television Violence and Entertainment Value', Bulletin of the British Psychological Society, March 1979, Vol. 32. 22. Snow et al. (1974) in article by Gunter, B. 'Television Violence and Entertainment Value', Bulletin of the British Psychological Society, March 1979, Vol. 32. 23. Buckingham, D. and Allerton, M.: A Review of Research on Children's 'Negative' Emotional Responses to TV Broadcasting Standards Council, 1996. 24. Buckingham, D.: Moving Images: Understanding Children's Emotional Responses to Television. Manchester University Press, 1996. 25.Shearer, A.: Survivors and the Media. Broadcasting Standards Council, 1991. 26. Violence and the Viewer. Report of the Joint Working Party on Violence on Television, BBC, BSC, ITC, 1998.

EST COPY AVAITLA13IL3 261 Violence on Chilean Television and Audience Perception

Veronica Silva & Maria Dolores Souza

This article is a summary of the main findings of a research program conducted by the Consejo Nacional de Television (CNTV) in Chile (Chilean National Tele- vision Council)' and comprising five studies about violence on television.2 After an introduction describing the penetration and output of television in Chile, we summarize the findings of the research program in three sections. The first section includes opinions of the adult audience about violence on television, the second section contains children's opinions, and the third deals with a content analysis of television programs shown before 10 p.m., especially cartoons. Finally, we suggest elements to be addressed in the debate around these issues.

Status of television in Chile In Chile, television is a product of mass consumption. Urban households have an average of almost two television sets, and this average rises to three in highincome segments. The characteristics of television sets have improved tremen- dously over the past few years. Almost 94 percent of the households have color sets, 79 percent have remote controls and 14 percent have black and white television sets.3 Open television reaches Chile's thirteen regions, leaving only small communities without coverage.4 It offers eight free channels, which together provide about 60,000 hours per year of television programs. All the channels have general programming, which means that their output contains television genres targeted at different kinds of public. Sixteen percent of programs are aimed at children. Sixty percent of the total offer is made up of national programs. On the other hand, 21 percentor almost one of every four Chilean households has cable television. It is present in most high and middle-income segments and is rapidly penetrating the lower-income segment.'

263 EST COPY AVAILABLIR 249 Veronica Silva & Maria Dolores Souza

Over 70 cities throughout Chile have access to cable television; it is available in practically all cities with over 50,000 inhabitants. There isa clear national trend toward market concentration between two bigoperators, which together account for almost 95 percent of the total market.6 These operators offer over 1,200,000 hours of televisionprograms per year, 61.5 percent of which are broadcast on theme channels and38.5 percent on general channels. Programs are made up of different televisiongenres, with a high proportion of mixed programs, video clips and movies. Of thecontents on the 180 cable TV channels, approximately 63.4 percentare foreign and about 36.6 percent local. It is worth noting, however, that almost75 percent of the programs on these channels are in Spanish, most of which originate in Latin America! The irruption and expansion of cable television, especially inprovinces, has brought about an unprecedented phenomenon, namely theemergence of local television channels including programs aimedat informing about the local reality. Also satellite television, offered by two companies, hasa rising penetration rate in Chile. Both companies include audio-only channelswhich are divided into different musical genres and audiovisual channels of the general and theme type. Subscribers are concentrated in the high and middle-highincome segments. Statistics indicate that Chileans spend approximately three hoursper day in front of the television set and that childrenare the greatest television consumers.8 This has brought about many debates and discussions,among which violence on television is an issue of greatestconcern. Several studies periodically conducted by the CNTV have clearly indicated that the audience's priority concern regarding televisionprograms is that of violence, especially in programs for children and otherprograms shown before 10 p.m., which is considered a time period for all kinds ofviewers. These results are consistent with those of research in other countriessuch as the United States and England.9 However, although the Chilean government and peopleare concerned about violence on television, and some studies and seminars have beenconducted, extensive debate has not taken place. Therefore, the CNTV decidedto conduct a research program about violence on television and present its findings to the public in order to stimulate an informed debateon the issue. The research program comprised five studies, carriedout during 1996 and 1997. It focused on two major topics not dealt with before: theamount, nature and distribution of violence shown on Chilean television, and the public'sopinion and perception in that regard, giving special emphasisto children. The idea was to deal with the issue using a multi-methodological approach and considering various aspects, in order to have a broad view and, thus,to provide new elements for a more thorough debate.

264 Violence on Chilean Television and Audience Perception

Public opinion about violence on television In this section we include the findings of two studies, one quantitative and one qualitative, of the research program. They deal with the adult audience's opinion on the amount and type_ of violence shown on television, how the viewers define it, their perception of individual and social effects, and their demands for regulation of violent content. One of the studies is a survey conducted in Santiago with 800 people between 16 and 65 years of age.'° The other consists of focus groups, performed in two stages, with 41 groups of people over the age of 18."

General opinion on violence According to the opinions expressed in the surveys and the focus groups, we can state that violence on television is the issue that disturbs viewers most. When asked "what aspects shown on television bother you most?", 42 percent of respondents spontaneously mention elements related to violence on television.12 Other aspects are, for example, commercials, censorship/politics, and sex, but these aspects are mentioned by less than ten percent each. When asked the comparative question with fixed-choice items, "what bothers you most on television: violence or sex?", the number of answers stating that violence bothers them most rises to 54 percent (Figure 1).

Figure 1.What bothers you most on television: violence or sex? ( %)

None 18%

Violence 54% Both 17%

Does not know 2%

Sex 9% n = 800 (total sample)

However, the opinions about violent content on television are complex.'3 Vio- lence is considered unnecessary and not contributory to the value of entertainment. Moreover, it is thought to be harmful for the social well-being. At the same time many believe that violence reflects real life (Figure 2).

265 2 Veronica Silva & Maria Dolores Souza

Figure 2.Level of agreement with statements about violenceon television (c%))

Violence on television is a true reflection of what the world is like today. 58% -21

We would be better off without violence on ,..- 72% television; we have plenty of it in real life. 1 % 1,,10%

, ,-, Programs with violence are more fun. 24% ',,,,21*. 5570,4

0 50 100

1 n = 800 (total sample) higly agree/agree neither agree nor disagree/ disagree highly desagree

Moreover, a large majority of people (71%) consider that violenceon television has increased over the past fiveyears. The audience perceives that not only have the number of violent scenes increased, but alsoexpresses its concern about the images showing violence and that these becomemore and more graphic. Further, respondents give reasons why theyexpect an increase in violence on television in the future. Some of these reasons are that (i) the industry increasingly associates more violence with entertainment,e.g., the U.S. movie industry; (ii) a large majority likes violence; and (iii) the industryseeks to cause an impact on the viewer both in fiction and non-fiction, involving him/her emotionally through images of destruction and violence. In general, the negative evaluation of violenceon television is related to its potential impact. Firstly, respondentsexpress their concern about the values delivered. Violence is a bad example for people because of the behaviorsthem- selves and the underlying values. Secondly, respondents considerthat violence on television can cause harmful effects on the audience, particularly children: One of the principal effects is the learning and imitation of violent,non- conforming, and antisocial behaviors. For example, with regardto watching cartoons, people perceive imitation and aggressive behaviors in children under 10 years old. These phenomena are attributed to children's identification with their favorite characters. Movies and documentariesare also mentioned as genres that can teach youngstersor groups at risk about the use of violence. A second effect of violence on television perceived by viewersis the desensitization to social violence. On one hand, theyexpress their concern that television may legitimize violent behaviorsas a way of achieving certain objectives, such as fighting against evil and obtainingjustice. On the other hand, viewers manifest their apprehension that theviewer may become accustomed to watching violent scenes and, therefore, certain social

266 Violence on Chilean Television and Audience Perception

values, such as non-violence and respect for physical integrity and life, may be trivialized. G A third impact is related to the fear, pain and confusion that may be generated in the viewer by violence on television. Children and adolescents are of special concern because they are not sufficiently mature to understand some of the problems depicted in movies, news broadcasts and documentaries. Finally, it is worth noting that opinions regarding behavioral effects of violence on the screen differ among the respondents. For example, although most of them acknowledge that there is an imitation effect on children, this opinion varies according to the respondent's educational level. The higher the education level, the less people agree with the hypothesis of direct effects on behavior and vice versa.14 People surveyed also tend to agree more about the impact of violence when it occurs to others, but there is little awareness of the effects on one's own conduct.

Identification of violent content according to program genres As already mentioned, the notion of violence on television is complex and depends to a large extent on three factors: (i) the television genre; (ii) the program's general context; and (iii) the characteristics of the different audience segments. These factors are treated below. In general, the programs considered most violent are cartoons, movies, documentaries and news broadcasts.

Cartoons A large majority of respondents express their great concern about cartoons. This apprehension has grown over the past few years because there is the perception that the television industry is producing and showing cartoons with increasingly violent contents. At the same time, cartoons are children's favorite programs from an early age. The people surveyed declare that violence in this genre is expressed in scenes that show physical aggressionfights, tortureand the consequences of that aggressioninjuries, blood, destruction and death. They also mention psychological aggression like threats and humiliation, as well as their emotional effect. This refers especially to fear and moral suffering, typical of certain series such as Japanese cartoons. Another characteristic that makes people consider this genre excessively violent is the realism of some programs. Realism is associated with the type of characters shown in cartoons. People tend to consider aggressive actions by characters that represent human beings more harmful. Respondents also mention that depiction of pain and the effects of physical aggression make violent scenes cruder and more realistic.

267 Veronica Silva & Maria Dolores Souza

Respondents mention, too, that violence is present in the theme itself of some cartoon series. The most severe violence is perceived in the confronta- tional scripts of some series where the roles of "good" and "bad" charactersare not clear or defined.

Movies Respondents mentioned different types of violent content in movies, depending on the sub-genres of the films. Detective movies,suspense movies and thrillers occasionally including martial arts and science fiction films are considered typical examples of violent movies, showingscenes of death and destruction and special effects to intensify the impact of violence. Within this context, scenes where physical aggression hasan excessively destructive power on people are considered extremely violent. This characteristic, plus the following five, were specified: Realism of scenes. Showing the effects of aggression. Foreground or middle ground images. Scenes where violence seems unjustified or unnecessary. Scenes where the victim appears weak or defenseless. Images of blood, dismemberment, physical disintegration and excessive suffering of victims are understood as the effects of aggression. Within thiscontext, death in itself is not considered particularly violent, but theway it is shown. Scenes of sexual aggression are also considered extremely violent,especially if the scenes are long and portray the victim's suffering ina very realistic manner. Violence in the drama genre tends to havea greater impact on the audience because the content is generally associated withevents and situations of real life. Physical and psychological aggression thatcause intense human suffering are violent contents perceived both in drama scripts and scenes. These contents are identified especially in family dramas and historical events, where suffering in extreme situations of tremendous psychological stress is portrayed. However, the opinions of this drama genre are not necessarily negative. On the contrary, many respondents state that although this kind ofcontent may have a great impact on the audience, it may also sensitize viewers aboutcertain human problems and situations, thereby teachinga lesson.

Non-fiction, news broadcasts and documentaries Opinions on programs about real and current eventsare less severe than for drama. Although real-life violence shown in documentaries andnews broadcasts is considered to have a great impact on the audience because it shows real

268 Violence on Chilean Television and Audience Perception

people and events, its presentation is accepted due to its informative content aimed at the public's right to know. Coverage of events that imply intentional and involuntary aggression, both by people and by natural forces or accidents, is perceived as violence in news broadcasts. Violence is associated with physical and material loss that causes suffering to human beings. The greatest concerns are related to values and ethical standards presented by editorial lines in television news broadcasts. Therefore, although people feel that news broadcasts do not exaggerate the amount of violence in the country, particularly violent contents are identified in certain scenes that depict actions of voluntary and involuntary aggression. Especially worrisome is the treatment of certain events in which sensationalism is perceived as common practice. An example would be scenes with more than necessary detail to inform the public as a means to attract a greater audience. Another concern is journalistic intrusiveness, which is perceived as a form of violence toward the victims or the relatives of victims of criminal actions, tragedies and/or diseases. This refers mainly to interviews and questions asked by journalists, aimed at deepening human suffering and giving emphasis to affliction. Respondents also say that news broadcasts tend to emphasize negative news, which is considered a kind of violence toward the audience. This is an ethical concern, but viewers fear that the major, most pervasive effect of this kind of violence is increasing people's feeling of insecurity, vulnerability and fear of society. Opinions about real life documentaries differ depending on the type of program and its social interest and relevance. Current events and scientific and technological documentaries are highly valued. However, police-related documentaries, particularly the reality shows, which recreate criminal actions and dramashomicides, maltreatment, and cases of severe abnormalityare more controversial, and opinions tend to be divided depending on the socioeconomic background of the viewer.15 Some audiences, especially the upper income segment, perceive that there is violence not only in the scenes themselves but also in the selection of the themes. These programs are attributed the power of teaching non-conforming and antisocial behaviors. On the contrary, other audiences, especially the lower income segments, consider that these contents contribute to the prevention of crime and educate the public. Moreover, they feel that these types of programs reflect their lives.

Characteristics of the audience and perception of violence on television The characteristics of the audiences also determine their assessment of violence on television. The five principal characteristics are: education level, age, sex, level of television use, and the level of fear of violence in society. Only the opinion on children programming is universal and, consequently, it is here more difficult to find any differences among the groups.

iTh '7 269 ka Veronica Silva & Maria Dolores Souza

Considering education, people witha higher education level tend to rate violence on television poorly. This is determined chieflyby their values and not because of its impact. In fact, thisgroup perceives the lowest impact of violence on children. Thisgroup is also the one that demands less regulation from the State or television channels,giving greater importance to the parent's role and rules for children's television viewing. Regarding age, young people give less importanceto violence on the screen. They consider it a minor source ofannoyance and feel it will have little impact on the publicwith the exception of violence in children'spro- grams. Young people are not in favor of a legal framework to regulate television, and fear such regulation could result in censorship.On the contrary, adults express the greatest concern about violence and believeit could have a greater effect on people; therefore, theydemand more regulation. With respect to sex, the survey's findings indicate thatwomen tend to perceive more violent content in television programming and havea lower tolerance for it. Regarding levels of television use, people that spendmore time in front of the set place less importanceon violence. They consider it is just another element of programs that appears to be the least disturbingand most acceptable. They also say that violence has little influenceon people. On the contrary, people that spend less time in front of the screenexpress greater annoyance and concern about violence shown in televisionprograms, and demand greater regulation. They tend to believe that violencehas significant effects on the audience and allege that there is excessive violenceon the screen. Annoyance about violenceon television is also greater among people who have cable television in their homes. Finally, the proportion of the audience expressinggreater fear of social violence tends to be more critical about violenceon television and believe that television has a great potential to influence people'sbehavior, as compared to those who have less fear. Themore fearful people are the ones that demand more regulation of violenceon television.

Demands regarding violence on television Television viewers tend to support a regulatorysystem with the involvement of the State, broadcasters, and the family in general. A great majoritywith the exception of youngsterssupports the enact- ment of a law regulating the presentation of violentprograms, and expresses the need for parents of children and adolescentsto assume an active role in the control of their children's televisionuse. Within a legal framework, regulating the hours duringwhich programs with violence can be shown is the system preferred foropen television. Opin-

270 Violence on. Chilean Television and Audience Perception

ions are quite divided for cable television, with similar levels of support for the alternative of regulating the hours during which the programs can be shown, and for the option of self-regulation of the service operators. At the same time, specific demands are made for the different television genres. For example, in the specific case of cartoons, a great majority of respondents agree that cartoons should not have violent themes or scenes. They believe programs aimed at young children should definitely not contain any violence and demand that such violent programs should be eliminated altogether. Further, respondents request the diversification of movies shown. They perceive that television programming especially that on open television gives priority to movies with violent content. In the case of news broadcasts and documentaries, demands from respondents focus on the ethical aspect. People demand greater respect on the part of journalists and cameramen for the victims, especially with regard to their privacy and feelings. However, respondents tend to attribute information value to coverage of events that show the consequences of different types of aggression and destruction. In this regard, it is difficult to draw the line between what must and must not be shown on television. A significant proportion of respondents agree that there should be standards for scenes of violence, avoiding foreground images of dismembered and dead people. At the same time, respondents request that television channels not show previews of programs containing scenes or informing about subjects inappropriate for minors before 9 p.m. Respondents also express the need for parents to take measures at home when they watch violent scenes with the children present. Among these measures are explaining or criticizing what is being shown. In this same line, and in order to support the parents' rules, there is wide adhesion to the existence of warnings about violence contained in programs, especially those appearing on the screen before and during the program.

Children's opinions about violence on television We will now present the findings of a qualitative study aimed at investigating the opinions of children about violence on television. Twenty-three groups of children of different ages, 4-5, 8-9, 11-13 and 14-15 years, were consulted using group dynamics and focus group methods. The children lived in the metropoli- tan area.

Perceptions and rating of violence Children's evaluation of violence on the screen differs. Girls of different age groups and younger boyspre-school and approximately up to eight years old express the greatest rejection and displeasure toward violence both in fiction and reality.

271 r: Veronica Silva & Maria Dolores Souza

On the other hand, boys from an early age (4-5 years) express their preference to watch struggles and fights in certain fiction programs, asserting that they find it entertaining, especially in the cases of cartoons and action and terror movies. Adolescents of both sexes rate the violent content of true-to-lifeprograms favorably when they show the real world around them. Theysay it is a way of warning them to prevent some risky situations. Although children express a certain concern for violenceon television, this is not an important issue among children over 10 years of age; theyare more concerned with television censorship or movies being cut,excess of commercials during programs, lack of program variety and program repetition. It is worth noting that some boysespecially the younger onessponta- neously say that when they play, they imitate violent behaviors they watchon television without giving it an aggressive intention. From a broader standpoint, violence is one of the television contents that causes a great impression and produces a tremendous emotional impact on children of all ages. Many children acknowledge being terribly affected when watching painful situations on television, especially of real life, like death, accidents, rape or maltreatment. With few exceptions, these contentsare present in programs aimed at an adult audience and not in programs for children. According to the children, the television genres that havea greater impact on them are those that show or represent situations of real life, like news broadcasts, documentariesmainly the reality show sub-genreand movies of the drama genre. It should be noted that especially among pre-school children and primary school children, terror films are also mentioned to havean impact due to the many dismemberment and blood scenes. Programs with the greatest impact are, according to the children, those that generate mainly negative emotions. Fear and sadness are emotions frequently associated with this kind of program. Older children also attributea sensitization value to certain contents with greater impact, when theyare shown in real life documentaries or news broadcasts.

Television content identified as violent In general, children identify violence with physical aggression like fights, abuse, including effects like pain, wounds, blood and death. Adolescents also understand psychological aggression as violence, including threats, offense and in- sults, that generates hatred and resentment. The children studied say that the most violent televisiongenres are car- toons16 and moviesespecially terror films, followed by news broadcasts, documentaries on real life and reality shows. They consider soap operas less violent. Children 10 years old and over say that the intensity of violence in television programs depends on a combination of characteristics that somehow determine their impact, like (i) the extent of the harm and the effect caused by the aggression; (ii) the way the physical injuries and suffering caused by theag-

272 Violence on Chilean Television and Audience Perception

gression are presented audio-visually; (iii) the closeness to reality of the television content; (iv) the consistency of values in the context of the aggression; and (v) the presence or absence of humor.

Children's perception of parental rules Small childrenpre-school children and children approximately under 10 years of ageare the ones most frequently mentioning that their parents try to control screen time. Older children say that they have practically no restrictions, except for very specific programs. Children of the higher income segment regardless of agestate that they are subject to greater television regulations by their parents at home. Children say that their parents try to set up rules regarding the amount of television they may watch. They say that rules are set at home, but they generally result in turning off the television set for an hour at night, especially on weekdays, because they must do their homework. They assert that the rules are usually not applied on weekends. Children say that their parents forbid or try to regulate certain television content, particularly sex and violence. According to them, the parents' behavior varies according to the children's ages. They express that violence ceases to be a major concern for parents of pre-adolescents and adolescents, but sex continues to be the television content that parents try to restrict until a more advanced age. In relation to the television genres that are subject to greater parental control, child viewers mention movies, especially terror films (often characterized by showing violence and sex) and violent cartoons. In the upper- and middle- income segments, parents also try to restrict other programs they consider inappropriate from the point of view of values, and which might set a poor example. In this context, they say that the most restricted genre is the Latin-American soap opera. The large majority of the groups state that they try to avoid asking for permission or being subject to any kind of rules set by their parents. This behavior is more frequent among children over ten years old and among those who have a television set in their bedroom.

Presence of violence in television programming In this section, the results of two content analyses of the amount and kind of violence shown on television are presented. The first study is an analysis of those programs that generate greater concern among the public because of the violence they show, namely movies, news broadcasts and cartoons shown before 10 p.m.17 The second study is a detailed analysis of the characteristics of violence in cartoons, which contain the largest amount of violence compared to movies and news broadcasts within the same schedule.18

259 273 Veronica Silva & Maria Dolores Souza

Violence in three genres before 10 p.m. The findings of these studies indicate that 78.6 percent of movies,news broadcasts and cartoons shown before 10 p.m. contain at least one act of physical violence. The time during which violence is presented is quite relevant: 9.1 percent of the total time of the programs in the sample studied was devoted exclusively to violent content. One fourth of theprograms with violence devote 20 percent of their time to violent scenes. In other words, many of the programs shown between 6 a.m. and 10p.m. contain some elements of violence, and the violent content accounts fora significant share of total program time. In the specific case of cartoons, we can state that during the schedule before 10 p.m. 80 percent of cartoons containsome action of violence. In addition, the cartoons analyzed devote an average of 11.4 percent of transmission time to violent content. Over 25 percent of cartoons with violence dedicate at least one fifth of total program time to violent images. Violent acts, however, must not be considered identical but must be analyzed within their context and evaluated in that regard. The criteria and variables of this study that make it possible to analyze and distinguish violence on television are: nature of the violent acts realism elements of production justification of violence Nature of the violent acts: Although 81 percent of the violent acts recordedwere aggressive behaviors of direct physical violence against a victim, a relatively small number could be classified as having a high degree of violence. This is due to the fact that the weapons used were generally of low destructionpower (bombs or heavy weapons were used in less than 10 percent of the actions) and, generally, the victims' injuries were not shown (55.7% of the acts),or they were minor injuries (19.2%). However, it should be noted that 28.6 percent of the actions used conventional weapons (guns, knivesor rifles). In cartoons, 88 percent of the actions recorded were aggressive behaviors with direct physical violence against a victim, buta relatively small number of them could be classified as very violent. Less than 8percent of the cases used bombs or heavy weapons, and 57.2 percent did not show the harm suffered by the victim. 26.6 percent were minor injuries. However, it must be pointedout that almost 28 percent of the violent actions recorded incartoons used conventional weapons like guns and knives. Realism: Violence seems to be greater or to causemore impact when it is real or appears genuine. Many violent actionsoccur between human beings, which contributes to increased realism and the intensity of the violence shown.

274 Violence on Chilean Television and Audience Perception

Elements of production: The way of showing violence in theprograms and the use of certain production methods also determine the intensity of the impact of the violence and how it affects the audience. In the sample analyzed, violent acts were frequently accompanied by music in order to increase the tension. At the same time, in connection with more than 40 percent of violent actions, foregrounds were used to magnify the scene's intensity. In the actions recorded, however, blood was practically never used to add drama to thescenes. Justification of violence: Whether violence is justified is evaluated differently depending on the program genre and the reasons explaining theaggres- sive behaviors. In this regard, it may be stated that in the sample studied there are seldom reasons to justify violence, and violence tends to be greater in cartoons.

Four classes of cartoons In the more detailed analysis of violence in cartoons, we may distinguish four classes of cartoons according to their degree of violence, ordered froma lower to a greater degree. This can be evidenced mainly by the analysis results of four variablesap- plied to the sample: the means or weapons used in violent actions; the production elements that accompany the incidents; the presence or absence of humor; and characters' immediate intention with aggression. The weapons used in violent actions in cartoonsare increasingly heavier through the four classes. There is a steady increase of production elements as violence increases. In the first class production elements are not used, whereas in the fourth class, the scenes are complemented with music, foregrounds, moans and suspense to increase the tension of the moment of violence. There is a marked reduction in the use of humor from the first class to the fourth class (with the highest level of violence), where it practically disappears. Regarding the immediate intentions of the characters in cartoons for using violence, these range from the wish to weaken theenemy in the first class, to the intention of killing him in the fourth. The increase in intensity of the violent incidents is strongly related to the relevance of violence in the stories narrated in the differentcartoons. Thus, in cartoons where violence is more intense, its relevance within the plot ismore significant. On the contrary, in cartoons witha lower level of violence, it is irrelevant to the story. Cartoons with more intense violence, where it is more relevant to the story, add another characteristic: They generally take place ina fantastic future and sometimes violence is good, depending on the plot of the story. Most of the

275 Veronica Silva & Maria Dolores Souza

time, the issue at stake is saving or destroying the planet, where we can see confrontations between the good and bad characters. We can also view internal struggles between members of the same group.

Epilogue As this article shows, when examining the statements of respondents about violence on television, we found complex opinions that tend to evaluate violence from a multiple perspective. People do not demand the elimination of violence on television because they consider that it has always been part of human history. Rather, they demand paying attention to the way violence is shown and considering thespe- cific characteristics of the program's genre and the schedule in which it is broadcast. These audience concerns seem to be well grounded in relation to thecontent analyses of Chilean television programs. According to the characteristics of programs offered on the programming grid before 10 p.m. and which has a significant audience of children, there is a large number of programs thatcon- tain at least one act of physical violence. Cartoons are more notorious in this regard than news broadcasts or documentaries, whereas movies fall in-between. An aggravating factor is that people perceive that over the past few years there is a trend in the television industry to increase the amount and crudeness of violence. This may be true, not least in the case of cartoons, becausewe see that some of them (i) give greater emphasis to aggression and harm; (ii)are more realistic; (iii) include violence that seems less justified; and (iv) use technical methods to intensify the impact. At the same time, in real-life genres, the "show time" character of news events, perceived as journalistic sensationalism and intrusiveness, are also considered violent. Within this context, the greater the gratuity of violence and the greater the effort to present it in an attractive way, the less legitimate it appears. Therefore, beyond the academic debate on the effects of violenceon television, there is an ethical imperative applied to programs for children and the way violence must be shown in other television genres. This must be publicly debated by all the social players involved in the mass consumption of television.

Notes 1.Consejo Nacional de Television is a State agency, which according to the Television Law, is responsible for the correct operation of television services. It has the authority to grant and take away licenses and supervise television programming. 2.Original title: Consejo Nacional de Television, Cinco Estudios Sobre Violencia en Chile [Five Studies on Violence in Chile]. Santiago, 1998. See: www.cntv.cl

276 Violence on Chilean Television and Audience Perception

3.Establishment Survey. Time Ibope, Santiago, 1998. 4.Consejo Nacional de Television, 1999. 5.Consejo Nacional de Television, Informe de Television por Cable [Report on Cable Television]. Santiago, 1998. 6. The remaining 5 percent is divided into 25 operators. See: Consejo Nacional de Television, Informe de Television por Cable [Report on Cable Television]. Santiago, 1998. 7.Consejo Nacional de Television, Informe de Television por Cable [Report on Cable Television]. Santiago, 1998. 8.Telereport. Time Ibope, Santiago, August, Septembre and October, 1997. 9.Gunter, B. and Wober, M., violence on Television. What the Viewers Think. London, John Libbey, 1988. 10. This study was carried out in conjunction with Market & Opinion Research International (MORI). 11. A total of 24 groups was studied in the first stage. An audio-visual CD with scenes of programs with violent content was shown to 12 groups. The programs belonged to six television genres containing some kind of physical and/or verbal violence: movies and series, video clips, cartoons, soap operas, news broadcasts and documentaries. A total of 17 groups was studied in the second stage. Television-related subjects were dealt with, in addition to violence, in order to confirm the results previously obtained. 12. Among others, "violent movies; violence in news broadcasts; and movies with crimes". 13.Gunter, B., Acerca de la Violencia de los Medios [On Media Violence], in Bryant, J. and Zillman, D. (eds.), Los Efectos de los Medios de Comunicacion [The Effects of the Media]. Barcelona, Paidos, 1996. 14. The lower the education level of the audience, the greater perception of direct effects of television on children's behavior. 15. This is closely related to the education level of the people. 16. They mention especially cartoons of Japanese origin. 17. The study was made on a one-week random sample of approximately 145 hours of transmission. The data were processed with SPSS.PC statistics software. 18. The study was developed in two stages: the first stage provided an overview of the amount and kind of violence shown in cartoons, reviewing 325 cartoon programs shown before 10 p.m. In the second stage, the cartoons were classified according to the characteristics of the violence presented. A total of 37 cartoons were reviewed applying a partially structured analysis model, of which the results were processed through multiple match factorial analysis of the SPAD-N program.

(7.) 4 277 EST COPY AVAILAREZ Censorship and the Third-Person Effect A Study of Perception of Television Influence in Singapore

Albert C. Gunther & Peng Hwa Ang

This article' presents a study on public opinion about television censorship in the island nation of Singapore. More specifically, we tested the third-person effect hypothesis, which suggests that people expect media content to have more negative influence on others than on themselves, and that some support for censorship is based on that perceptual bias. Data for the study came from interviews with adult Singaporeans who evaluated ten categories of "sensitive" television contentamong them sex and violence. It is commonly assumed that control of mass media and other sources of information is exercised by an authoritarian government and imposed on an unwilling public. The scenario of a repressed public is certainly accurate at times, but an important question that follows is to what extent, and why, a nation's populace may itself support constraints on the content of mass media. People in a developing nation may oppose official constraints on information for widely understood reasons, such as the political and social importance of a well-informed populace, or a concern for individual liberty. But citizens in such nations may also support censorship for good reasons: They may do so because of concerns about the stability of the economy, or concerns about maintaining harmony among racial or ethnic groups. They may also favor censorship of mass media because of concern over negative effects on a society's moral structure, or the potential erosion of traditional values. Many of these attitudes reflect people's concerns about others, and such concerns relate to a more specific hypothesis in this study. A great deal of research has shown that people commonly demonstrate a curious discrepancy when they consider the effects of mass communication on themselves and on society in general. The phenomenon, called the "third-person effect", has two components. First, people tend to estimate that media content will influence others more than themselves. This is a perceptual bias. Second, and more importantly, people may react in some way according to this estimate of larger

279 Albert C. Gunther & Peng Hwa Ang

effects on others. In other words, peoplesupport censorship because they consider others to be more vulnerable to perceived harmfulinfluences of mass media (see, e.g., Davison, 1983; Cohen et al., 1988;Mutz, 1989; Lasorsa, 1989; Gunther, 1995). Thus, censorship ofmass media content is often justified in the public mind by the perception thata message will have undesirable effects on society, though not on the self.

Previous research and theoretical rationales Research on the third-person effect has documented thefirst component, the perceptual biasthere is much empirical evidence of the tendencyto perceive greater media influence on others than on the self (fora review, see Perloff, 1993). The importance of this perceptual bias in the third-personhypothesis depends crucially on its consequences. However, littleresearch has demonstrated solid evidence of a connection between the perceptualbias, on one hand, and attitudes or behaviors, on the other. One study, aboutthe perceived influence of X-rated media content, found thatas the discrepancy between perceived negative influence on self and others increased, sentimentfavoring censorship also increased (Gunther, 1995). Although behavioraloutcomes like censorship are central to the ultimate significance of the third-person effect, few other studies have attempted to document this secondcomponent, and those that have, produced mixed or ambiguous results (Mutz,1989; Rucinski & Salmon, 1990; Gunther, 1991). So another major goal of the studypresented here was to explore further evidence of the secondcomponent, for any relationship between the perceptual bias and public opinion redefines the third-personperception; rather than an intriguing curiosity it becomesa psychological factor with real social consequences. Several theoretical rationales might explain the third-personperception. Most appear related in some respect to optimistic biasthe idea that, to maintain a positive sense of self, people willsee themselves as less likely to experience negative or harmful events than others (Weinstein, 1989). Insupport of this explanation, experimental research has demonstratedthat people perceive more influence on others only in the case of media content with apparently harmful potential (see, e.g., Gunther & Mundy, 1993). Theories underlying this second component of thethird-person hypothesis may involve distinctly different processes. Peoplemay react to perceived negative effects on others because of simple altruism the act of putting social concerns ahead of personal interests. Or they may reactout of ultimate self- interestthe belief that what is good for society, in theend, makes society a better place for the self. This entire body of self- and social-levelconceptualization, however, is subject to a caveat. It is argued that social psychologyhas taken a mono-cultural approach to construals of the self and others.The Western view of the self

280

xf- isf 4,) Censorship and the Third-Person Effect

is of a unique and bounded individual who seeks to maintain independence from others (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Research on cultural differences suggests that Asian conceptions of the self and others are significantly more integrated, that they center on "the fundamental relatedness of individuals to each other" (Markus & Kitayama, 1991, p. 224; see also Triandis, 1989) and that Asian cultures emphasize belonging and fitting in, rather than individual uniqueness. Typical research on the third-person effect, conducted almost exclusively in the U.S. cultural context, envisions each individual's conception of self as distinct from others. A natural consequence of this distinction is to see others affected differently by societal institutions like mass media. And the theoretical justification for this phenomenon, as noted above, is based on an optimistic bias, the ego-reinforcing motivation for people to see themselves as smarter or better off than others. However, the alternative conception of self and others as interdependent would suggest, for Asian cultures, that the optimistic bias is less likely to operate, and therefore that people are less likely to see themselves as different from others and less likely to consider others more vulnerable to mass media influences.2

Hypotheses in the Singaporean context The island nation of Singapore, one of Asia's celebrated "little tigers", provides an ideal context for this study. It is a prosperous and cosmopolitan city-state with a sophisticated media infrastructure. It is a model nation in many respects clean, orderly, nearly crime free, with negligible corruption and many democratic economic and social policies (Sesser, 1992; Crossette, 1995). But Singa- pore has been criticized for some authoritarian practices and institutions, prominent among them mass media unapologetically controlled by government (Hachten, 1993; Kamm, 1995), and it is not clear to what extent people support this official censorship. Also notable is that Singapore has taken the lead in promoting a philosophical array of "Asian values", with emphasis on core beliefs like the importance placed on society vs. the unique individual (Koh, 1993; Emmerson, 1995). Thus, this research was designed to put the third-person hypothesis to the test in a number of challenging circumstances: (1) a political climate where the mass media are firmly under government control, (2) a cultural context in which a more socially integrated view of the self may not incline people to separate perceptions about themselves and others, and (3) a broader range of types of media content than just one type of media content or issue coverage tested before. In addition, the range of ten content categories provided us with a field manipulation suitable for testing the optimistic bias explanation. If people perceive less potential harm in some types of television content, the optimistic bias model would predict less third-person perception for those categories. Also, we intended to look for further documentation of the "behavioral" component of the third-person effect. Hypotheses (H) took the following form:

4 U 281 Albert C. Gunther & Peng Hwa Ang

Hl. Respondents will perceive more negative influence from"sensitive" media content on the average Singaporean thanon themselves. H2. As the perceived negative influence of content categories decreases,the perceived difference between self and others will also decrease. H3. To the extent that respondents perceivegreater influence of media content on others relative to themselves, they will express greatersupport for censorship of such content.

Method Data for this study were gathered in face-to-face interviews with 506adult (18 years of age and older) Singaporeans from May through August, 1994. Weem- ployed a stratified random sampling schemeto select respondents. Most Singa- pore residents live in compact complexes of public, high-rise apartment blocks, which are congenial to representative sampling.We first randomly selected complexes and blocks, and then followeda systematic procedure for the selection of floor, flat and household member. A similar randomizationscheme was followed in private housing estates and residentialareas. If interviewers encountered no answer or a refusal theywent to adjacent flats or residences, following an established pattern, untilan interview was completed. Statistics from the sample closely matched demographicparameters in 1994 Singapore including gender, race, age, housing-type and maritalstatus, although respondents tended to be somewhat higher in education and income. Interviewers were upper-level students at the National University ofSinga- pore trained in interviewing techniques. The interview took 20-25 minutes and was conducted in the respondents' language of choice. They answeredques- tions about their use of mass media, their opinions aboutthe effects of television content and censorship of such content, and variousdemographic measures. Early in the survey, interviewers introduceda block of 10 questions on "sensitive topics you can see on television these dayslike sex and violence". Respondents were asked about their perceptions of the influenceof television portrayals of violence, extramaritalsex and adultery, homosexuality and lesbi- anism, foreign television programs,programs with religious themes, foul language, men with long hair, premarital sex, women who choose to have children without being married, and nudity or partial nudity. Respondentswere asked to rate the influence of suchcontent on "themselves personally", and they were also asked to rate influenceon "the average Singaporean". Interview- ers asked them to respond to each question using the followingresponse scale (displayed on a printed card): (1) large negative influence,(2) small negative influence, (3) no influence, (4) small positive influence, (5)large positive influence. Asking people to rate influenceson both themselves and others may introduce the potential for biasedresponses, as answers to the second question may

282 Censorship and the Third-Person Effect

be altered by answers to the first. To provide a check on this possible order effect, we randomly assigned people to one of two versions of the question- naireasking either about self first, or about the average Singaporean first. To measure support for censorship, respondents were asked about their opinions on the regulation of TV content. For all of the above topics (again using a printed response card), people were asked: "Do you personally think censorship of [TV violence/other topics] (1) should be a lot more strict, (2) should be a bit more strict, (3) is about right as it is, (4) should be a bit more liberal, (5) should be a lot more liberal?".

Results

Perceived influence on self and others Our first hypothesis proposed that people would perceive more negative influence from "sensitive" TV content on the average Singaporean than on themselves. The data confirmed this notion in every case. A majority of Singaporeans thought there would be some negative effect on themselves, but more negative effect on others. Not every person saw more negative influence on others, but that was the perception of a substantial majority. For example, in the case of TV violence, 60 percent of respondents thought there would be more negative influence on other Singaporeans, 27 percent perceived no difference, and only 12 percent reported more negative influence on self. Though for other content areas the differences were less extreme, they generally followed the same pattern. Only for portrayals of men with long hair, foreign programs, and religious programs did the "more negative influence on others" category fall below 50 percent, and in every case they remained substantially larger than in the "more negative influence on self' group. With two exceptions, discussed further below, the percentage of people who reported more negative effect on self was small and stablebetween 9 and 12 percent. However, the reliability of these perceptions is important to verify. The major question is whether respondents give accurate answers once they know they are being asked to compare themselves to others. To answer this question, the interview was, as noted above, designed so that one half of the respondents, chosen at random, received the block of questions about influence on self first, followed by the block about influence on others. The other half received the same question blocks, but in reverse order. If the third-person perception is merely an artifact of question order, one would expect to see respondents adjusting their second answer. Analysis of this test, however, revealed no sign of order effect. There was no significant change in respondents' second set of answers, which is good evidence that the differences in perceptions they reported were genuine, and not a result of the way the questions were asked.

283 46 a Albert C. Gunther & Peng Hwa Ang

Another way to test the third-person perception hypothesis isto compare the average estimate of influence on self to influenceon others. For example, the mean respondent rating for perceived influence of TV violenceon self was 2.75, while influence on the average Singaporeanwas rated at 2.12 (a lower score represents more negative influence). Table 1 displays the mean estimates of influence on both self and others, along witht-tests. Differences were significant in all 10 cases, lending further support to hypothesis 1.

Table 1. Mean estimates of perceived effect of television contenton self and others

Topic Effect on self Effect on others Difference t-value

Violence 2.75 2.12 .63 12.2*** Premarital sex 2.66 2.03 .63 12.6*** Extramarital sex 2.68 2.08 .60 12.5*** Foul language 2.60 2.02 .58 11.8*** Unwed mothers 2.67 2.12 .55 10.9*** Homosexuality 2.60 2.04 .55 11.6*** Nudity 2.61 2.01 .53 11.3*** Foreign programs 3.26 2.91 .35 6.8*** Men with long hair 2.80 2.49 .31 7.6*** Religious programs 3.34 3.17 .17 3.9***

Note: Effect items were coded so that 1 = large negative effect, 2 = small negative effect, 3= no effect, 4 = small positive effect, 5 = large positive effect. Significance levels were calculated using paired t-tests. Asterisks indicate whether thereare significant differences between effect on self and on others. *** = p<.001 (the chance that the difference is not significant is 1out of 1000).

A graphic representation of these differences is displayed in Figures 1 and2.

Figure 1.Perceived effects of sex-related TV content on self and others Negative values indicate perceived negative influence and vice versa.

Nudity on TV Extramarital sex Homosexuality Premarital sex Unwed mothers

Self Others

284 Censorship and the Third-Person Effect

Figure 2.Perceived effects of other TV content on self and others Negative values indicate perceived negative influence and vice versa.

0,4 _

0,2 _

Violence 0 Foul language Long-haired men

-0,2 - Foreign programs Religious programs

-0,4 _

-0,6 -

-0,8 -

-1 -

-1,2 _ Self Others

Optimistic bias? As a test of the optimistic bias, hypothesis 2 predicted that as the perceived negative influence of content categories decreased, the perceived difference between self and others would also decrease. The difference column in Table 1 illustrates the pattern predicted in this hypothesis. However, Figure 2 reveals that for the final two content categories perceived influence does not simply decrease, it actually reverses. Categories in Figure 1 deal with sex-related content, and show a consistent contrast in perceptions. Figure 2 pictures the five additional content categories, and shows a more varied result. For foreign and religious programs, people perceived on average a positive influence, rather than a negative one. More specifically, for foreign TV programs respondents in the aggregate reported a positive influence on themselves, but a small negative influence on other Singaporeans. In other words, people seem to feel foreign programs are actually good for them personally, but not good for other people. In the case of religious programming, people went further in the positive direction, estimating that religious programming would have positive influences on both themselves and others. However, they reported a fairly strong positive influence on the self, and a significantly less strong, but still positive, influence on the average Singaporean. This result is particularly persuasive in support of the optimistic bias explanation. These two special cases illustrate what has sometimes been called the "firstperson" effect. In these cases people actually perceive more effect on themselves than on others. However, the greater perceived personal-level effect is a positive one. While perceived positive influence for these two categories goes in a direction opposite to the norm, the pattern of results for the positive and negative programs is the same. That is, for the positive categories there is greater

285 fir. rv Albert C. Gunther & Peng Hwa Ang

positive influence on the self and less (or none) for others. In thenegative categories the five sex-related contents, as well as violence, foul language and men with long hairthere is less negative influence on the self andmore negative influence on others. In summary, the data show that Singaporeans in general believe sensitive content like sex and violence in television programs will havea significantly greater negative influence on other Singaporeans than on themselvesperson- ally. The two partial exceptionsoccur for programming that is seen as having positive influences.

For or against censorship? An important descriptive question addressed in this study isto what extent Singaporeans favor or oppose censorship. Public support for censorshipap- peared to be strong. For half of the "sensitive" categories extramarital sex, homosexuality, premarital sex, nudity, foul languagea majority of Singaporeans said they felt censorship should be more strict. In thesecategories another 30 to 40 percent said they felt current levels of censorshipwere appropriate. Ten percent or fewer thought censorship should be relaxed. Support for censorship of unwed mothers, and portrayals of violencewas also strong. For men with long hair support was less dramatic but stillmore persons were for than against. Opinions about foreign TV programs appearedmore divided: 21 percent felt censorship should be more strict, while 31percent said it should be more liberal. Religious programming also receiveda mixed result, although 63 percent felt the current level of restriction was about right. Only in thesetwo categories did the mean response fall on the "more liberal" side of the scale. (Table 2 illustrates these results.)

Table 2. Opinion distribution (0/0) and mean scores concerning censorship in Singapore

Censorship should be is about should be Topic more strict right as is more liberal Mean

Violence 43 38 19 2.6 Premarital sex 59 34 7 2.2 Extramarital sex 53 40 8 2.3 Foul language 56 38 6 2.4 Unwed mothers 49 42 10 2.4 Homosexuality 61 32 7 2.2 Nudity 52 38 10 2.3 Men with long hair 27 63 10 2.8 Foreign programs 21 48 31 3.2 Religious programs 15 63 22 3.1

Note: Support for censorship was measured on a 5-point scale where 1= should be a lot more strict, 2 = should be a bit more strict, 3 = is about right as it is, 4 = should be a bit more liberal, 5= should be a lot more liberal. Values 1 and 2, and 4 and 5, respectively, were collapsed for display in this table. Rows may not add to 100% because of rounding.

286 r Censorship and the Third-Person Effect

The third-person effect The central focus of this research, however, is not opinion about censorship per se, but rather its relationship to the difference between perceived influence on self and others. To test the hypothesis, that the third-person perception leads to support for censorship of television content, we analyzed the relationship between opinion about censorship and an array of factors that might influence such opinions. Respondents' age or gender, for example, may affect their support for censorship. People with more education might oppose strict censorship, while people with children might be expected to support it. We also included income, religion (vs. no religion or "free thinkers"), marital status and exposure to entertainment television in the analysis. We added these characteristics in blocks, so as to examine their cumulative effect in predicting opinion about censorship. In two final steps, we first added respondents' estimations of influence of the content categories on themselves, and finally the difference between estimates of effect on self and other Singaporeans (the third-person perception). Adding factors in steps or blocks serves a number of purposes: 1) it allows us to examine the effects of multiple factors simultaneouslya more realistic picture of the actual process, 2) it tells us how much each additional factor adds in explaining the outcome of interest, and 3) it provides the most conservative test of the explanation. It is the most cautious test because it examines the influence of the third-person perception on opinion regarding censorship only after the effects of the many other potential predictors are factored in. Most importantly, the test allows us to pit the two most salient causeseffect on self and the self-other differenceagainst one another. The self-other difference is the variable of most interest, and so we entered it in the equation last. Since respondents evaluated 10 television content areas, this detailed analysis results in 10 equations, each predicting support for censorship of one category violence, premarital sex, long hair, and so on. To give a global picture, Table 3 reports standardized regression coefficients for all 10 categories. Asterisks indicate the level of significance for each factor, and these significance levels reveal that the two variables of primary interest in this studyperceived effect on self, and the perceived additional negative effect on othersplay the strongest role in shaping opinion regarding censorship. Among the other variables, income was the only one to make a consistently meaningful difference. People with higher incomes were less likely to favor stricter censorship. This was true for all categories except portrayals of men with long hair, and religious programs. Other factors showed only an occasional association with the outcome variable. Women were significantly more likely to favor stricter censorship of violence; men were somewhat more likely to favor stricter censorship of religious programming. Age played no significant role in all categories except violence, and portrayals of men with long hair; in both cases, as one might expect, older people tended to support more censorship. Education and children in the household appeared to have no role in shaping attitudes toward censorship,

287 CI 17 rl 4, t Albert C. Gunther & Peng Hwa Ang

Table 3. Standardized regression coefficients showing effect of demographic and perceptual factors on attitudes toward censorship of television content

Pre- Extra- Men with marital marital Foul Unwed Homo- Foreign long Religious Violence sex sex language motherssexuality Nudityprograms hair programs

Age -.17** .03 -.05 -.06 -.05 .02 -.06 -.08 -.21** -.01 Sex .00 .00 -.09 .05 .04 -.07 -.06 -.04 .10* Income .13* .21*** .27*** .19-* .19- .15* .20*** .12* .06 .00 Education -.04 .08 .04 .08 .09 .11 .08 .09 .10 .03 Religion .05 .00 -.01 -.09* .00 .02 -.02 .04 .06 -.01 Married -.07 -.15* -.13 -.18* -.13 -.18' -.01 .02 .06 .02 Children .07 .04 .02 -.02 -.05 -.08 .07 .06 .08 .06 Television entertainment .08 .09' .06 -.03 .02 .07 .07 .02 .10* -.05 Effect on self .26*** .36*** .37*** .23*** .45*- .42*** .45*** .33*** .33*** .37- Self/other difference .24*** .23*** .30*** .16 .32*** .35*** .30-* .20*** .26-* .21-*

Note: Lower score on the dependent variable (support for censorship) indicates support for stricter censorship. Demographic and perceptual variables were coded as follows: Sex (1 = male, 2 = female); Religion (1= any religious affiliation, 2 = no religious affiliation); Married (1 = married, 2 = not married); Children in household (1= yes, 2 = no); TV entertainment (1 = low, x = high); Effect on self (1 = large negative effect, 3 = no effect, 5 = large positive effect); Self-other difference (-4= more negative effect on others, 0 = no difference, 4 = more negative effect on self). Asterisks indicate whether values are significant: * p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001 (= the chance that the difference isnot significant is 5 out of 100, 1 out of 100, and 1 out of 1000, respectively). Increment to R2 values were not included in this table in the interest of parsimony, and because they parallel the results described here.

and religion mattered only in thecase of foul language, where, surprisingly, people without any stated religious affiliationwere slightly more likely to support censorship. Married respondents were significantly more likely to favor censorship in the categories of premaritalsex, foul language and homosexuality. Exposure to entertainment television made little difference, although ina few cases higher exposure was related tomore liberal attitudes toward censorship. To further condense the results, and put a .spotlighton the factors of most interest, Table 4 gives a summary picture of the relative effect of thetwo variables with the strongest influenceon censorship opinions. For each content category, it shows the percent of variance in the dependent variablesupport for censorship- explained by the two independent variablesperceived influence on self, and the perceived self-other difference.

288

1"" elt 4, Censorship and the Third-Person Effect

Table 4. Increment to R2 for "effect on self" and "self-other difference" in predicting support for censorship of TV content by 10 content categories

Respondents showing Full sample third-person perception Effect on Self-other Effect on Self-other Topic self difference self difference

Unwed mothers .07 .07*- .00 .10 - Premarital sex .06*** .04*** .00 .08*** Nudity .09 - .06*** .03** .06 - Extramarital sex .05 * ** .07 * ** .03 ** .05*** Homosexuality .06*** .08*** .00 .04** Foul language .02** .02*** .00 .02* Violence .02 ** .04*** .00 .05*** Men with long hair .04- .05*** .03* .04 - Foreign programs .07*** .04*** .06*- .04** Religious programs .08*** .04*** .05*** .02

Note: Asterisks indicate whether values are significant:p < .05, p < .01, *** p < .001 (' the chance that the difference is not significant is 5 out of 100, 1 out of 100, and 1 out of 1000, respectively).

Results from the full sample of 500+ Singaporeans are listed in the first two columns. In general, a person's estimate of influence on him- or herself has a significant effect on support for censorship. The more negative that influence is seen to be, the more that person supports stricter constraints on television content. However, even after controlling for effect on self, the third-person perception shows a strong relationship with support for censorship. This result suggests that peoples' assessments of media influence on themselves affects their attitudes about censorship, but that the third-person perception has an additional and independent effect that is equally important. There is another way to examine the central idea in the third-person effect, and that is by focusing only on those respondents who perceive more negative influence on others than on themselves. In almost all cases these are the majority, but they are also the people most likely to be overestimating negative influence on others. Results of this analysis are shown in the third and fourth columns of Table 4. With this sub-sample one can see more dramatic evidence of the third-person effect. Support for stricter censorship is strongly related to the self-other difference, but shows relatively less connection to perceptions of effect on self. The reader will note at the bottom of Table 4 two exceptions. In the cases of religious programs and foreign programsthose that most people consider to have more positive influences - the pattern is reversed. Support for censorship is more strongly related to perceived influence on self. Its relationship with the less positive, or more negative, influence seen on others is sharply reduced.

289 4i Albert C. Gunther & Peng Hwa Ang

Conclusions

Perceptual bias Singaporeans did find the influence of the "sensitive" television content categories primarily harmful, but substantially more harmful to others than to themselves. Their estimates of harmful influence were consistent regarding thesex- related categories, and for TV portrayals of violence and foul language. Portray- als of men with long hair were seen as less harmful, but still negative in effect. Religious programming was the one clear-cut exception; in thiscase most respondents reported positive influences. Estimated influencewas most ambiguous for foreign programming. In general, respondents reported that foreign programs would have positive influences on themselves, but a negative effect on the average Singaporean. This finding suggests that people see the potential for both kinds of influences in foreign programs, and that most think theyare personally able to derive benefits from the positive side of suchprograms, but that others will be vulnerable to the negative elements.

Optimistic bias The above-mentioned difference in perceived effects of foreignprograms perhaps best exemplifies a plausible explanation for the third-person perception. We believe that an important underlying reason for this perceptual bias is the tendency for people to see others as more vulnerable to undesirable experiences or influences than themselves a mechanism to maintain self-esteem. These data, based on repeated measures of perceived influenceacross 10 content areas, give some persuasive support to the optimistic bias explanation. When the influence of media content appears harmful, respondents perceive more of that influence on others, but when the influence is seen as positive, they expect to experience more influence themselves. It is probable that, unlike the negative categories of sex and violence, people find foreign TVprograms and programs with religious themes to have more beneficial than harmful ele- mentsat least to an intelligent and discerning viewer. Therefore, respondents attribute greater influence to themselves. This outcome,an interesting twist on the classic third-person perception, is also consistent with the optimistic bias. These findings are additionally persuasive because, while previoustests of the optimistic bias were experimental, with university studentsas subjects, these survey data document the third-person perception in a large population. A useful question for further research would be to determine whether theopti- mistic bias is a character trait, or a response to the situation. Self-other differences across the 10 issues in this study produced fairly high reliability,3 favoring a personality explanation. But ratings of religious and foreign programs were more mixed,4 suggesting that situation may matter as well.

Order effect It is an important element of this study that respondentsappear to be giving genuine answers to the questions about their perceptions of media influence.

290 Censorship and the Third-Person Effect

Without the order-effect test, we could not be confident that the differences were not simply a result of the way questions were asked.

The cultural factor There was no cultural difference in the results. People in this study exhibited the perceptual bias just as strongly and consistently as their counterparts in Western cultures. Most of the people surveyed were very much inclined to separate their conceptions of self from that of others in questions of media influence. The Asian conception of a self more integrated with society may be quite real in Singapore, but it does not seem to interfere with the third-person perception.

Opinion about censorship Singaporeans represented in this survey were concerned about many facets of television content, and, generally, to be heartily in favor of censorship. Given the heavy degree of existing government censorship, this may not seem surprising. But these respondents did not simply support the status quo. They voiced highly variable opinions. In the "sensitive" or "harmful" categories such as sex and violencethose approving of current censorship levels ranged from 32 to 42 percent. But interestingly, in every case they were outnumbered by those saying censorship should be more strictoften a lot more strict. Only in the case of religious programs and men with long hair did a majority say censorship is about right as it is. And foreign programs received the most sympathy, 31 percent saying censorship should be more liberal. The portrayals of violence category also presents an unusual case. While it rated among the categories highest in perceived harmful influence, 20 percent of respondents nevertheless said it should be liberalized. In the other "harmful" categories, opinion favoring more liberal censorship never rose above 10 percent. This difference suggests that violence may be a special casea type of content that is perceived as harmful, but nevertheless meets with less objection. A question of reliability comes naturally to mind when one considers the censorship responses. It is possible that the survey respondents were giving "politically correct" answers to the censorship questions. That is, they may have been concerned about their anonymity, or other issues, and may have given answers which they felt would meet with official approval. If that were the case, however, one would expect most people to choose the option saying censorship is "about right as it is", an affirmation of existing policy. The fact that many respondents said censorship should be even stricter argues that they are voicing opinions that are truly conservative, but also genuine.

Third-person effect While official censorship of mass media in Singapore makes an easy target for critics of the government, these data indicate that there is strong public support for censorship as well. Why censorship receives such popular support is the central question in this study. One answer is clearly related to income; low income groups, perhaps those holding more traditional values, seem to have

291 Albert C. Gunther & Peng Hwa Ang

more conservative views, while Singaporeans in the higher income levels favor more liberal censorship policies. Also, as expected, the degree of harmful influence that people perceive, both influence on themselves and influence on others, plays a major role in how much they think sensitive televisioncontent should be censored. But most interesting of all,among those who think others are more negatively influenced than themselves (the majority in all cases), it is the perceived additional influence on others that primarily predictssupport for censorship.' In other words, the opinions of peopleprone to the third-person perception stem largely from their perception ofa differential effect on others, rather than any effect on themselves. While these findings focus on public opinion favoring censorship, sound theoretical reasons exist to suggest that politicians and policy makersmay be even more prone to the third-person effect than are ordinary citizens (Schoenbach & Becker, 1995). And to compound the irony, while restrictionson content may be based on false perceptions of influenceon others, they may increase the personal appeal of that very same restricted content,a phenomenon known as the "forbidden fruit syndrome". "Almost invariably,our response to banned information is to want to receive that informationto a greater extent and to become more favorable toward it..." (Cialdini, 1988,p. 239). It is important to note here thatsome related research has shown that people are more likely to overestimate the harmful effectson others, rather than underestimating harmful effectson themselves (see Cohen, et al., 1989; Gunther, 1991; Perloff, 1993). Thus, in exhibiting the third-personperception, people are probably about right in estimating modest influenceson themselves, but in error when they think othersare more seriously affected. This overestimation is important, for, to the extent that peopleare basing their opinions about censorshipon their estimates of effects on others, their opinions are based on a false perception. Public opinion,so strongly in favor of television censorship in Singapore, may be inflated by the tendency towarda bias in the perceived difference between oneself and othersa bias that appears to be pervasive across media, across content areas, andacross cultures.

Notes 1.An earlier version of this article was published in the International Journal of PublicOpinion Research, Vol. 8 (1996), No. 3. The current version is printed with permission of thepublishers of the journal, Oxford University Press, UK, in association with The WorldAssociation for Public Opinion Research. Funding for the study presented in the article was provided in part bygrants from the University of Wisconsin-Madison Graduate School Research Committee and theTelevision Corporation of Singapore. The authors would like to acknowledge the assistance of Ka Hwie Chan,Ben Lee and Shelly Strom. Please address questionsor correspondence to the first author. 2. The non-Western conception of self, however, putsan additional twist on explanations for the third-person effect. While it may reduce the likelihood that people willsee themselves as

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different from others, it may increase the likelihood that people will react to perceived influences on others. 3.alpha=.79 4.Item-total correlations were .13 and .26 respectively. 5. The possibility that respondents in this survey may have been inclined to give 'politically correct' answers more in line with official censorship policies, while a potential problem in gauging actual opinion about censorship, is a lesser threat to the validity of the third-person effect relationship. Such response bias is likely to be more-or-less systematic; that is, people will adjust their answers (if they do so at all) in a similarly conservative direction. While such a pattern might bias the censorship responses themselves, it would not affect the relationship between perceived influence and opinions about censorship.

References Cialdini, R. B. (1988) Influence. Science and Practice. New York: Harper Collins. Cohen, J., Mutz, D., Price, V. & Gunther, A. (1988). Perceived impact of defamation: An experiment in third-person effects. Public Opinion Quarterly, 52, 161-173. Crossette, B. "New watchdog group ranks nations in 'corruption index'." New York Times, p. 8Y (August 13, 1995). Davison, W. P. (1983). The third-person effect in communication. Public Opinion Quarterly, 47 1-15. Emmerson, D. K. (1995) Singapore and the "Asian values" debate. Journal of Democracy, 6, 95-105. Gunther, A. C. (1991). What we think others think: Cause and consequence in the third-person effect. Communication Research, 18, 355-372. Gunther, A. C. (1995). Overrating the X-rating. The third-person perception and support for censorship of pornography. Journal of Communication, 45, 27-38. Gunther, A. C. & Mundy, P. (1993). Biased optimism and the third-person effect. Journalism Quar- terly, 70, 58-67. Hachten, W. (1993) The growth of media in the third world. Ames: Iowa State University Press. Kamm, H. "In prosperous Singapore, even the elites are nervous about speaking out." New York Times, p. 6Y (August 13, 1995). Koh, T. "The ten values that undergird East Asian strength and success." International Herald Trib- une, p. 6 (December 11-12, 1993). Lasorsa, D. L. (1989). Real and perceived effects of "Amerika". Journalism Quarterly, 66, 373-378. Markus, H. R. & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224-253. Mutz, D. C. (1989). The influence of perceptions of media influence: Third person effects and the public expression of opinions. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 1, 1-21. Perloff, R. (1993). Third-person effect research 1983-1992: A review and synthesis. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 5, 167-184. Rucinski, D. & Salmon, C. T. (1990). The 'other' as the vulnerable voter: A study of the third-person effect in the 1988 campaign. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 2, 345-368. Schoenbach, K. & Becker, L. B. (1995) "Origins and consequences of mediated public opinion", in T. L. Glasser and C. T. Salmon (eds.) Public Opinion and the Communication of Consent, p. 323- 347. New York: Guilford. Sesser, S. "A nation of contradictions." The New Yorker Magazine, p. 37-68 (January 1992). Triandis, H. C. (1989). The self and social behavior in differing cultural contexts. Psychological Review, 96, 506-520. Weinstein, N. D. (1989). Optimistic biases about personal risks. Science, p. 1232-1233 (December 8).

293 REST COPYAVAILARLIS Attitudes to Television Content in Australia

Margaret Cupitt

The Australian Broadcasting Authority (ABA) has conducted five research studies since 1994 to determine the attitudes of Australians to program content broadcast on free-to-air television services. The studies addressed a range of issues that were relevant to research priorities at the time when each study took place. Some questions were also replicated to track trends over time. The trends presented in this article cover the level of community concern and the issues of concern about television content. The article focuses on theresults from the fifth study that was conducted in 1999. The fifth study targeted community attitudes to news and current affairs programs on free-to-air television, and movies classified M (mature audience)' and MA (mature adult audience)2 on commercial television. It also measured community awareness of, and experience with, the complaints process identified in industry codes of practice. The study findings contribute to periodic reviews of codes of practice to determine whether they are in accordance with prevailing community standards. For instance, the 1999 survey results will provide a benchmark to assess the effectiveness of the revised Commercial Television Industry Code of Prac- tice which came into effect in April 1999 with a new AV classification (adult violence).3 The results also assist the ABA to investigate unresolved complaints and to complement the information about complaints received from broadcasters. The fifth survey occurred in all states and territories of Australia covering a representative sample of households. Telephone interviews were conducted with 1,203 people (693 females and 510 males) aged 15 years and over between 21 April 1999 and 2 May 1999. The survey was commissioned from Keys Young Pty Ltd in Sydney. Prior to the fieldwork for the national survey, in February and March 1999, staff from the ABA facilitated seven focus group discussions in three states (New South Wales, Queensland and Tasmania). Fifty-three people aged 15 years and over took part in the discussions. Some of the comments made by focus group participants are reproduced in this article.

it P «af-t 295 Margaret Cupitt

Background The free-to-air television industry in Australiacomprises five main television services. Three of these services are the metropolitancommercial networks (the Seven, Nine and Ten networks) thatare affiliated with various regional stations, and two national public networks knownas the Australian Broadcasting Cor- poration (ABC) and the Special BroadcastingService (SBS). The commercial television industry, theABC and the SBS each havea code of practice that identifies their obligationsrelating to the complaints handling process and the content of programs. The codesgovern all aspects of program content, including program classifications andcontent advisories, program promotions, accuracy and fairness innews and current affairs programs, warnings before potentially distressingnews material, discrimination, privacy, and the timing and placement of advertising where relevant. Codes of practice generally incorporatea system of time zoning where programs with certain classifications can only be shownat particular times of the day. For instance, the M, MA andAV classifications commence at 8.30p.m., 9.00 p.m. and 9.30 p.m., respectively. The classificationsymbols and time zones provide tools for adults to selectprograms for themselves and for children in their care. ABA research has shown that theclassifications are important to the Australian community, and thatsome groups such as carers of children are reliant on them. The classificationsystem in Australia has been operating inone form or another for about 40years. Specific content advisories about sex, violence and language were implemented in Australiain 1993. The Commercial Television Industry Codeof Practice requires thatprogram classifications be visually and orally announcedon-air at the start of a program, after each advertising break, andin program promotions. Content advisories are mandatory for M, MA and AV programs where visualand oral advice is broadcast at the start ofprograms and visual advice is given after each advertising break. Classification symbols andcontent advisories must also accompany press advertising of programs and program listings inprogram guides. Codes of practice are part ofa co-regulatory framework whereby the industry sectors develop their respective codes, consult thepublic, and then register them with, or notify them to, the AustralianBroadcasting Authority.' Com- plaints about matters covered by the codesof practice must be madeto the television stations in the first instance. Theycan then be directed to the ABA for investigation if the complainant is either dissatisfiedwith the station's response or the station does not answer the complaint within 60 days.

The use of television, pay TV and theInternet in Australia To provide some context about televisionuse in Australia, people watched an average of three hours and 14 minutes each day in 1998with about 98 per cent of households owning at leastone television and 59 per cent owning twoor more sets.' Pay TV was introduced to Australia in 1995 andhad a penetration

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level of 12 per cent in 19986 comprising just over seven per cent of total television viewing.' Internet access in the home has risen from 9 per cent in February 19988 to 22 per cent in May 1999.9 A study conducted in June 1999'° found that most Australians (76%) believed there were risks to Internet use. The top five risks were: unsuitable content for children, pornographic material, risks associated with financial transactions, data protection and privacy issues, and illegal content. A substantial number of people said they would like to block certain material if it were technically feasible. Such material included racistmessages (60%), pornography and sex scenes (53%), depictions of violence (41%), obscene language (38%) and nudity (26%). Australia has recently established a co-regulatory scheme for Internet content that is similar to the scheme that is in place for television. It is based on the development of industry codes of practice, the investigation of complaints by the ABA, and the establishment of a complaints hotline. The ABA is currently working with the Internet industry and the community to implement the scheme from 1 January 2000.

Major trends attitudes to television content There has been a substantial and relatively consistent level of concern about television content between 1995 and 1999. Thirty-eight per cent of people surveyed said they either disliked or were concerned about something seen on television in 1995, 1996 and 1997, and 33 per cent said they were either concerned or offended by something seen on television in 1999. News and current affairs programs, violent content, sex and nudity, and advertising have each appeared in the top five issues of concern that were mentioned spontaneously by survey respondents. The data appears to fluctu- ate depending on current events and the particular programs shown during the survey periods. The following points reflect the main trends. News and current affairs programs have been the top concern between 1994 and 1997. These programs were the second concern in 1999 as expressed by 11 per cent of the sample. The portrayal of violence on television was the top concern in 1999 as mentioned by 12 per cent of the sample. This represents an increase from six per cent in 1997. Violent content was the second issue of concern behind news and current affairs between 1994 and 1997. Concern about sex scenes and nudity reached a peak at nine per cent of the survey sample in 1996, probably due to the broadcast of lifestyle programs, such as Sex/Life, at that time. The level of concern fluctuated between four and six per cent for the years either side of 1996.

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Concern about advertising has remained relatively constant between 1994 and 1999, ranging from a low three per cent to a high sixper cent of the sample. Coarse language was the fifth highest concern mentioned in 1997 and 1999. The level of concern about coarse language increased fromone per cent in 1994, 1995 and 1996 to five per cent in 1999.

Level and issues of concern about television content in 1999 In 1999, survey respondents were asked three questions to measure the level of concern about television content in the three months prior to the survey. The results showed that: 33 per cent of survey respondents were concerned or offended by something seen on free-to-air television; 30 per cent were concerned or offended by the way news and current affairs programs were presented on free-to-air television; and 16 per cent had seen something ina movie on commercial television that should have been broadcast at a later time (12%) or not shown at all (4%). When the responses to these three questionswere considered, a total 52 per cent of survey respondents indicated concern about some aspect of television content. A smaller proportion of survey respondents (35%) agreed they had seen something on television that had bothered them enough to make a complaint. However, most of these people did not actually complain. More females and people in the older age groups were concerned about television content than males and younger people. Theywere also more likely to have seen something on television that bothered them enough to make a complaint. Violent television content and the way material is shown innews and current affairs programs were the top two issues that were mentioned spontaneously by respondents who were concernedor offended by something seen on free-to-air television. Those concerns were followed bysex scenes and nudity, advertising and coarse language, with each of these being mentioned by five per cent of survey respondents (Table 1). Concern about the portrayal of violence related to movies, drama programs, real life police shows, andnews and current affairs programs.

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Table 1. Issues of offence or concern about content on free-to-air television, 1999

Number of % concerned Issues of concern or offence people % people people

Violence 141 12 36

News and current affairs 129 11 33 Sex scenes or nudity 65 5 17 Advertising 62 5 16 Coarse language 55 5 14 Programming 35 3 9 Sexist, racist stereotyping 21 2 5 Content that provides bad role models for children 19 2 5

Promotion of adult programs during children's viewing times 17 1 4

Content that promotes antisocial/immoral values 15 1 4

Drug use 4 <1 1

Depictions of suicide 2 <1 1 Other 23 2 6 n= 1,203 391

Note: News and current affairs include: bias/unfair (5% of the survey sample); unnecessary graphic images of accidents, death, violence, war (5%); intrusive reporting, e.g., grieving relatives, distressed victims (1%); sensationalist, exaggerated, 'hyped up' (1%); and all news is depressing (<1%). Advertising includes: too many ads (4%); increased volume (1%); and content of ads (1%). Programming includes: poor quality programs (2%); too many US programs (1%); and not enough variety (1%).

In focus groups, desensitisation to violence was a common theme discussed. Many participants felt strongly they were being bombarded by too much violent material and were concerned that some of the unusual activities depicted on television (e.g., certain violent acts, drug use) could become normalised or accepted by society. These concerns were made alongside the beliefs that: television is a powerful medium, there is an increasing amount of violent material being shown across many program types, and there are potential long-term influences of television content. While some people believed that such material would affect people, many were uncertain about the nature of that impact in the future. A small number of people were reluctant to believe that television influences could be isolated from other influences, such as exposure to other media and difficult life circumstances. Some of the comments made by focus group participants are given below. It would desensitise me if I watched it for long enough. Anything desensitises people who live in a war zone lose their sense of horror about war. It's just part of their life... but it wouldn't program me to go out and do it because it's entirely and absolutely against what I think is right. But, having said that, if someone's brought up on a diet of that, where they're constantly exposed to it, it becomes normal to them. (Male over 55 years)

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I just wonder how much of what children see... how much they tend to think it may be... a reasonably acceptable situation what's happening, and how much it does get into their brains, and I think... we don't know really until they start to grow up and see what they do. ButIjust think that sometimes they get the impression that it's not evil or whatever, that it's okay to be happening. (Male 40-54 years) So if people are constantly bombarded by this, you do get immune to it after a while... Your children I'm sure become desensitised... Yes, children and a lot of adults. Because it is so constant, there is so much of it that we're seeingon TV... And I know my kids become bored, "Oh, no, not the news again Mum", and I'm sure they do it to a certain extent because there's also a lot of violence in a lot of movies and things like that and they must become desensitised to a lot of the violence that's going on in reality- in the real world. (Female 40-54 years) I'm not sure where TV goes. Well, is it a reflection of our culture or is it pushing our culture? (Female parent) There was a similar but slightly higher level of concern about what is shown in televised movies (38% of the survey sample) than the way thingsare shown in news and current affairs programs (30%). Almost one-quarter (24%) said they were equally concerned about movies and current affairs, and the remainder said they were not concerned about either.

News and current affairs programs Above it was reported that 11 per cent of the sample spontaneously mentioned news and current affairs as an issue of concern. When all survey respondents were asked directly about the way news and current affairs programs are presented on free-to-air television, 30 per cent said they had seen something in the last three months that offended or concerned them. Over two-thirds of the total sample (68%) had not seen anything of concern and 2 per centwere not sure. Concern about news and current affairs programs tended to be expressed more by people aged over 30 years, where the proportion of concerned people peaked at the 35 to 39 year age group (38%) and the 55 to 59year age group (40%). A higher number of people with post-graduate qualifications also said they were concerned (40%) compared to people educated to secondary school level (21%). An equal proportion of people surveyed mentioned concerns about classification aspects of news and current affairs programs (14% of the sample) and the treatment given to individual stories (14%). Classification aspects comprised unnecessary graphic images of death, dead bodies, and people in distress (10%), and excessive violent content. Concerns about the treatment of individualsto- ries included biased content, intrusive reporting techniques or lack of respect for people's privacy, and sensationalised or exaggerated content (Table 2).

300 Attitudes to Television Content in Australia

Table 2. Issues of offence or concern about news and current affairs programs on free-to-air television, 1999

Number of % concerned Issues of concern people % people people

Classification issues 166 14 46 Unnecessary graphic images of death, dead bodies & war 94 8 26

Unnecessary graphic imagesother, e.g., people in distress 39 3 11 Excessive violent content, e.g., brawls, riots, assaults, violent arrests 33 3 9 Material not suitable for children 26 2 7

Drug use, condoning drug use 5 <1 1

Nudity or sexual references 4 <1 1

Treatment of individual stories 165 14 46 Biased/judgemental content, one-sided or narrow views 56 5 16 Intrusive reporting techniques, no respect for people's privacy, not sensitive to victims 55 5 15 Sensationalised, exaggerated, melodramatic 33 3 9

Untrue, inaccurate factual material reported 14 1 4 'Manufactured' news stories 12 <1 3, Discrimination, misrepresentation, patronisation of minorities 10 <1 3 Glorification/legitimisation of violence 8 <1 2

Scheduling of stories 30 3 8 Other 28 2 8 Not sure/ no clear answer 43 4 12

n= 1,179 357

Note: The "other" category contains issues that were individually mentioned by fewer than four people. The issues include: trial by media; irresponsible reporting; inadequate warnings; kids being interviewed or shown; self interest on the part of media outlets; too real or close to home; stories designed to 'brainwash' or mould opinion; over-simplification of issues; or can give people ideas (e.g., Colorado school shooting). The "scheduling of stories" category includes repetition of news items, too much bad news, inadequate treatment given to important news stories.

Unnecessary graphic images When asked directly about graphic images, over half the survey respondents (58%) either strongly agreed (29%) or somewhat agreed (29%) that news and current affairs programs tend to show unnecessary graphic images of accidents and tragedies. Focus group participants expressed the need to know about news events but many questioned the benefit in showing images that are too graphic and repeated throughout the day and evening. Some suggested that graphic footage be delayed until late in the evening, while others thought it should not be shown and were in favour of hearing about it instead. When you are actually seeing it [violence] on the news in those sort of time slots it's just horrifying. You don't want to see real things like that. I don't anyway... It's okay to hear about it...I don't even think it's something that

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BEST COPY AVAIIILABEE Margaret Cupitt

should be shown later at night you know... I just think it's something that shouldn't be shown in general. (Female 25-39 years) I mean okay we need to know as a society that's fine, but [do we need to]... have something that graphic thrust in front of us when weare just to sit down before Our evening meals? (Male 40-54 years) On the other hand, some participants were positive aboutnews coverage and accepted the need to confront ugly events. I think that TV [news] presents life as it is. It doesn't embellish it,it doesn't necessarily dramatise it.It doesn't overlay any editorial comment on it. The news is justthese are the pictures, this is the storyand it does because of the sheer volume of it... throw a lot more pressure on you to try and explain it and put it into some sort of perspective to your kids. You have to take the time to sit and say well, look I know all these things are happening, but they're not happening here... right this minute.... And I think that's the effect it is having on kids in the general sense. They grow up with a bit of a negative point of view of the world at large. They think disaster is about to befall themany minute. You talk to pre-teens or teenagers and they have not confidence in the fact that the world is going to continue on as it has done. They think it's about to come to an end one way or another. (Male 40-54 years) Some people commented that violent or graphic materialseen on news and current affairs programs is worse than seeing similar images in fictionalpro- grams such as movies and drama programs. This was because news events were actually happening somewhere in the world.

Intrusive reporting techniques When asked specifically about interviews with grieving relatives, therewas equal division in the community about reporting techniques. Almost half the survey sample (47%) held the view that news and current affairs programs usually lacked sensitivity to people involved in traumatic incidents. Thesame number held the opposite view. While the samplewas evenly split, almost one- quarter strongly agreed that news and current affairs programs lacked such sensitivity. Older age groups were more likely thanyounger people to believe the reporting techniques were insensitive. Some of the reports I think can be quite intrusive on the families and things like that. I mean they're grieving, they've lost lovedones and things like that. And you sort of think, come on reporters, give thema heart, you know you wouldn't like it if it was one of your own family and you've got somebody with a microphone stuck up under your face. I do think that's sort of a little bit hard for the media to do that to people. And to actually show thaton TV. (Female 40-54 years)

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That's probably one thing that annoys me a bit about the media, they do that sort of thing and they justify doing it because they think that I have a right to know. Well I as a member of the public I don't need to see a reporter being that intrusive... So they can't justify it in the sense of what I should be seeing or hearing or knowing. So I'm not really certain as to why they do it at all. Is it a cynical, commercial thing, you know, the more blood and gore you have the more viewers you get... (Male 40-54 years)

Sensationalism In the focus groups there was a widespread view that some reports and footage on news and current affairs programs are broadcast to entertain audiences, compete with other news programs and gain high audience ratings, particularly with regard to the commercial television stations. Criticism of sensationalism was made in relation to unnecessary and repetitive graphic images, biased or one-sided reports, intrusive reporting techniques, and stories that were seen as irrelevant. About half (51%) the survey sample agreed that news and current affairs programs put unnecessary emphasis on personal characteristics such as ethnic background, sexuality or disability. Some focus group participants described certain stories as "gossip news" which included material about con-artists, bat- tlers, cockroach-infested or dirty houses, and negative stories about youth unemployment. They downgrade us, I reckon, all the time... It's like every young person is a dole bludger. (Female 18-24 years) They focus on exceptional cases... that are really out of the ordinary, as opposed to showing what the average young person is going through, trying to get a job. (Male 18-24 years)

Accuracy A considerable number of people in the survey believed that news and current affairs stories were accurate. Fifty-four per cent either strongly agreed (13%) or somewhat agreed (41%) that news and current affairs programs are accurate in the facts they present to the audience. Forty per cent disagreed with the statement. The accuracy of news and current affairs stories was not discussed as a specific issue in focus groups.

Depiction of drug use Some focus group participants commented on the depiction of drug use in news reports. They referred to some of these as being like documentaries on how to use drugs.

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Everyone knows it's [drug use] such a widespread problem. Like, they don't need to show it in such detail... Like, you know, they are showingyou how to shoot up a needle. Why do they do it? (Female 18-24 years) That thing that was on tellie a little while ago it was on the news about them giving... heroin out to children. You actually see them injecting. I don't think we need to see that. (Female parent)

Measures to address concerns Almost a quarter of survey respondents said theirconcerns about news and current affairs would be addressed by presenting the item in a different way (23%), providing warnings or better warnings before certain stories (15%),not showing the news item at all (8%), or showing thenews item at a later time (8%). Presenting news items differently and not showing news items at allwere seen as the main ways to reduce concerns about issues such as bias, intrusive reporting and sensationalised reports. The use of warnings and showingnews items at a later time in the evening were seen as the most likelyways to deal with classification issues such asunnecessary graphic images and violent news content. More parents said that certain news items should be shown at a later time than non-parents. There was strong evidence that the warnings currently usedto prepare viewers for potentially distressing images are appropriate. A majority of people (83%) either strongly agreed (42%) or somewhat agreed (41%) that appropriate warnings are given before potentially offensive or distressing material is shown.

Movies classified M and MA on commercial television There was certain material in M and MA classified movies broadcast from 8.30 p.m. on commercial television that some people believed should either have been broadcast at a later time (12 % of the survey sample)or not shown at all (4%). The proportion of people who were concernedwas much the same across the sample with no particular demographicgroup holding greater concern. The reasons for concern are identified in Table 3 with violence topping the list. When asked specifically about a range of classification issues associated with M and MA movies, the results confirmed that violentcontent was least acceptable compared to other issues (Table 4). A considerable number ofpeo- ple (45% of the sample) said the amount and kind of violence broadcast in movies was not acceptable. After violent content, the depiction of druguse was least accepted (43%), followed by coarse language (38%), the portrayal ofsui- cide (32%), sex scenes (24%) and nudity (21%). Itwas widely believed by focus group participants that the use of coarse language in movies had increased over time. Views varied about whether the (sexually explicit) F word should becut

304 Attitudes to Television Content in Australia

completely from movies, used infrequently, or only appear in movies broadcast after 9.00 p.m. or 9.30 p.m.

Table 3. Reasons for M and MA movies to be shown at a later time or not at all

Number of % commercial % concerned Reason people TV viewers people

Violence (total) 107 9 58 Sex scenes or nudity 50 4 27 Coarse language, swearing 33 3 18 Not appropriate for children 30 3 16

Content that provides bad role models for children 12 1 7 Depictions of same sex relationships 4 <1 2 Depictions of drug use 4 <1 2 Immoral or antisocial messages 4 <1 2

Other 16 1 9 Not sure/ no clear answer 23 2 13 n= 1,145 184

Note: The "violence (total)" category includes: violent content that is excessive, too frequent or sustained; violence that was/is graphic, explicit, realistic, brutal or cruel; too gory, bloody or horrific; murder/killing; guns, knives, bombs, weapons shown or made to look attractive; violence unnecessary in the context of the movie; and violence made to seem attractive or acceptable/ glorified.

Table 4. Acceptability among commercial TV viewers of the amount and kind of violence, depictions of drug use, coarse language, suicide, sex and nudity ( %)

Swearing and Violence Drug use bad language Suicide Sex scenes Nudity

Totally acceptable 11 11 14 9 19 20 Mostly acceptable 39 34 44 27 49 50 Not very acceptable 28 21 21 15 15 13 Not at all acceptable 17 22 17 17 9 8 Never seen 3 11 4 30 6 7

Not sure 1 2 1 3 2 2 n = 1,145

Confirming the relative importance of violence as an issue of concern in movies, 78 per cent of the sample said they would not be comfortable with more violence being shown in movies. A smaller proportion (65%) said they would not be comfortable with more sex scenes and nudity. People in the younger age groups were considerably more accepting of violent content in movies than older people. Eighty-two per cent of 15 to 24

305 Margaret Cupitt

year olds said violent content was totally or mostly acceptable compared to 26 per cent of those aged 55 years and over. Males (58%) were also more likely to say that violent content was totally or mostly acceptable than females (44%). People who described themselves as having strong religious beliefs said that violent content was less acceptable than people withsome or no particular religious beliefs. A similar demographic pattern was evident for coarse language, the portrayal of suicide, sex scenes and nudity where each was found to be lessac- cepted by the older age groups in particular, but also by females and people with very strong religious beliefs. These groups were also the least comfortable with having more violent or sexual content. Coarse language,sex scenes and nudity were more acceptable to parents than non-parents. Parents, however, were more likely to say they would not be comfortable with more violence being shown in movies than non-parents.

Contextual aspects of movies The lack of realism, the high degree of realism, and the narrativecontext of violent portrayals were important considerations when assessing violentmate- rial. Fifty-nine per cent of survey respondents agreed they hadseen violence that was presented in a way that did not show its trueconsequences. Almost the same number (57%) agreed that some portrayals of violencewere too close to what can happen in real life. About half (52%) had seen violent content that was unnecessary in the context of the movie, and 45 per cent said some violence was presented in a way that made itappear attractive. Fewer people agreed that the violence they had seen in the last three monthswas too graphic or explicit (37%) or too frequent (36%). There is an apparent contradiction between concern about the lack of realism on the one hand and realistic violence on the other hand. One parent ofa primary school aged child explained the difficulty he had in dealing with each form of violent content. We watch television and we see all these shows and people get beatenup and punched and kicked... they just bounce back up and have another go. But the reality of this is you get hit by a baseball bat and you die... And the kids don't see that... It's violence but it's not true violence... Now I'm not saying that that's bad because after seeing the reaction of my daughter to real violence it's probably good... I wouldn't like to be having all the gore and the real true violence paraded all the time. It may be misleading, but it's better than seeing the real thing. Narrative context was also a prominent consideration with regard tosex scenes and nudity in movies. Thirty-eight per cent ofsurvey respondents said they had seen nudity or sex scenes that were unnecessary in the context of movies. Twenty-eight per cent said such material was demeaningto women or men, 19 per cent said they were too graphic or explicit, and 18 per cent said they were too frequent.

306 Attitudes to Television Content in Australia

Appropriateness of the M and MA classification and time zones The Commercial Television Industry Code of Practice specifies that MA (mature audience) classified movies should not commence before 9.00 p.m. The new AV (adult violence) classification for television requires that movies with strong levels of violence should not start until 9.30 p.m. The AV classification was introduced with the revised code of practice in April 1999 when this survey was conducted. The survey and focus group findings provide evidence that this change is in line with community standards. A clear majority of people in the survey (76%) believed that MA movies on commercial television should be shown only after a certain time in the evening. Just less than one-third (31%) identified 9.00 p.m. as the earliest time and almost the same proportion (29%) said MA movies should start at 9.30 p.m. Six- teen per cent specified a later start time and 19 per cent said earlier than 9.00 p.m. or anytime during the day (Table 5).

Table 5. The earliest time in the evening to show MA movies on commercial television ( %)

Time Total Female Male

Earlier than 9 p.m./ anytime 19 16 23 9.00 p.m. 31 28 34 9.30 p.m. 29 31 26 10.00 p.m. 11 13 8 10.30 p.m. 3 4 2 Later than 10.30 p.m. 2 2 2

Should not be shown at all 2 2 1

Don't care 1 <1 2

Not sure 2 <1 1 n= 1,145 662 483

Males tended to nominate 9.00 p.m. or earlier/anytime as a start time for movies compared to females who were more likely to nominate later times. People with post-graduate qualifications said 9.30 p.m. more than any other group, while 10.00 p.m -was nominated by more people with very strong religious beliefs. A substantial number of young people aged 15 to 24 years (40%) said that MA movies could be shown earlier than 9.00 p.m. or anytime, compared to 11 per cent of people aged over 55 years. Many parents and some non-parents in focus groups suggested that certain M classified movies shown on television at 8.30 p.m. had not been appropriately classified. They included The Professional, Bad Boys and the telemovie Killer Net. The times 9.00 p.m. and 9.30 p.m. were frequently mentioned as the threshold for adult movies to more accurately reflect children's bedtimes. Other people believed that parents should take the responsibility for checking the

307 Margaret Cupitt

classification and determining whether children should be allowedto watch certain movies. Most people in the survey (about two-thirds) believed that thecontent of M and MA movies and the times theywere shown were always or usually classified appropriately. Twentyper cent said that M classified movies were only sometimes or never appropriately classified, and 17per cent said this about MA classified movies (Table 6). Manycomments made in focus groups implied considerable reliance on the television classifications and associatedtime zones.

Table 6. Appropriateness of the classifications for M and MA movies (%)

Level of appropriateness M classification MA classification

Always appropriate 20 21 Usually appropriate 49 45 Only sometimes appropriate 17 13 Never appropriate 3 4 Not sure 5 6 Had not seen any M or MA movies 5 10

n= 1,145 1,145

Complaints handling process Codes of practice identify the television industry's obligationswith regard to the content of programs they broadcast. They alsoset out the process for the community to complain about television content. Complaints aboutmatters covered by the codes of practice must be madeto the broadcaster in the first instance. Such complaints can then be directed to the ABA if the complainantis either dissatisfied with the station'sresponse or the station does not answer the complaint within 60 days. The codes of practice normally requirecomplaints to be made in writing to the television station. Most survey respondents (67%) said they tooksome form of action in the last three months after seeing somethingon television that caused them offence or concern. Almost four out ofevery ten said they had discussed the matter with someone else or had changed the television channel. Just less than one-third said they had preventeda child from viewing certain material at some stage (Table 7). Parents and females were more likely than non-parents and malesto take some form of action about their concerns. Sixty-eight per cent of all theparents who took part in the survey said they had preventeda child from watching television at some stage in the last three months. Only one per cent of respondents (16 people) said they tooktheir concerns out of their immediate home or social environment by makinga formal complaint.

308 Attitudes to Television Content in Australia

Table 7. Action taken after seeing something of concern on television in the last three months ( %)

Parents/ Action taken Total Males Females guardians Nonparents

Discussed the matter with someone else 39 33 43 44 37 Changed the channel 38 31 43 40 37 Prevented a child from watching 30 24 34 68 14 Turned off the TV 25 20 29 28 24 Covered your eyes or looked away 23 9 33 24 23 Left the room 19 14 22 21 18

Made a formal complaint 1 1 1 1 1 n = 1,203 510 693 359 844

A larger proportion of six per cent (or 77 people) recalled ever making a complaint. It is likely that survey respondents who said they complained were referring to complaints made by phone in addition to formal written complaints. Most of the complainants were not satisfied with the way their complaint was handled (50 people or 65% of those who complained). Nineteen people (25% of the complainants) were satisfied and eight people (10%) were not sure. Lack of satisfaction was either because no action had been taken, the person con- tacted was not interested or was rude, no reply was received, or there was no one to take the complaint. The small group of complainants tended to be older and have post-graduate qualifications.

Reasons for not complaining Notably, the majority of people surveyed (58%) believed that making a formal complaint would not change the kind of things shown on television, and 50 per cent said they would not know who to complain to if they wanted to. Most people also said they had not seen information about how to complain on television in the last year (57%). With 52 per cent of survey respondents expressing concern or offence about content issues and 35 per cent indicating they were bothered enough by something on television to make a complaint, the research suggests possible reasons why only six per cent had actually complained in the previous year. Of the 35 per cent of potential complainants, 63 per cent said they had not seen information on television about how to complain, 54 per cent lacked confidence in the complaints process, and 51 per cent said they would not know who to approach with a complaint. Having enough time to complain was given as an explanation by 26 per cent of potential complainants. The focus group discussions indicated very low awareness and understanding about the industry codes of practice, including the complaints handling process. The following quotes illustrate the nature of that lack of understand-

309 4," 9 Margaret Cupitt

ing in association with a general lack of confidencein obtaining a satisfactory outcome from making a complaint. It all depends on the ratings doesn't it? Theyare not going to change it if they get good ratings, for anyone. (Male over 55 years) I did ring up the TV station and complain about it [areport about the child support system]... Nothing [happened]. I just wanted to speak to the woman that had editedcreated this show. She said watch tonight and hungup on me. (Female parent)

That particular evening I was watchinga movie which went on pretty late and I timed it and there were literally 35 minutes of adsto the hour and I rang the station just to make that point and complain about it... I said...why do you do that and who should I complain to about it andthey said well complain to these people, complain to those people. They didn'texplain or apologise or even acknowledge that it happened... They didn't giveme names and addresses or anything of that nature. Theywere not the least bit interested in what I had to say... [I didn't take itany further because] I felt that since it had been done and it had passed and I hadno evidence or proof that it happened that it would have been extraordinarily picky andpedantic of me to pursue it. If I'd taped it or something like that and had hardevidence... Without evidence they would have dismissed it. Just somebodywhingeing. (Male 40-54 years) But most people that do complain... think it'sinappropriate at the time or whatever, but you just don't worry about it... Imean, you probably think "well, what's my saying going to do?" (Female 18-24 years)

Epilogue It should be noted that while this research focusedon program content that concerned or offended Australian televisionviewers, many viewers said they had no concerns (48%) andmost said nothing had bothered them enough to make a complaint (65%). Focusgroup participants commented positively about certain programs, having access to live sportingevents, keeping up-to-date with news and current affairs, and thevariety and choice of programs and channels. They liked viewing television becausethe experience was entertaining, informative or relaxing, and it allowedsome people to keep their minds off other things. From the ABA's perspective, the historical trends andrecent data show there are a substantial proportion of peoplewho continue to be concerned about the presentation ofnews and current affairs programs, about thepor- trayal of violence in movies, and aboutsome other programs. The recently introduced AV (adult violence) classification wouldappear to address community concern about violence content inmovies. The concerns about news and current affairs programs as they relate tounnecessary graphic images, bias or

310 Attitudes to Television Content in Australia

one-sided reports, and intrusive reporting or privacy are potential areas for further tightening of the codes of practice. These issues were problematic because they were perceived as techniquesthat sensationalise the news and create entertainment in order to achieve higher audience ratings.The research will be made available for television broadcasters to consider when they next review their codes of practice. In a co-regulatory environment where the industry is responsiblefor developing its own codes of practice, the results that show a considerablelack of understanding and confidence in the complaint process are significant. The commercial television industry is now required to provide regular information about the code of practice and its complaints procedures. Three hundredand sixty on-air spots must be broadcast each calendar year across all viewing zones. A reasonable proportion of the on-air information must alsoexplain how viewers can obtain a copy of the code of practice.The effectiveness of this action will be assessed by future studies.

Notes 1.Material classified M is recommended for viewing only by persons aged 15 years or over because of the matter it contains (violence, sex and nudity, language, drugs, suicide, adult themes), or the way the matter is treated. 2.Material classified MA is suitable for viewing only by persons aged 15 years or over because of the intensity and/or frequency of sexual depictions, or coarse language, adult themes ordrug use. 3.Material classified AV is suitable for viewing only by persons aged 15 years or over. It is unsuitable for MA classification because of the intensity and/or frequency of violence, or because violence is central to the theme. In other respects,the classification's requirements are identical to the MA classification. 4. The Commercial Television Industry Code of Practice is registered by the ABA once it meets certain criteria. The codes of practice for the ABC and SBS are not assessed by the ABAbut are notified to the ABA. 5. ACNielsen Metro Television Facts 1999. 6. ACNielsen TV Trends 1999, B&T Weekly. 7. Meade, A and McKenzie, A 1999 'TV chiefs disagree on parallel universes',The Australian, 3 August 1999, p.3. 8.Australian Bureau of Statistics 1999 'Continued growth in home Internet use', Media Release 78/ 99, 30 June 1999. 9. Australian Bureau of Statistics 1999 Use of the Internet by householders, 6 September 1999. 10.Australian Broadcasting Authority 1999 'International research on attitudes to the Internet', News Release 71/1999, 24 August 1999. Editors' remark: See also the article "Opinions in Australia, Germany and the U.S. on Control of Misuse on the Internet" by Jens Waltermann and Marcel Machill in this book.

311 Contents in Context A Study on Canadian Family Discourse about Media Practices in the Home

Andre H. Caron & Letizia Caroni&

Historically, the study of television use and consumption has dealt largely with genres, semiotic characteristics of programs and their effects on the audience, and the encoding and decoding processes that characterize the relation between the text and its audience. Since Lull's studies (Lull, 1980; 1987; 1991), a number of authors have, however, emphasized the need to understand the relation between audience and television in the complex, finely shaded context of daily life. The natural setting for viewingthe homehas thus become increasingly central and research has focused on understanding viewing as a situated activity. Instead of audience preferences for, certain programs, the activity itself has become the focus of study (Morley, 1992). The hypothesis underlying this perspective is that television viewing is a complex activity that is integrated into domestic life and invested with different meanings by family members. Reac- tions to television messages thus depend on the meaning assigned to this technology and on the role and purposes attributed to viewing as an everyday activity (Morley, Silverstone, 1991). They also depend on the psycho-social place given to television by the various social actors and on the relation television has to other activities in daily life. Television consumption must therefore be understood as a situated activity that structures and is structured by the social organization of people's everyday activities. It is a part of everyday life and plays a role in it that needs to be investigated. How does television viewing structure the range of everyday practices that characterizes family life? Inversely, how do they structure it? How does it participate in the dynamics of family relations? How do parents mediate the more sensitive contents (sex and violence)? The programs that television offers to its audience join a background of specific everyday habits, understanding and mediating practices by which they acquire their meaning.

313 00 Andre H. Caron & Letizia Caronia

The very concept of "viewing" then becomes nothingmore than a covering term for a multitude of practices, in and through which family members construct their relation to this medium. The process of decodingto which a certain research tradition had reduced the notion of receptionthen becomes one aspect of a more complex activity (viewing) that, in turn, belongs to a larger context of practices. At present, studies on family relation dynamics with respect to television provide us with a conceptual framework and research perspective that could be described as a contextualist approach to television viewing in the network of family interactions. In sum, this perspective conceptualizes viewingas an activity situated among family practices and texts as discoursesamong others. The incorporation of television into daily life is conceived as a process thatpro- duces and is produced by family interactions. This technology, itsuses and the content it offers then become objects or mediators of these social interactions. The question is thus how the specific culture and social organization ofa family is defined by this technology andreflexivelyhow the latter is appropriated and incorporated by the social dynamics of the family environment and the cultural worlds of its members (Caron, Meunier, 1995). According to several authors, grasping and understanding the phenomenon defined in this way requires a qualitative approach targeting the micro- cosm of daily interactions and the members' discourses about their own media experiences (Lind lof, Mayer, 1987; More ly, 1989; More ly, Silverstone, 1991; Casetti, 1995; Proulx, Mail let, 1998). It is on this level and through these dynamics that the members of a family constantly construct what, for them, watching television means. By the way of such interactions, they assign this practice a meaning (a certain meaning), which integrates the content into theirown culture, and establish their daily routines in relation to television. Two methodological approaches (that are not mutually exclusive)can be identified in this tradition of qualitative studies inmass communication: one is especially based on (more or less participatory) observation in the natural setting of viewing, the other focuses more on triggering discourse through in- depth interviews (Proulx, Mail let, 1998). In the firstcase, attention is focused mainly on the communicative behavior produced inresponse to the screen and the informal conversations that occur between family memberson various occasions in their daily life (Lemish, 1987; Brice, 1987; Casetti, 1995; Mancini, 1993). In the second case it is mainly a question of grasping the reconstruction of the media experience produced byusers in specific declarative situations:, individual or group interviews (Morley, 1992; Bianchi, 1990; Casetti et al., 1985, 1986). These approaches target and reveal two different levels of the mediaexpe- rience as a subject of study: the process level of the situated action, of the actual behavior, and the declarative level of the reconstructed action, of the said behavior, organized in discourse and by discourse. These approaches thus offer us two different types of qualitative data, two distinct views of television's

314 2 9 7 Contents in Context

integration into daily family lifeone focused more on the performance of practices, the other on the meanings attributed to the practices. The study we are proposing continues in this tradition of qualitative research. It adopts a contextualist perspective on television viewing as an activity embedded in a range of everyday practices and takes into account a specific phenomenon: the sense making activity accomplished through family discourse on television viewing in the home.

Sex and violence and other contents as discourse topics: a phenomenological research approach The study involved eight families in Canada. They were recruited for a study on television use in the home that had both quantitative and qualitative aspects and involved elementary school children aged 10 to 11 (Grade 5). The socioeconomic level (revenue, employment and education) and media consumption habits of these families closely match the features generally identified with members of what is considered the middle class. Each family was made up of two adults and 1 to 3 children. Since we were also interested in contrasting the different accounts of the parents and 10- to 11-year olds in the same families, we interviewed the children and adults separately. Semi-directed interviews were adopted as methodological tools. These interviews lasted on average one hour and took place in each home. A series of propositions was introduced by the researcher in order to give rise to a discourse on family practices concerning television. The 24 interviews were tran- scribed verbatim and then used as a corpus for an in-depth analysis of the accounts through which family members reconstructed media practices in the home. The exploratory nature of the study and the choice of a qualitative analysis of the discourse explain the limited sample. The study's intention was not to gather representative data but to explore a form of analysis and establish a point of departure for the individualization of a phenomenology of family television experiences. The purpose of such in-depth individual interviews was to trigger discourse on family practices with respect to television. The aim of analyzing this discourse was to show how television contents, whatever they are, should always be considered texts-in-context. They belong to a particular practicetelevision viewing which in turn is embedded into a complex range of other daily practices. Each one of these practices may have different significance for different people and whatever the contents are, their meaning ultimately depends on the phenomenological context in which they are experienced. Television contents in general but also more sensitive contents, such as sex and violence, acquire their meaning and have different impacts according to the multilevel concentric context in which they occur. Different members of

315 Andre H. Caron & Letizia Caronia

different families thus integrate in differentways television viewing during their life and have different representations of what "television viewing"or "being exposed to certain contents" can mean for them or their children. The analysis we undertook focused specificallyon family members' discourse on contents that are often considered today as "sensitive" for children and parents. We looked at the interpretative and active workparents and children make of these texts and the multiple ways they integrate them into crucial dimensions of their day-to-day family life. This approach allows us to better comprehend how "being exposedto such contents" are situated activities and need to be considered and investigated as such. In so doing we propose a phenomenological oriented analysis that goes beyond the traditional impact of contenton children paradigm and considers what parents and children actively do with thecontents.

Choosing violent or sentimental contents: an identity making strategy The young people interviewed saw television mainlyas a source of entertainment. Boys enjoyed adventure shows or those that are exciting. Films considered "sentimental" or resembling everyday experiences seemedto be much less appealing to them. However, this sort of show seemed to be highly appreciated by girls for the opposite reason: they were attracted by the realism of situations depicted. What do you watch on television? The boy: I watch films, like Alien, the Resurrection. My Mom and Dad didn't want me to see it... But you watched it anyway? Yes... it was great. There was lots of blood... as if it were for 18 andover, but it was for 13 and over...2 And you're not quite 13? No, but Jurassic Park and Batman and Robin are for 13 and over... And you watch them? Yeah! Batman and Robin doesn't even have a single drop of blood. It's for 13 and over... Did it scare you? No, it's a good film. It's not like a love story... That's pretty boring...a real-life film is boring. It's like you're watching your life. Yourown life. When you watch a real-life film it's boring... It's like Titanic, everyone is crazy about it now... (10 years old, family No. 1) What do you watch on television? The girl: Cartoons, shows like Watatatow (dramatic series foryoung people), etc. I watch that... What do you like about those shows?

316 Contents in Context

The adventures and things that happen... Why are they your favorite shows? Because they're funny, there's lots of jokes. And Watatatow seems like it's really true... (11 years old, family No. 2) The above examples suggest the degree to which the use of television in a family can be a complex, multipurpose practice. Even at the level of preferences (what they say) and television choices (what they do), it can be seen that it is also a question of the strategies by which members establish certain aspects of their family life, such as their identities, roles and the reciprocal relations binding them together (Casetti, 1995). These preferences and choices are indicators of classifications performed by various family members with respect to the television content to which they are exposed. As we will see here, young people themselves reclassify content in two ways: with respect to their suitability for children or adults, and with respect to the gender for which the content is intended. In this way they position themselves with respect to the adult/child and girl/boy oppositions. Regarding the presentation of a film (Alien, the Resurrection), the young boy adds: "my Mom and Dad didn't want me to watch it". Thus, speaking about one's own television preferences becomes an opportunity to represent oneself as a grown-up. Watching television, and especially choosing what to watch, is an activity that can include a number of important stakes: asserting one's independence from one's parents (through opposition) and one's own desire to become an adult and be considered as such. In other words, television preferences become a symbolic practice through which young people gain access to ways to define identity. This example shows how watching television and choosing violent contents can be used by young people as a symbolic practice. It is used to say something else. In this case, watching a film with "lots of blood" becomes a way of portraying oneself as an adult. In a symbolic sense, young people also use the content coding system for programs.3 Not only do they watch films for "13 and over" even when they are underage, they re-code the content of such films ("the film could have been for 18 and over"). A number of elements transform the fact of watching television into an activity with a value and a symbolic function: the criteria that guide preferences, the transgressive use of the code and the interpretation of content intended more for adults. Thus, this activity becomes a strategy for self-definition. In the case cited, it was a matter of portraying oneself as a "grown-up", though this is not the only symbolic aspect. In this respect, it is interesting to note the opposition that the boy points out between television genres: a blood and gore film versus a love story (understood as a realistic story about life and thus boring). Television preferences would thus be a way to symbolically mark one's own gender identity. The masculine identity of these young people is built and nurtured through a different choice of television offerings. Thus we can validate the preceding hypothesis: television, like other situations, presents texts that become pretexts used

317 Andre H. Caron & Letizia Caronia

by children to assert "who they are". The child isgrown up and a man because he watches films for grown-ups and prefers films presenting violentcontents instead of love stories. If we compare the boy'sstatements to those of the girl, we find another element supporting this hypothesis: the girl prefers dramatic series for young people, those that seem "real". The construction of gender identity is nurtured by distinctive featuresand oppositions. Young people seem to use what is offered by televisionas a pool of identity making resources: what they liketo watch, and what they do not, become choices that define their systems of values. This doesnot mean that television exerts unconditional influenceon them. Rather, it offers a range of symbolic contents used by young people to develop their rolesand identity, through classification and choices. Another element in the construction of the identity ofyoung people is expressed in the following statements: When you watch television with your father, sisteror mother, who chooses the show? A girl: Usually it's me or my sister Emilie. How do you choose? Well, we ask our parents "do you feel like watchingteenager stuff like Melrose Place, things like that, or Beverly Hills 90210?", thenwe watch it. (10 years old, family No. 3) As we saw with respect to films with "lots of blood",an expression like "teen- ager stuff' (for example, Beverly Hills) expresses a classificationprocess for television genres that is based on criterias belongingto the cultural world of young television viewers. Through classifying television offerings, youngpeople impose their own order and place specific meaning and valueon what they watch. As we have seen, this sometimes takes the form ofsimple signs of personal identity, but this classification by childrencan also play another role in the identity making process. The texts thatare interpreted in this way by young people are transformed into symbolic instruments to emphasize the distinctive features of their own culture and to establish how it differs from that of adults. Yet what is more important on the level of family dynamicsis what is at stake in this process of interpreting televisiongenres: once the text is rede- fined, negotiations about choosing whichprograms to watch become symbolic strategies for identifying and proposing to parentsa specific universe of reference that is different from that of adults. Producing a classification of reality (as is done, in this case, in the discourse on television shows) usingit in interactive situations (by negotiating who watches what)are among the most important means for members of a group to express and construct their own culture. Watching television can create this sort of social dynamic: thenegotiation of preferences operates as one of themeans (but certainly not the only one) of progressively producing the relative identities and cultures of theage groups of family members (Casetti, 1995; Morley, Silverstone, 1991).

318 Contents in Context

Thus it seems that young people use specific criteria to choose their shows. They also make television watching a meaningful experience in an active sense. Watching television may be an opportunity to defy parental authorityor at least to ignore itto develop and construct one's own identity to ritually mark the various periods of one's own daily life and the passage of the growing up process. Violence in television programs does not occur in a social or cultural vacuum. On the contrary it fits in a context made of other media contents and discourses, parental mediation, permissions and prohibitions, children's representations of what is typical for a girl or a boy, for a child or an adult, and family dynamics such as children's transgression of parental rules. A component of the world around, violence in television works as a text that waits for an interpretative work which depends of all these components.

Between contents and children. The role of parents' representations in mediating and regulating children's exposure to television In most of the families interviewed, it was noted that the parents intervene in one way or another to define the relation between their children and television. This is done in different ways, either by granting permission, watching together, or applying restrictions on the overall amount of time devoted to such viewing (to promote exchanges during meals, ensure that school work gets done, etc.) or on content considered unsuitable. The analysis of the discourses that we have collected shows, however, that this proactive or restrictive mediation (Caron, Meunier, 1998) seems to be based on different underlying interpretations of the medium. The examples we will present reveal a certain degree of consistency between the various perceptions of the medium and its content, and the behavior proposed by parents.

Television as a simulation of reality There are a number of ways to see television as a medium, depending on the programs to which one refers (the different television genres), and also on the way one conceives of the relation between the content and its addressee. In this relation, children may be seen by parents as a simple "sponge" that absorb all content, or as people who play an interpretative role and set up their own frameworks of understanding and prior knowledge. The mother: When we watch together it's always family shows. As for films... a little more... for 13 and over, we've started letting Melanie (their 10-year-old daughter) watch. She knows the difference between right and wrong, and she knows it's fake. ...Melanie asks lots of questions during that show, Virginie (adult drama), because she sees adolescence coming. She wonders a lot.I think it's good. Maybe it's eye-opening sometimes (meaning perhaps it is a

319 Andre H. Caron & Letizia Caronia

little explicit). But I think it's a little like preparing them for reality, that life is like that too. (Family No. 2) In this statement, the mother perceives certain televisionprograms as presenting a context that simulates reality, such as adolescence and its problems.In her discourse, reality and television fictionare thus separated to produce an interpretation of the television text considered as a "simulation of reality". From this mother's point of view, television allows her daughterto learn, in a non- threatening manner, about experiences thatconcern her. The realistic text is seen as a framework or sheltered domain that allows access to this experience in a mediated form (Bianchi, 1990). It also allows reality to be anticipated and the foundations of mental frameworks to be established, which could be useful to the adolescent if she were to experience something similar in daily life. Just as listening to stories allows children to experiment with emotions and situations within a context in which anything can happen but nothing really happens, television shows are perceived as a mediated, simulated experience through which children can develop certain abilities thatare useful and necessary in real life. This interpretation of television as a "simulation of reality" allows its viewing to be seen as a protected context for learning. The daughter, in this case, is perceived as capable of wondering about what shesees, as someone who knows how to tell right from wrong and who grasps the basic elements of the media language to differentiate between reality and media illusions .4 The content of certain shows can be the subject of discussion within the family, either with respect to aspects of realityor to situations experienced by the characters (e.g., teenage pregnancy). The eventsare then transposed into the potential reactions of members of the family. The mother: Well, yes, actually, my oldest daughter already did. One time there was a character who was pregnant and in the story her mother kicked her out, and my daughter asked me, "Mom, wouldyou do that to me?", so I said "...I say I wouldn't do it to you, but younever know, maybe... I don't see why I'd kick you out, it wouldn't solve your problem, and it wouldn't solve mine. You're my daughter, you'll always be my daughter...". I thought itwas fun to talk about it. (Family No. 4) The analogies perceived between what happenson television and what happens (or could happen) in real life allow to consider viewing as belonging toa field of development of self- and other-referential hypotheses. Televisionpro- vides models for interpreting or anticipating the world ofaction. Analogies can be made and differences identified between textual situations and behavior, and life. This all takes place on the level of comparison of the fictionaldimen- sion (television) with the real (daily life). Here, television playsa role similar to that of other media (books, narratives, stories), whichare often representations of possible worlds, as models for interpreting the real world andin consequence as "fields for envisaging and evaluating" one's own actions and those of others on the imaginary level.

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Television also allows parents to focus on their role of "good parents" and to reflect on their way of acting in that context. In support of this view, as can be observed in the statement below this role is assumed and recognized by parents, when they choose to watch a show with their children. If they fear that the content could upset the child, they prefer to be present. Such supervised viewing can, however, become a source of shared entertainment. Do you watch shows with her? The mother: Yes... Goosebumps... before I used to watch it with her because she was scared, now I like it too, mysterious things... (Family No. 7) Here we see a way of interpreting the role of parents with respect to television viewing: watching together. In this example, mother-child relationship is anchored in shared consumption ("before I used to watch it with her because she was scared") and television becomes the focus of this joint activity. At first the parent played the role of a mediator between the text and the child. Then the television text became the mediator between the parent and the child. This evolutionary view of the television-parent-child triad illustrates one of the roles television can play in the family: the role of "assigning parents their roles", in other words, placing parents in the roles they are supposed to play. Most of the work of parents lies in introducing their children to their environment by trying to bring reality within their grasp and gradually sharing their experience. This work is related to parents' skill in regulating their own presence and progressively reducing the support provided, to leave a greater degree of independence to the young person. The perception of television as a text waiting for interpretation by the child can thus lead parents to wonder about the interpretation and, if so, intervene between the two. This strategy is different from that adopted, as we will see, by parents who see television as pure entertainment and by those who see it as a source of disturbance for children.

Television as pure entertainment The mother: They're fun, cartoons... and they laugh, too! It makes people happy, even! You forget something... Sometimes you come home tired, then you watch something funny on TV, you forget your problems... And children, even though they don't have any problems, after a hard day at school, they're tired... It relaxes them too!... Because it's funny. Most of the shows on Teletoon are funny. (Family No. 4) For some parents, the notion of entertainment associated with television is thought of as a positive element, not a detriment to school or other activities considered important. The father's spouse: Homework has always come first. The father: Yes, yes, yes, homework comes before TV. She comes home from school, she does some on her own, I arrive, we continue... we take a break for

321 Andre H. Caron & Letizia Caronia

101 Dalmatians, then we continue until suppertime. Sometimes we do homework after supper. (Family No. 8) For other parents the discourse is once again built around an opposition: school and homework versus television and leisure. This opposition signals a certain interpretation of television consumption: television viewing is perceived as pure entertainment. This interpretation becomes a premise that leads to the auto- matic exclusion of the hypothesis that viewing could encourage the development of certain cognitive abilities or be a simple healthy "escape". The logic of the argument could be summarized as follows: if television is nothing more than pure entertainment (a definition reinforced by the opposition with homework and school), then watching it involves little effort and provides nothing of merit. The father: One thing I have to criticize about television is that it takes a lot of time away from children that they could spend on other things... Because they're hooked by it. It's something that uses up a lot of their time, and it takes no effort... Like us,Iremember when I was young, there weren't many shows for children, so we went and played outside, made things, visited our friends, found games. But now... the child just says "I don't feel like doing anything else", and sits down in front of the TV. It uses up all their time. (Family No. 2) One possible consequence of this play of ideas is that parents could seem to remove the learning potential from this activity and, in doing so, any mediation role parents could play. Indeed, in order to want to intervene, it isnecessary to consider it useful to do so. When parents adopt this sort of interpretation of their children's television viewing, they perhaps do not expect that their child could be faced with content beyond his or her cognitive and emotional abilities, or with texts that are difficult to understand even though they are amus- ing.5 However the opposition between homework and television also plays a structuring role. As we saw with respect to ritual times in family life, the contrast between television viewing and school work places importance on the latter, according to the parents. The importance of school in their children's lives is underlined and a hierarchy of values is assigned to daily activities when they are placed in opposition, as in the case of family meals, with something else: television. When parents perceive television as a pleasure requiring no effort, itscon- sumption is withdrawn from their sphere of action. Taken to an extreme, this view emphasizes minimizing the loss of time and insisting on children spending time on activities considered more meaningful. The mother: You have to set limits. My 15-year-old daughter... she likes TV, but she does other things... Francis, he watches TV a lot. You really have to tell him, "that's enough, now you go outside". (Family No. 5) Parents intervene in their children's activities when they consider the children are spending too much time in front of the television. They invite them to find

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another form of entertainment. In families with many children, parents may have to intervene in the case of only one of the children, since the level of consumption varies from one to the next and, also, the level of intellectual effort required depending on the age of the child.

Television as a source of disturbance for children Generally, the parents we met felt uneasy with respect to the sexually explicit content to which young people are exposed during programs broadcast during prime time (8 p.m. to 9 p.m.). With respect to this type of content, parental action remains more sensitive in comparison, for example, with the comments they may make to their children about differences in the language used in shows and family practices. The father: Yes! There are rules... The father: Between 8 and 9 they still show some things that are pretty... hot and spicy (risque)...! The mother: Sometimes we supervise the content... Like we do with the Internet... The father: Anything with sexual connotations... The mother: There are things they don't need to know right away. They're still innocent, and it's nice that they are... The father: When it's the language you can tell them: "Okay, those people, they don't speak well, they speak poorly, try not to imitate them..." But when there's sexual connotations, it's more visual... it's more difficult I think. I think they can wait, he can wait until he's 10. He might know what making love is, but between that... and seeing it...! (Family No. 4) As can be seen here, parents worry about content, especially when it is represented pictorially; pictures are most problematic for them. Visual saturation with sexual content seems to lend itself less to certain types of parental mediation, such as indirect mediation. It is more difficult to help a child interpret a picture than language, for example. The only mediation seen as possible in cases of sexually explicit content is restrictive mediation (Caron, Meunier, 1998), i.e., parents censure the type of content that makes them feel powerless. Some parents also avoid programs and films with content that could frighten their children. For example, they may avoid scenarios where there is a lot of death or dramatic features (e.g., hurricanes) that could have effects on their children, including feelings of fear, which are often manifested by sleep disturb- ances. The mother: Me anyway, I find that on television there is a lot of violence in films. And it begins at 7:00. It's too early. When the children are still up. My daughter is watching TV and she stops when that comes on. Of course, they warn us that it's for 13 and over, but at 7:00 a 7-year old isn't in bed yet...

323 BEST COPY AVM LIE 0 Andre H. Caron & Letizia Caronia

The mother: Pierre-Luc is pretty sensitive, when he sees something likea dead person, it stays in his head... It bothers him, then before going to bed he talks to me about it... this is why I'd rather he watch real-life stories and dramas as little as possible... Light entertainment is better. One time I was watchinga film about a hurricane and he asked me "is that going to happen here?". I said, "No, no..." It was a realistic film, everything concerning death or disasters affects him, and in the evening, at bedtime, he doesn't like itvery much. (Family No. 1) This case illustrates a strategy different from that of otherparents who use programs as situations of protected experience where they act as mediators. Aside from a few occasions, this mother does notseem to want to play the role of a "recipient for fears", or to think about the possibility that thecontent (even though it is disturbing for her child) could be tamed and made acceptable through her mediation: she prefers to distance the television text. Thisstrategy demonstrates a way of viewing the role of parents in relation to television media and the resulting behavior. It should be noted that some young people are also able to self-regulate,to judge television content and anticipate negativeconsequences for themselves. What do you say, that you are not allowed to watch, why? Oldest daughter: Because sometimes, it's violent. (10years old, Family No. 3) Youngest daughter (Emilie's younger sister): It's 13 and over. Because maybe I'll have bad dreams. (7 years old, Family No. 3) Children sometimes answer by repeating their parents'arguments. The normative discourse (in other words, the regulation of viewing)very often produces the need to provide explanations. Through thissystem (rules imposed and reasons why) one produces an interpretation of the regulated event. In this case, it is an interpretation of television as something violent that can be frightening. Thus, television can play different roles in family dynamics. Televisioncan be seen simply as a source of entertainment, andso parents feel they must mainly limit the overall time children spendon it. Television can also be perceived as a potential source of upsetting content,so parents act by censoring certain programs. Another possibility is that television isseen as sometimes offering realistic representations of true life, in whichcase parents emphasize mediation and viewing television with their children. What is, however,significant is that the more or less considered or accepted interpretations of television seem to be expressed and passed on from one generation to the next through (among other things) the mechanism of family regulation and thediscourse accompanying it.

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Summary and conclusion First, it should be noted that not only does the television experience vary from one family to the next, but each member's behavior with respect to television is also distinct. While we do not claim these interviews are representative of all families, they still bring out the diversity of television experiences in the family setting. In particular, they illustrate the various ways that family members organ- ize and give meaning to their own media experience. The very notion of "television viewing" includes and distinguishes between various forms of behavior: the use of this media is a "practice that is not only varied but also mediated, negotiated and ritualized" (Casetti, 1995:30). In this sense we should remain prudent when dealing with statistical and quantitative data offering a general view of trends. To the contrary, the qualitative data presented here provide a glimpse of the fact that, beyond the numbers, the day-to-day reality of families and television media is composed of many shades of meaning, negotiations, questions and even doubts, on the part of both parents and young people. In this subtly shaped panorama of behavior related to television and structured by itit is still possible to envisage obtaining general data from interviews. First of all, discourse analysis reveals to what extent television content, even the more sensitive ones, are embedded in the context of family members' day-to-day life. A number of variables intervene in defining how exposure to television will influence a child, whether it be parents' perceptions of the role television plays in their children's lives, their cultural models of childhood and parenthood, rules governing viewing, the way television is used within the family, parents' and children's interpretative work on texts or the symbolic functions accomplished by their consumption. Television texts, and among them violent, sexual and other sensitive contents, are experienced and have to be considered as discourses among others. Their significance or their impact does not depend just on the content. On the contrary it appears to be the result of a more complex and situated process in which a fundamental role is played by a network of interactions and discourses in and through which television contents are experienced and integrated into the family culture and social organization. Our analysis showed that, beyond content, the dynamics that accompany viewing itself (negotiations, agreements, preferences, regulation of consumption) become practices for defining identities and roles in the family. Television activity puts the emphasis on the role of parents, among other things, and reveals parents' perception of television. Their perception may be that of a reality that can be mediated or that of one from which the young person must be sheltered. Depending on the degree of cognitive or emotional investment granted to the experience, television viewing is compared to other activities and made subject to certain regulations. For young people, television also becomes a medium for asserting their values and their own culture in relation to others (boy versus girl, young person versus adult). Television is also

325 3 Oa Andre H. Caron & Letizia Caronia

an area where power is exercised in the play of "who controls viewing". One after the other, the triadtelevision, parents, childrenthus takes on different configurations. Programs and contents enter in family daily conversations and produce new interactions (choices and preferences, permissions, prohibitions andre- lated reasons, etc.) through which family membersassert, defy or negotiate relations with the other family members, identify different spheres ofculture, construct an ordered set of priorities and impose a hierarchy of values in the family. What is really interesting is not that thisoccurs in itself (indeed, these are dynamics proper to the developing structure ofa family) but that (among other things) it occurs by using television and its contentsas a concrete point of reference for these symbolic processes. Television's appropriation by thefamily and its integration into everyday life are indicative of the fact that familymem- bers treat it as a "medium" (in the etymologicalsense of the word) for expressing and producing what a family is. A second result of our analysis refers to the role televisionseems to play in the family: the role of assigning parents their roles. In other wordsit places parents in the roles they are supposed to play with their children. Formost of the parents interviewed television consumption is something that revealstheir responsibilities as parents. Television seems to takeon the role of a "magnify- ing glass": it forces parents to focus their attentionon their presence or on the reasons for their absence in the daily life of their children. When confronted with contents perceivedas "sensitive", this role is even more assumed with parents who tend to mediate or regulate their children's exposure to these kind of contents. The rules imposed on television viewing, and the ways it is used, are the subjects of subtle negotiations thatmust adapt to changes in the age and viewing habits of young people. The parents' criteria for suitable contents and the reasons why theyare suitable or not also play a role in this play of negotiations. Thisset of family discourses and interactions about television contents becomesa way to socialize children to certain representations of what television is, and what is goodor wrong for them. In a very recursive way and depending on theage of children, parents' ideas about television and its contentscan become a platform for new dynamics and new negotiations: accepting parents' rules andreasons and avoiding unsuitable programs, or transgressing parents rules and watchingforbidden contents, are ways through which children reach different developmental levels in their growing up process. Another finding that is revealed byour analysis is the level of consistency between ideas and behavior in relation to television. Consumptionpractices (including parental regulation) and the behavior of theparents interviewed seem to reveal (among other things) interpretations they have of television and its effect on their children. The relation between the variousinterpretations of the media and parental behavior could be summarizedas follows:

326 rf Nice 0 Contents in Context

1) When television is perceived as nothing but pure entertainment, its potential effect on children is generally underestimated: on this view, television would provide children only with occasions to relax and have fun. This view, in parental discourse, often goes along with reduced responsibility with respect to social television-viewing expectations. Their responsibility is to limit the time children spend in front of the screen to place more emphasis on other activities seen as more meaningful. 2) When a relation is perceived between television content and the child's abilities, mediation behavior is adopted to watch programs with children. Television is used this way by parents as a context for protected learning. Parents place themselves between the media and the child to explain content or make it acceptable, while the television text places itself between family members to become a subject of discourse and source of conversation. 3) When television is personified and seen as the direct cause of certain undesirable effects on children, parents are led to censure dangerous content. Parental action with respect to the child is limited to that alone and the parental role seems to be conceived of less as a possible mediator for the same content. From the data gathered, we can conclude that parental behavior and roles change depending on the different ways the medium is viewed. However, regardless of this and no matter what the underlying interpretation, television seems to make the role of parents visible. Whether it is a question of limiting the number of hours devoted to television, of censuring content or of watching together, when it comes to television, parents feel they are brought into play as parents. Family television viewing thus seems to be a phenomenon characterized by two levels of meaning. It is experienced and conceived of as an event taken for granted, a habit that even makes up part of daily life. However, almost paradoxically, it can also call upon parents to wonder about television's potential effect on the development of their children. This call-for-role effect is sometimes overplayed in the case of violence or other sensitive contents. Because of this, parents find themselves forced to reflect on their own role with respect to television itself, and with respect to the relation they have with their children and television. The results of our analysis about television viewing and contents show how important it is to investigate the impact of television contents within the whole range of family dynamics and practices. Rather than looking at the impact of television contents solely with a two-dimensional model (text-children), the phenomenological oriented framework we have proposed enlightens us to the role of a third component: the sense making activity accomplished by family members, their active use of the medium, the interpretation brought to these texts and the symbolic levels of viewing. All these dimensions reveal their

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1"' rt 1. Andre H. Caron & Letizia Caronia

constitutive role in defining the significance of television contents,even the more sensitive ones, in the life of children. Far from occurring in a social or cultural vacuum, violence and sex on television as all other mediacontents are experienced and have to be analyzed as contents-in-context.

Acknowledgements and notes 1. We are very grateful to Marysol Charbonneau for assisting us in the collection of the datasome of which are reported in her Master's thesis. We would also like to thank Line Grenier,Diane Raymond and Stephanie Barker for having made valuable commentson this article, for which we alone are, however, responsible. Finally we would like to express our most sincere grati- tude to Mary Baker for her excellent work in translating our material. 2.Note that, in Canada, a newly introduced classification code for television shows identifies the intended age group for programs and films. It is interesting to note that though the classification code presented at the beginning of each show is posted only briefly and for informationpur- poses (in the form of a small icon) it is mentioned as frequently by young people as by adults in the interviews. Young people seem to be very aware of this code and relatively proudto transgress it from time to time. 3.In its report, Respecting Children: A Canadian Approach to Helping Families Deal With Televi- sion Violence (1996), the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commissionset out the broad lines of its policy regarding television violence and required that broadcasters develop a classification system for programs. Broadcasters have adopteda voluntary code (Caron, Jolicoeur, 1996). 4. A child's ability to grasp the various levels of realism of a television picture andto distinguish between (programs as belonging to) the genres of fiction and reality isone of the most frequent concerns of parents and also one of the aspects regarding which they most often play a mediating role (Messaris, 1987; Weintraub Austin, Roberts, Nass, 1990). 5. Much research has emphasized the difficulties children have in understanding televisiontexts because of specific syntaxes or two registers of communication (verbal and visual),even in cases of programs such as cartoons, which are supposedly designed for children. Regarding the processes of comprehension and incomprehension, see Bagett (1979); Meringoff (1980); Bea- gles-Roos, Gat (1983); Cardarello (1986); Bertolini, Manini (1988); Lumbelli (1994); Caronia, Gherardi (1991); Caronia (1997).

Bibliography Bagett, P. (1979). "Structurally Equivalent Stories in Movie and Text and the Effects of the Mediumon the Recall". In Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behaviour, 18: 333-356. Beagles-Roos, J., Gat, I. (1983). "Specific Impact of Radio and Televisionon Children's Story Compre- hension". In Journal of Educational Psychology, 75(1): 128-137. Bertolini, P., Manini, M., Eds. (1988). Iftgli della TV. Florence: La Nuova Italia. Bianchi, J. (1990). "La promesse du feuilleton". In Reseaux, 39: 7-18. Brice, J. (1987). "Family Time and Television Use". In T.R. Lindlof, Ed. Natural Audience:Qualitative Research of Media Uses and Effects. Norwood: Ablex. Cardarello, R. (1986). "Incomprensioni di un cartone animato alla TV: itinerari delleinformazioni perdute". In Ikon-Ricerche sulla comunicazione, 13: 35-68. Caron, A.H., Jolicoeur, A.E. (1996). Systemized Summary of Canadian Regulations Concerning Children and the Audiovisual Industry. Montreal: Centre for Research and Development Policies. Caron, A.H., Meunier, D. (1995). "L'enfant et l'environnement familial captifs des medias?L'experience canadienne". In Recherches Sociologiques, 26(1): 55-72.

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Caron, A:H., Meunier, D. (1998). "Dynamiques familiales et habitudes techno-mediatiques: une question de mediation". In Revue quebecoise de psychologie, 19(1): 151-169. Caronia, L. (1997). Costruire la conoscenza. Interazione e inteipretazione nella ricerca in cameo educativo. Florence: La Nuova Italia. Caronia, L., Gherardi, V. (1991). La pagina e lo schermo. Florence: La Nuova Italia. Casetti, F., Ed. (1995). L'ospte fisso. Televisione e mass media nelle famiglie italiane. Torino: San Paolo. Casetti, F., Lasorsa, M., Pezzini, I. (1985). "Per una microstoria del consumo dell'audiovisivo". In Ikon. Ricerche sulla comunicazione, 11: 69-210. Casetti, F., Lasorsa, M., Pezzini, I. (1986). "Per una microstoria del consumo dell'audiovisivo". In Ikon. Ricerche sulla comunicazione, 12: 129-205. Lemish, D. (1987). "Viewers in Diapers: The Early Development of Television Viewing". In T.R. Lindlof, Ed. Natural Audience: Qualitative Research of Media Uses and Effects. Norwood: Ablex. Lindlof, T.R., Mayer, T.P. (1987). "Mediated Communication as Ways of Seeing, Acting, and Construct- ing Culture: The Tools and Foundations of Qualitative Research". In T.R. Lindlof, Ed. Natural Audience: Qualitative Research of Media Uses and Effects. Norwood: Ablex. Lull, J. (1980). "The Social Use of Television". In Human Communication Research, 6: 197-209. Lull, J. (1987). "Audience, Text and Context". In Critical Studies on Mass Communication, 4: 318- 322. Lull, J. (1991). Inside Family Viewing. Ethnographic Research on Television Audience. London: Routledge. Lumbelli, L. (1994). "Catturare I processi di compensione di testi televisivi". In Ikon. Ricerche sulla comunicazione, 28: 41-93. Mancini, P. (1993). Guardando it telegiornale. Per una etnografia del consumo televisio. Torino: Nuova Eri. Meringoff, L. (1980). "Influence of the Medium on Children's Story Apprehension". In Journal of Educational Psychology, 72(2): 240-249. Messaris, P. (1987). "Mothers' Comments to Their Children about the Relationship between Television and Reality". In T.R. Lindlof, Ed. Natural Audience: Qualitative Research of Media Uses and Effects. Norwood: Ablex. Morley, D. (1989). "Changing Paradigms in Audience Studies". In E. Seiter, H. Borchers, G. Kreutzner, E. Warth, Eds. Remote Control: Television Audience and Cultural Power. London: Routledge. Morley, D. (1992). Television, Audiences and Cultural Studies. London: Routledge. Morley, D., Silverstone, R. (1991). "Communication and Context: Ethnographic Perspectives on the Media Audience". In K. Bruhn Jensen, N.W. Jankowski, Eds. A Handbook of Qualitative Method- ologies for Mass Communication. London, New York: Routledge. Proulx, S., Maillet, D. (1998). "La construction ethnographique des publics de television". In S. Proulx, Ed. Accuse de reception. Le telespectateur construit par les sciences sociales. Sainte-Foy: Presses de L'Universite Laval. Weintraub Austin, E., Roberts, D.F., Nass, C.I. (1990). "Influences of Family Communication on Children's Interpretation Processes". In Communication Research, 17(4): 545-564.

329 BEsT CopyAVAj The Internet and the Family The View of U.S. Parents

Joseph Turow with Lilach Nir

The Internet has been spreading rapidly to U.S. households, but researchers have barely begun to understand its spread, use and consequences in the home. The Annenberg School for Communication has embarked on a number of studies on this topic. This article presents findings from our national telephone survey on the Internet and the family, the first of its kind in the United States. Through the survey, we sought to delve deeper than previous research into parents' attitudes and beliefs about the Internet and the potential impact this new phenomenon is having on their children and the entire family unit; understand how parents who have the Internet at home are coping with the potential uses and abuses of this new technology that is rapidly becoming a fixture in people's lives; and begin identifying factors that contribute to, and even predict, why parents in some computer households subscribe to an online service and others do not. By limiting the research to families with computers, our analysis could look beyond the number one obstacle to being online: having the discre- tionary income necessary to have a computer. The Roper Starch Worldwide research organization conducted the interviews, based on a set of questions prepared at the Annenberg School for Communica- tion. 1,102 parents in households with at least one working computer and at least one child between ages 8 and 17 were interviewed by phone between November 121h and December 20th, 1998.1 Our findings reveal that the rush to connect the Web to American homes is happening despite parents' substantial insecurity. In certain ways, the fears parents have revealed to us are similar to the fears parents have expressed during introduction of the movies, broadcast television, and cable TV. But the concerns are not merely repeats of past litanies.

331 Joseph Turow with Lilach Nir

For example, over 75 percent of parents in computer householdsare "strongly" or "somewhat" concerned that their children might giveaway personal information on the Internet, and an equal percentage fear children might view sexually explicit material. Nearly two thirds of parents believe the Internet can cause their children to become isolated. Meanwhile, parents also believe that the Internet isan essential tool with positive potential. For instance, 75 percent say the Internet isa place for children to discover fascinating, useful things, 72 percent say the Internet helps their children with their schoolwork, and more than half of theparents feel children without Internet access are at a disadvantage compared to theirpeers. We found that parents are particularly nervous about two features of Web programming they haven't seen in broadcast or cable television: its wide-open nature and its interactivity. Parents fear the Web for its unprecedentedopen- nessthe easy access by anybody to sexuality, bad values, and commercialism. They also fear the Web for its unprecedented interactivenaturethe potential for invading a family's privacy and for adults taking advantage of children. These fears are heightened among many parents because they don't believe they understand the technology well enough to make the bestuse of it. Yet they believe their children need it. The followingpages present these and other findings of the study in some detail.

The study and the population Table 1 presents basic demographic characteristics ofour population of 1,102 parents. As mentioned, all have computers and children aged 8-17. In the table, the population is divided into those whose householdsare and aren't online. The main difference between the two groups relates withrespect to online households' higher income. Another difference is thatparents in online households have higher education. While income and education differences between the twoare noteworthy, they don't seem to be big or consistent enough to explain whysome computer households are online and others are not. Considering that 12percent of the online parents and 8 percent of those not online at home refusedto reveal their income bracket, the differences between the twogroups may not even be as large as their answers suggest. Later we willsee that parents' income and education are not, in fact, major predictors of whetheror not a computer household is online. Before doing that, however,we will examine what both groups of parents say and do about themselves, their kids and the online world.

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Table 1. Parents with children aged 8-17 and computers at home ( %)

Online at home Not online

Sex Male 47 46 Female 53 54

Age 20-29 4 3 30-44 60 66 45-59 33 28

60 or older 1 2

Race White 86 81 African American 5 8 White Hispanic 5 6

Black Hispanic 1 1

Asian 1 1

Native American 1 1 Other 2 2

Married 86 84

Employed 88 87

Number of children, aged 8-17 One 47 43 Two 37 36 Three 11 15" Four or more 5 6

Last education degree Grade school or less 1" Some high school 4 7 High school graduate 25 34" Some college 27 29 College graduate 26 19* Post graduate 18 10*

Yearly income Less than $30,000 8 14 * $30,000 - $49,999 23 29 * $50,000 $74,999 25 31 ' $75,000 or more 32 18 * No answer 12 8 n = 676 426

Note: * indicates that the row difference is statistically significant. When numbers add up to more than 100%, it is because of rounding error. The margin of error is +1- 4%.

Parents and the online world An overwhelming majority of "online" and "offline" parents have used computers. The difference between the two groups is much greater when it comes to the ability to navigate the Web. While 96 percent of the online parents said they had "ever gone online", only a bit over half of the offline parents said that. And while only 27 percent of the online parents called themselves beginners, 42

333 315 Joseph Turow with Lilach Nir

percent of the offline parents who have gone online at all dubbed themselves beginners. This means that 68 percent of all the offlineparents have either never used the Web or consider themselves neophytes with the Internet. On average, online parents have had the Web at home 1.8years. They are likely to use the Web at home fairly frequently. 23percent said they use it every day, with 30 percent saying they use it every other dayor every few days. Their use of the Web outside the home tends to revolve around work. Offline parents' relative dearth of Web experience shows up not only in their inabilityto access it at home but also in their comparatively low use of the Web at work or elsewhere outside the home. Only 32 percent used the Webat work "during the past month", and only 16 percent said they used it anywhere else. Despite their major differences in uses of the Web, therewere remarkable similarities between online and offline parents in their attitudes about theWeb and in their supervision of children regarding the Web. In fact, eachgroup of online parents has a corresponding group of offlineparents that is more similar to it than the other online groups. To see how this works,we look at the views of parents in each segment.

The views of parents from online homes All the parents in our survey were presented 21statements about the Internet and children with a Likert type 5-point scale ranging from"agree strongly" to "disagree strongly". The statements included 8 favorable assertions about the Web, 8 unfavorable assertions about the Web and 5 opinions about theInternet's practical utility for their households. We used cluster analysisto discover if all online parents fit one profile in theiranswers to these statements or if there is diversity among them regarding their attitudes toward the Web. Themean of replies to the scale was calculated for each question. Positive deviationsfrom the mean reply indicate group agreementto the statement. As Figure 1 shows, we found three groups of onlineparents with startling differences in the six statements that deviate most from themean. We label the groups "online worriers", "disenchanted" and "gung-ho parents". Table 2 notes their agreement to the statements in terms ofpercentages. Here are their major characteristics:

Online worriers (39% of online parents) These parents are more concerned than those in the othertwo groups about the effects that the Internet might haveon their children and their families. "Online worriers" show aboveaverage agreement with the statements that deal with issues of values and social isolation. 72percent agree that children's exposure to the Internet may interfere with family values and beliefs. 88 percent agree that_going _online might lead to the child's isolation. Two thirds (66%) agree it could lead to anti-social behavior by the child.

334 The Internet and the Family

Figure 1.Groups of online parents based on their views of the Web

Deviation from the mean Mean Online worriers

My children's exposure to the Internet might interfere with the values and beliefs I want to teach them. 0.90 2.83 Families who spend a lot of time online talk to each other less than they otherwise would. 0.89 3.12 Going online too often might lead children to become isolated from other people. 0.84 3.43 Children who spend too much time on the Internet develop anti-social behavior. 0.80 2.90 I often worry that I will not be able to explore the Web with my children as well as other parents do. 0.62 2.17 Having Internet access at home is really for children whose parents know a lot about computers. 0.53 2.59

Disenchanted

Children who do not have Internet access are at a disadvantage compared to their peers who do have Internet. -1.43 3.38 Access to the Internet at home helps my children with their school work. -1.09 4.29 The Internet can bring my children closer to community groups and churches. -0.97 2.82 The Internet can help my children learn about diversity and tolerance. -0.93 2.75 The Internet is a safe place for my children to spend time. -0.86 2.75 I have better things to do with my money than spend it going online. 0.80 2.48

Gung-ho parents

My children's exposure to the Internet might interfere with the values and beliefs I want to teach them. -0.97 2.83 Families who spend a lot of time online talk to each other less than they otherwise would. -0.93 3.12 Going online too often might lead children to become isolated from other people. -0.91 3.43 Children who spend too much time on the Internet develop anti-social behavior. -0.83 2.90 I have better things to do with my money than spend it going online. -0.73 2.48 The Internet is a safe place for my children to spend time. 0.57 2.75

BEST COPYAVAILABLE 335 01. Joseph Turow with Lilach Nir

Table 2. Percentage of online parents who agree "strongly" or "somewhat" with statements about the Internet (%)

Online Disen- Gung- Total worrier chanted ho

Access to the Internet helps my children with their schoolwork. 84 92 53 * 93 Online, my children discover fascinating useful things they never heard of before. 81 87 58 * 88 I am concerned that children give out personal information about themselves when visiting web sites or chat rooms. 77 88 87 60 * I am concerned that my child/children might view sexually explicit images on the Internet. 76 86 87 59* Children who do not have Internet access are at a disadvantage compared to their peers who do have Internet access. 68 79 22* 83 Going online to often might lead children to become isolated from other people. 60 88" 60 * 33' The Internet can help my children learn about diversity and tolerance. 60 65 28 * 72 People worry too much that adults will take advantage of children on the Internet. 57 56 56 59 Families who spend a lot of time online talk to each other less than they otherwise would. 48 77 * 47 * 21 * My children's exposure to the Internet might interfere with the values and beliefs I want to teach them. 42 72 * 44 * 11 ' Children who spend too much time on the Internet develop anti-social behavior. 40 66* 37" 16' The Internet is a safe place for my children to spend time. 40 39* 13' 56' The Internet can bring my children closer to community groups and churches. 37 39* 9* 50* Having Internet access at home is really for children whose parents know a lot about computers. 34 49* 27 22 It is expensive to subscribe to an Internet service. 29 37 36 17* I have better things to do with my money than spend it going online.28 34" 52 * 8* My family can get access to the Internet from other places so we do not really need it at home. 23 30 * 32 6* I often worry that I won't be able to explore the web with my children as well as other parents do. 21 37* 10 11 I do not mind when advertisers invite my children to web sites to tell them about their products. 21 20* 9* 29' My children are not interested in having an Internet connection at home. 15 18' 27* 6 My computer is not powerful enough to handle the Internet well. 15 20 * 13 10

n = 676

Note: means that the percentage difference is statistically significant from the percentages of the two other parent groups in the row.

336 The Internet and the Family

But these concerns are balanced by a belief in the benefits of connecting to an online service. These peoplea majority of whom have had an Internet connection at home for a year or moreare also convinced that there is real value for their kids having access from home: Nearly eight in ten (79%) agree that children without Internet access are disadvantaged. More than nine in ten (92%) agree access helps children with their homework.

Disenchanted (22% of online parents) While "online worriers" are convinced of both the happy and scary elements of the Web, "disenchanted parents" are not at all sure of the Internet's value for their kids. Unlike the other two groups with Web experience, "disenchanted parents" reject the common wisdom that access to the World Wide Web is a near-necessity for students to succeed today. "Disenchanted parents" are much more likely than other online parents to reject the notion that kids learn useful and fascinating things on the Internet. In addition, unlike the others, these parents disagree that the Internet helps with bringing children closer to community groups or that it can help children learn about diversity and tolerance. "Disenchanted parents" are even more despairing than the "online worriers" when it comes to seeing the World Wide Web as a safe haven for exploration. 77 percent disagree somewhat or strongly that the Internet is a safe place for kids. Clearly this group is not sold on the inherent value of the Internet experience for their children. The pattern of answers suggests thatdisenchanted parents keep the Web more because they think it has become a requirement for up-to-date families in the late twentieth century than because they think it will bring great benefit.

Gung-ho parents (39% of online parents) "Online worriers" and "disenchanted parents" together comprise 61 percent of those with Web connections at home. "Gung-ho parents", who are highly positive about the Web, comprise the other 39 percent. What places these people in a separate group is not their strong belief in the Internet's positiveeffects; "online worriers" respond that way, too. Rather, "gung-ho parents" stand out because in large numbers they reject nearly all statements about the Internet's alleged negative effects. 78 percent disagree that their children's exposure to the Internet might interfere with the values and beliefs they want to teach their kids. That contrasts with 18 percent of the "worriers" and 46 percent of the "disenchanted parents" who disagree. "Gung-ho parents" have had an online connection longer than other online parents. (51 percent have been connected from home for two years or more, compared to only a third of either of the other two groups.) They are more likely themselves to go online every day from work, and somewhat more likely to rate themselves as advanced or expert users. These parents seem to have

337 Joseph Turow with Lilach Nir

assimilated the Internet into their homesas a benign, beneficial new technology.

Parent supervision regarding the Internet We found that the three different parent groups' beliefsabout the Internet's influence associated with statistically significantdifferences in their actions. "Online worriers" were consistentlymore likely than the others to supervise their children and to exercise the strictest supervision. "Disenchantedpar- ents" were next, with "gung-ho parents" coming last. In devising the survey, we recognized that parents'approaches to their children regarding the Web might dependon the age and/or sex of a particular child. As it turns out, the child'ssex does not play a statistically significant role in parents' answers. Age (range 8-17, median= 12, mean = 13.2) sometimes does. In parents' reports, younger and older childrendiffered statistically when it came to whether or not theyever went online; 93 percent of the older children have done it, while a smaller (but still very large) 81 percent of theyounger ones have gone on the Web. Looking at parents' reports of the children who did go online from home, therewere no age-related statistical differences in usage. As for going online out of home, 36percent of the parents of younger children said their kids had done it "during thepast month", while 48 percent of the parents of older children reported that theyhad used the Web outside the home. Table 3 indicates that schoolwas the most popular location, with friends' houses second and the public library third.Doing homework and e- mail were the most common task for the older kids,while playing games came first for younger ones, with homework secondsee Table 4.

Table 3. From where has the child (with the mostrecent birthday) gone online outside of home? (We) Asked of parents with online connections at home whosay that the child has gone online outside of home in the past month.

Age 8-12 Age 13-17 School 76 83 Public library 14 12 At a job 1 3 A friend's/relative's house 20 28 Local college/college libraries/community services/museum 2 Church

Other mentions 2 Don't remember 1 1 n= 115 173

Note: None of the row differences is statistically significant. Numbers don't addto 100% because multiple answers were acceptable.

338 The Internet and the Family

Table 4. What two activities does the child (with the most recent birthday) most do online? ( %) Asked of parents with online connections at home who say the child goes online at home.

Age 8-12 Age 13-17

Do homework 27 38 * Conduct research 26 22 Send and receive e-mail 18 28 Play games or puzzles 32 14

Participate in chat rooms 11 25 * Surf to discover things he/she never heard of before 12 12 Read online magazines or newspapers 6 5 Create a web site about her/himself or hobby 5 4 Listen to music 2 6* Visiting museums or cultural sites 2 2

Buy things 1 3

Participate in community or religious groups 1 Conduct business Other mentions 6 3 Don't know 7 3 n= 259 332

Note:indicates that the row difference is statistically significant. Numbers don't add to 100% because multiple answers were acceptable.

Most parents are quite sure they keep up with their children's Web activities, both in and out of home. As Table 5 shows, the percentage of confident parents did change with the child's age and whether the online computer was at home or out of home. Both groups of parents were more likely to feel confident of their knowledge if the Web activities were in- rather than out- of the home. And parents of the younger children were more likely than parents of older ones to believe they know where their kids go in the virtual world. But, as Table 5 also indicates, the sense by most parents that they understand their children goes beyond their assertions about their Web habits. Most parents also state that they talk to their children frequently or sometimes about their online activities, and most say they trust their kids to do the right thing on the Web. What's more, when asked whether they argue with their child about their Internet use, a huge percentage said no.

321 339 Joseph Turow with Lilach Nir

Table 5. Parents' confidence in, trust in and discussions with children about being online ( %) Asked of online parents regarding the child with most recent birthday.

Age 8-12 Age 13-17 Confidence about child's online activities out of home Very confident 75 55* Somewhat confident 19 33* Confidence about child's online activities at home Very confident 86 69* Somewhat confident 8 26 * Child talks to parent about online activities Frequently 54 46* Sometimes 23 37* Trust in child's online behavior

Complete 58 61 Some 31 34 n = 319 357

Note:'"indicates that the row difference is statistically significant.

An obvious question arises: If somany of these parents are knowledgeable, trusting, communicative and non-combative with their kids, whyare so many of them worried about the Web and their children? Theanswer seems to be that while parents trust their children, they donot trust the Web. Perhaps from discussions with other parents, perhaps from personalexperience, they have come to believe that a substantial part of the Internet has the potential of invading children's privacy while preyingon them sexually and commercially. Table 6 indicates the extent to which theparents set rules for their specific child's navigation of cyberspace. A consistently higherpercentage of parents noted rules for younger children than olderones. Most parents of both younger and older children said they have rules regarding particularsites to visit, the time of day for going online, the amount of timespent online, and what the child can do online. Parents of theyoung children are more likely than parents of the older kids to require the childto have an adult around when going online. Going online only for schoolwork isa rule that the great majority of parents of both age groups reject, perhaps because they consider ittoo con- straining for their children.

340 The Internet and the Family

Table 6. Types of rules parents set for a child when the child goes online ( %) Asked of online parents regarding the child with most recent birthday who goes online at home.

Age 8-12 Age 13-17

The sites (child) visits online 84 71 * The time of day or night he/she is allowed to go online 84 68* The kind of activities the child performs oniine 78 70* The amount of time spent online 63 55 Going online only with an adult, be it from home or outside of home 73 29* Being online only at home 49 35* Only going online if it is relevant for schoolwork 30 21 * n= 259 332

Note:indicates that the row difference is statistically significant. Numbers don't add to 100% because multiple answers were allowed.

Table 7 indicates the extent to which the parents use certain methods "to protect their children from negative .influences of the Internet". Weasked the respondents to think of all their children when they gave answers, so the age of the specific child that some questions asked about does not apply here. Over- whelmingly, parents told us that they do set rules and that they "keep an eye on what the child is doing" when he/she is online. We found, however, that parents are much less likely to say they get involved in restrictiveregulations that require direct intervention in their kids' Internet use. Perhaps because of ignorance, they are also unlikely to use computertechnology to control their children's Web-surfing behavior. Still, a substantial minority of the online parents 31 percentdid say they use a Net Nanny-type program that guards children's access to sites.

Table 7. Methods parents in online households use to protect their children from negative influences on the Internet ( %) Asked of online parents.

Age 8-12 Age 13-17

Set rules that the child needs to follow when being online 86 80 Keep an eye on what that child is doing when he/she is online. 88 73 Do not allow the child to go online except with a parent present 67 29 Use protective software such as Net Nanny that guards children's access to sites 35 27' Deny children online access at home 24 17

n = 319 357

Note: * indicates that the row difference is significant. Numbers don't add to 100% because multiple answers were allowed.

341 v.Cif 4 (In Joseph Turow with Lilach Mr

The views of parents from homesnot online Parents from computer households withoutthe Web worry about their kids' use of the Web outside the home. 43 percent ofparents of younger children said their children go to the Web outsidethe home. This is thesame percentage as online parents. When it came to olderyoungsters (ages 13-17), the percentage of offline parents saying their kidsuse the Net outside home is actually higher than the reports by onlineparents61 percent to 48 percent. The reports by parents of where theirchildren go online are quite similar. We did not ask parents without the Web whattheir children most like to do online. That is unfortunate because offlineparents are similar to online parents in their confidence that they know whattheir children are doingon the Net outside the home. Most offlineparents also state that they talk to their children frequently or sometimes about their onlineactivities, and most say they trust their kids to do the right thingon the Web. We asked parents withouta Web link at home whether they think the child with the most recent birthday would be likelyto use a home connection if the household had one. 88percent answered yes, and only 6 percent said they would prohibit the child from doingso. We then asked the other 94 percent about rules they might have for thosechildren. Their answersvery much parallel those of parents with the Webat home. That is, the offline parents would embrace rules that limit the time kidsspend online, the times of day theygo online and the kinds of activities they doonline.

The beliefs of parents without home connections When it comes to expressed beliefs aboutthe Web, a higher percentage of parents without the Web at homeare pessimistic compared to those with the Web at home. Offlineparents are also less likely to agree strongly (as opposed to agreeing "somewhat") regarding the goodpoints of the Web, and theyare more likely to disagree strongly (as opposedto disagreeing "somewhat") regarding the bad aspects of the Web.However, as with the online parents,our cluster analysis found three dramaticallydifferent groups among the offline parentssee Figure 2. As a comparison between Figures 1 and2 shows, each group has a corresponding group of onlineparents that is similar in beliefs about the Internet and the family.Here are the offline groups and their major characteristics:

Offline worriers (41% of offline parents) Comparing Figures 1 and 2, and Tables 2 and8, we find that "online" and, "offline worriers" share four of thesix statements that most signal the personality of their groups. The statements reflectconcerns about the Web. 88 percent of the "offline worriers" (and 72percent of the "online worriers")agree that children's exposure to the Internetmight negatively impact family values and beliefs. 79 percent of the "offlineworriers" (and 77 percent of the "onlinewor- riers") agree the Internet will stealfamily time. More than 91percent of the

342

117 e; A!, The Internet and the Family

Figure 2.Groups of parents not online based on their views of the Web

Deviation from the mean Mean Offline worriers

My children's exposure to the Internet might interfere with the values and beliefs I want to teach them. 0.78 3.51 Families who spend a lot of time online talk to each other less than they otherwise would. 0.65 3.64 I often worry that I will not be able to explore the Web with my children as well as other parents do. 0.64 2.58 Going online too often might lead children to become isolated from other people. 0.62 3.76 Children who do not have Internet access are at a disadvantage compared to their peers who do have Internet. 0.53 2.96 Access to the Internet at home helps my children with their school work. 0.50 3.49

Bah humbugs

Children who do not have Internet access are at a disadvantage compared to their peers who do have Internet. -1.22 2.96

The Internet can help my children learn about diversity and tolerance. -1.20 3.15 Access to the Internet at home helps my children with their school work. -1 17 3.49 The Internet can bring my children closer to community groups and churches. -1.13 2.68 Online my children discover fascinating useful things they never heard of before. -0.90 3.87

My children are not interested in having an Internet connection at home. 0.67 2.50 The Internet is a safe place for my children to spend time. -0 62 2.29

Ready-to-go parents My children's exposure to the Internet might interfere with the values and beliefs I want to teach them. -1.42 3.51 Families who spend a lot of time online talk to each other less than they otherwise would. -0.97 3.64 Going online too often might lead children to become isolated from other people. -0.94 3.76 I have better things to do with my money than spend it going online. -0 86 3.40 The Internet is a safe place for my children to spend time. 0 83 2.29 Children who spend too much time on the Internet develop anti-social behavior. -0.80 3.27

BEST COPYAVAILABLE 343 Joseph Turow with Lilach Nir

Table 8. Percentage of offline parents whoagree "strongly" or "somewhat" with statements about the Internet

Offline Bah Ready- Total worrier humbug to-go I am concerned that my child/children might view sexually explicit images on the Internet. 82 95* 83" 63* I am concerned that children give out personal information about themselves when visiting web sites or chatrooms. 81 92* 79' 71 Going online too often might lead children to become isolated from other people. 70 91 * 68* 44* Online, my children discover fascinating, useful things they never heard of before. 65 76 39 * 79 My children's exposure to the Internet might interfere with the values and beliefs I want to teach them. 60 88* 68" 13' People worry too much that adults will take advantage of children on the Internet. 59 66 51' 60 Families who spend a lot of time online talk to each other less than they otherwise would. 59 79* 60' 30* My family can get access to the Internet from other places so we do not really need it at home. 58 55 71 * 49 I have better things to do with my money than spend it going online. 54 64 65 30 * Access to the Internet helps my children with their schoolwork. 53 65 22 * 68 The Internet can help my children to learn about diversity and tolerance. 47 58 13* 68 Children who spend too much time on the Internet develop anti-social behavior. 45 59 * 46* 24 * Children who do not have Internet access are ata disadvantage compared to their peers who do have Internet access. 43 60 7* 56 * It is expensive to subscribe to an Internet service. 39 43 44 29' Having Internet access at home is really for children whose parents know a lot about computers. 38 55 * 31 * 21 * The Internet can bring my children closer to community groups and churches. 32 37* 4* 54' My children are not interested in having an Internet connection at home. 31 30* 45' 19' My computer is not powerful enough to handle the Internetwell. 29 31 22 34 I often worry that I won't be able to explore the web with my children as well as other parents do. 29 49' 11' 19* The Internet is a safe place for my children to spend time. 26 21* 9* 50* I do not mind when advertisers invite my children to Websites to tell them about their products. 19 21 10' 27 n= 426

Note: * means that the percentage difference is statistically significantfrom the percentages of the two other parent segments in the row. Bold numbers signify that the difference is statistically significantfrom the percentage of the corresponding segment of online parents in Table 2.

344 The Internet and the Family

"offline worriers" (88 percent of the "online" ones) agree that the Web might isolate a child. The percentage of "offline worriers" who acknowledged anxiety about the Web was consistently higher than their "online" counterparts. "Online worriers", however, revealed a higher level of anxiety. On the statements of concern (agree or disagree "strongly") the "online worriers" had a greater deviation from the mean than did their "offline" counterparts.

Bah humbugs (30% of offline parents) Like the online_ "disenchanted parents", the second group of-offline parents labeled "bah humbugs", does not accept the hype about the wonders of the Web. "Bah humbugs" reject both that the Net is a necessary tool for school and the idea that people coming together online is going to make this a better world. 63 percent of the "bah humbugs" (and 50 percent of their online "disenchanted" counterparts) disagree that the Net is a tool for teaching about diversity and tolerancewhile disagreement of the other offline and online clusters is closer to 20 percent and 10 percent, respectively. Only 22 percent of the "bah humbugs" accept the notion that "access to the Internet helps my children with their school work", compared to about 66 percent of other groups of offline parents.

Ready-to-go parents (29% of offline parents) We named the third segment of offline parents "ready-to-gos" because the beliefs they expressed reflect a strong favorable attitude toward having the Web in the home. In fact, the statements that most distinguished this group from the two other offline groups create a profile that is uncannily similar to the "gung- ho" group of online parents. A comparison between Figures 1 and 2 shows that the "gung-hos" and ready-to-gos" share every one of the six top-ranked statements, and in almost the same order. Like the "gung-ho" group, "ready-to-go parents" don't accept the common wisdom that the Internet might hurt their kids or families, and they don't begrudge the money it costs to subscribe. Only 11 percent of "ready-to- go parents" (and only 13 percent of "gung-ho parents") agree that exposure to the Internet might interfere with their family values and beliefs. Nevertheless, the similarity in attitudes between the "gung-ho" and "ready- to-go parents" is remarkable, and it begs asking why many of these people (at least the aforementioned 61 percent) aren't connected already. In fact, the similarities between the other two online and offline groups also lead one to wonder what factors drive some parents in computer households to connect their families to cyberspace while others do not.

345 Joseph Turow with Lilach Nir

Factors predicting whether households with computers have the Internet We did not find their household income, education, computer ability, their spouse's education or any other demographic variables to be major predictors of online connections when the family already has a computer. Instead,a discriminant analysis found that the best predictors were five variables that describe the parent's experience with the Web outside the home and reflect their beliefs about the practical necessity of the Web in the home. Together, the following variables predict 38 percent of the variance a substantial amount with these sorts of datasee Table 9. Factor 1: "Have you [the parent] personally ever gone online?" The online and offline groups tended to givevery different answers to this question. 96 percent of the parents with online connections at home told us that they have gone online somewhere. By contrast, only 54 percent of the parents with no online connections at home said they have ever used the Internet. This variable is the highest 'predictor of the set. It suggests that parents' lack of experience with the Web outside the home is the most important single factor differentiating a computer household without the Web fromone with it.

The next four key predictors of online and offline households relate squarely to the way online and offline parents weigh the Internet pragmatically in their families' lives. Factor 2: "My family can get access to the Internet from other placesso we do not really need it at home." 58 percent of parents in offline households agree strongly or agree with this statement. Only 23 percent of online parents do. What we have here are fundamentally different perspectives about the practical necessity of bringing the Web into the home. Factor 3: "I have better things to do with my money than go online." 54 percent of offline parents say they have better thingsto do with their money than spend it going online. That's versus 60 percent of online parents who disagree that there are better uses for those online subscription fees. Thisre- sponse adds a second practical dimension to the calculus of decisions that online and offline parents make. The issue here does notseem to be one of basic affordability. The key phrase here is "better things". In the scheme of things, the Internet simply does not seem worth the price for offlineparents. Factor 4: "Access to the Internet at home helps children with their school work." Factor 5: "Children who do not have Internet access are at a disadvantage compared to their peers who do have Internet access."

346 f) tki4, 4) The Internet and the Family

These two final factors highlight an additional part of the Internet equation that many offline and online parents considerthe specific utility for their children. Like the third factor, these stand out not so much because offline parentsover- whelmingly disagreed with them. Rather, they poppedup as predictors because online parents seemed so overwhelmingly to accept them while offline parents were much less united.

Table 9. Variables correlating most with having an online connection at home

Variable Correlation* Have you ever personally gone online, that is, used the Internet, the World Wide Web, and/or e-mail. .697 My family can get access to the Internet from other places so we do not really need it at home. -.593 I have better things to do with my money than spend it going online. -.436 Access to the Internet at home helps children with their school work. .347 Children who do not have Internet access are at a disadvantage compared to their peers who do not have Internet access. .325

Note:These are pooled within-groups (online, not online) correlations between discriminating variables and standardized ca- nonical discriminant functions. Variables are ordered by absolute size of correlation with function.

In the face of concerns about the Web and kids, parents conducta cost benefit analysis that weighs the benefits they perceive against their assessment of what their families would lose by not having it. Our data beginto suggest that it is the parent's lack of experience using the Internet outside the home thatmay make them more likely to downplay its utility in the face of worries about children and the Internet. By contrast, worried parents who have had repeated Web experience at work, in friends' homes or at public librariesmay decide that despite their fears an online connection is on balance useful for their family. But why do "disenchanted parents" continue their home links? Itmay be that they see the technology as a new kind of social leveler. That is, theymay feel that while it isn't what it's cracked up to be, the Internet nevertheless is necessary if they and their children are to keep up with The Joneses.

Concluding remarks Our findings raise a number of policy issues. Here it may be useful to bringup three research directions that we are pursuing in order to fill holes inour understanding of ways families deal with the new Internet realities.

Parents' experiences with the Web The present study highlights the importance of experience and pragmaticas- sessments by parents regarding the utility of the Web. In view of this finding,

347 Joseph Turow with Lilach Nir

we are trying to learn more about parents' experiences around the Web outside the home. Is it the case, as we expect, that people whose householdsare online tend to have experience with the Web at work before getting it at home? How much of the decision to get the Web at home relates to parents' needs as opposed to those of their children? And why do "disenchanted parents" keep the online connection at home?

What children do and say One of the startling findings of this study is how confident parents are that they know what their kids are doing online, at home and out. Well, is their confidence justified? What do youngsters tell us about their Web habits, and how does that compare to what their parents tell us? Compared to "online worriers" and "disenchanted parents", are "gung-ho parents" more or less likely topre- dict what their kids say? What do the similarities and differences tell us about tensions and misunderstandings between the generationsand about trends in Internet usage? Are children with off-line parents likely to go to sites that are different from children whose parents are "gung-ho" about the Weband are the kids likely to get less enjoyment out of it?

The Web and family lifestyles How does the Web fit into the entire intricate pattern of family activities? Do family members see it as leisure, work, or a combination of the two? Howare the rules that parents said they are setting down actually being implemented? Do parents with different beliefs about the Web's consequences act differently when it comes to laying down and enforcing rules? Do the children of "gung- ho", "online worrier" and "disenchanted parents" adopt their parents'perspectives on the Web? Do they act differently toward the Web as a result of it? There is much to puzzle out, and the answers are likely to change over time. We look forward to expanding on this research in the months tocome.

Note 1.At that time, 60 percent of U.S. households with children aged 8 to 17 had computers. Of those 61 percent were connected to the Internet.

348 r.e.n 3/4540 I) U.S. Adults and Kids on New Media Technology

National Public Radio, the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, and Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government made two national surveys on U.S. adults' and kids' perceptions of new media technology. The surveys were conducted through telephone surveys during November-December 1999 by International Communications Research. The first survey interviewed 1,506 adults 18 years or older, the second 625 children 10-17 years of age (both including an over-sample of African-Americans). The results are weighted to reflect the actual distribution in the nation.

Findings The first findings were released on February 29, 2000. Here is a small selection:1 African-American kids (44%) and kids from lower income households (41%) are considerably less likely to use a computer at home than white kids (76%) or kids from higher income families (83%). However, virtually the same percent of all kids have used a computer at school (55% of white kids, 60% of African-American kids, 56% of high-income kids, and 59% of low-income kids). Compared with adults (38%), more kids have trust in the information on the Internet (56%), and fewer kids than adults think that violent games is a problem with computers or the Internet (39% for kids, 56% for adults). More than half of adults (58%) say computers have led people to spend less time with their families and friends. The corresponding figure for children is 39 percent; instead, half of the kids (50%) say that computers hasn't made much difference in this respect. However, a majority of kids (61%) believe that the use of computers has led kids to spend less time outdoors, and 63 percent say they know kids who are addicted to video or computer games. About one third (31%) of kids aged 10-17 with computers at home say they have seen a pornographic web site, even by accident. This is truer for older

349 0 U.S. Adults and Kids on New Media Technology

users: 45 percent of those 14-17 years old compared with 15 percent of those 10-13 years old. About three-quarters of parents (76%) say they have rules about what their kids can do on the computer; however, fewer of theirown children (57%) mean that their parents have such rules. Slightly more than half of kids (53%) say their parents know "a lot" about the things they do and the sites they visit, but this ismore true for younger kids (67% of 10-13 year-olds) than for older kids (38% of 14-17 year-olds).

Note 1.Printed with the permission of National Public Radio. More results from the on-going projectare available at: http: / /www.npr.org/programs /specials /polls /technology

350

. "") !-4 *.No ' Kids Discuss Safetyon the Internet

Children's Expressl Editors: Katie Niepoth, 15 & Jennifer Val lier, 14 Reporters: Jessica Bess, 12, Anna Johnson, 13 & Brittany Martin,13

Whether kids are surfing the Net, chatting or just plain e-mailing,some people worry about the risks, including computer viruses, dangerous onlineconversa- tions and exposure to pornography. Others stress that ifyou use the Internet right you can have fun, get help withyour homework, and get information on just about anything you can imagine. A Children's Express team from the Marquette, Michigan, US bureau talked to a group of teen Internet users about their experiences. A similar discussion was held in the Washington, D.C., bureau:

Mariya McCormick, 14, Michigan: I use the Internet just to have fun and keep in touch withmy friends and my family.

Lars Larson, 13, Michigan: I use the Internet for research for school, e-mail and just looking aroundat stuff.

Chris Grondine, 14, Michigan: I go in the (chat) rooms right after school. There's notmany people and most of my friends are on there. Maybe around9or 10 o'clock there's a lot of different people, kind of strange people. There'snever a time that I'm using it that my parents aren't watching me so I don'tgo in any perverted rooms.

Brittany Martin, 13, D.C.: I've been online since '94. A lot of the stuff you have to actually be looking for to find it. If you're gonna find porn, it's probably because you went into Alta Vista and entered "sex + pictures".

351 Children's Express

Jerry Wourenmaa, 14, Michigan: My mom doesn't really know about all the stuff that the Internet holds, so there's no reason for her to be worried about it. I usually get to use it alone.

Lars: My parents aren't usually looking unless they just walk by and see what I'm doing.

Mariya: No one's ever around when I use the Internet. Around 10 or 11 it gets really freaky. The people get really sick and perverted. It's actually very scary.

Brittany: You should just know not to send out your address to people. I think parents should take some responsibility for the children at a young age, when they start getting on the Net, and say, "Don't do that. If someone is sending you their address, just move on." In a lot of cases, if you don't ask for people to meet you it's not gonna happen. If you're careful, it's gonna be OK.

Chris: One time, a guyhe was a lot older than I was, by about 20 yearskept following me around in the chat rooms. That was kind of scary for me because he wouldn't leave me alone.

Mariya: This one kid kept asking me what I was wearing and was being really sick. One time when I was on there some 50 year-old guy was hitting on me.

Jerry: It's kind of unsafeall of the pornographic e-mail you get all the time. Almost all the e-mail you get is usually porno. That's pretty bad, because it's so easy to visit one of those sites.

Brittany: Sometimes you just need to say, "Yeah, there are freaks who are gonna abuse this privilege, but it's an important privilege." We do [in the United States] have a First Amendment to the Constitution that says people have a right to freedom of speech. As soon as you start getting into censorship then you start getting into a terrible society where we aren't allowed to go around saying things.

352 ID1.)AI At Kids Discuss Safety on the Internet

Chris: When adults set up the computer so kids can't get into those porn sites, they limit you from a lot of other things that aren't like that for school research.

Mariya: If you can get on the master account you can alter the parental controls yourself.

Brittany: There are softwares that you can buy that do block certain web sites. Some come with lists pre-made. Those are bad because they block out lots of stuff that's actually useful. Like the National Organization for Women is blocked out on about three different software pieces because they think it deals too much with mature topics like rape, violence against women, things like that.

Note 'This article is an excerpt from a 1998 story by Children's Express, originally published through the New York Times News Service. Children's Express (CE) (www.cenews.org) is an international news service produced by reporters (ages 8 to 13) and editors (ages 14 to 18) for adult print, broadcast, and online media. Operating from working news bureaus or on travelling news teams, the approximately 650 CE journalists develop the angles and follow stories from inception through amplification. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CE operates US bureaus in New York City, New York; Washington, D.C.; and Marquette, Michigan. CE in the UK operates bureaus in London, Newcas- tle, Sheffield, and Birmingham. Bureaus are opening in Belfast, Northern Ireland, in fall 2000 and in Tokyo, Japan, in early 2001. Plans are underway to bring Children's Express to many other spots in the world, including Germany, South Africa, Vietnam, and California.

353 Opinions in Australia, Germany and the U.S. on Control of Misuse on the Internet

Jens Waltermann & Marcel Machill

On behalf of the Bertelsmann Foundation in Giitersloh, Germany, and in co- operation with the Australian Broadcasting Authority in Sydney, Australia, the Institut fur Demoskopie Allensbach completed a study in June, 1999, ascertain- ing the current views of the populations in Australia, Germany and the United States with regard to possible risks associated with the Internet and practical ways of selecting and controlling Internet content. The representative survey was conducted with 1,200 phone interviews in Australia, 1,423 subjects in Germany, and 1,003 subjects in the U.S. among the general population over 18 years of age. Due to the fact that fewer persons have Internet access in Germany (see below), the sample was disproportionally structured through an over-sampling of online users, why the study also can base its results on the judgement of similar proportions of subjects with Internet access in the United States 698 subjects, in Australia 718 subjects and in Germany 605 subjects. This article summarises a few of the main findings.'

Access to the Internet O Nine per cent of Germans aged 18 and over have access to the Internet at home (June 1999), as compared to 46 per cent of the adult population in the U.S. and 29 per cent in Australia. If direct access to the Internet means in their home, workplace or through other means, the figure is 14 per cent of Germans aged 18 and over, 70 per cent of the Americans and 60 per cent of the Australians. In all three countries, private Internet access is most common. The possibilities for children under 18 to access the Internet also differ considerably. 61 per cent of American parents and 55 per cent of Australian

355 3 3 6 Jens Waltermann & Marcel Machill

parents say that their children have Internet access at home, in schoolor elsewhere, whereas 18 per cent of the Germanparents make this claim. Despite the highly varied levels of personal experienceamong the general population, respondents in all three countries often displayan amazing degree of consensus when it comes to their attitudes towards theInternet and ideas as to how to deal with problematiccontent.

Risks In all three countries, the great majority of the populationand of Internet usersis convinced that while the Internet may entailmany advantages, it also has a number of inherent risks. The issue of protecting children andyoung people is emphasised much more greatly by the populations in Australia and the United States than in Germany, where the threat of "data privacy and the 'Big Brother' syndrome" is the predominantly perceived risk. Due to their lack of personal experience, many Germans have yet to form an opinion on the threats posed to children and young people by the Internet. When respondents do have personal experience with the Internet, their perception of the risks involved largely resembles that of respondents in the othertwo countries. As regards personal experience, one-fourth of the Internetusers in Aus- tralia, one-fourth of the users in Germany and 35per cent of the users in the U.S. have encountered inappropriate contentat some point during their Internet sessions. Most of these persons have encountered pornography, followed, with some distance, by depictions of violence, and politicalpropa- ganda. With respect to political propaganda,reports thus far are exclusively about radical right-wing content. The American and German populationsagree that many of the things being shown both on television and the Internet nowadaysare problematic. In addition, more than half of the Americans and Germans think this trend is going in a very disturbing direction. (These two questionswere not posed in Australia.)

At the same time, the majority of the population in all three countriesis convinced that they are not helpless in the face of thesenew developments in the traditional as well as the new media but that theycan protect themselves from unwanted content. A majority also believes that thereare ways for parents to prevent their children from viewinginappropriate contents or sites on the Internet.

356 Opinions in Australia, Germany and the U.S. on Control of Misuse on the Internet

Supervision There is a widespread desire to counter problematic content on the Internet. The overwhelming majority does not question that the legal authorities should increasingly interfere in cases where clearly illegal contents, such as child pornography, are concerned, and appeals for a clear expansion of police controls of illegal content on the Internet and prosecution of those responsible. However, given the global access to Internet content, many doubt whether the police would be able to effectively combat misuse. The assessment of who can best control misuse of the Internet displays strikingly different national perspectives. Internet users in the U.S. have greatest confidence in self-regulation, whereas Germans and Australians have comparatively great faith in the major online providers, while also, for example, citing web site producers and the courts to a greater degree than the Americans do. A high percentage of Australians also have confidence in government and independent agencies (Graph 1).

Graph 1.Supervision of Internet content ( %) Place the highest confidence in supervision by:

3 The major online providers 16 4

32 The courts, the legal authorities

28

2 Politicians

12

Internet users themselves 19 36 48 Other agencies, such as the government or 15 independent agencies 16 37

The producers of web sites, 13 Internet pages 33

Germany USA , Australia 1,,741 Question: "Who do you think would be most able to ensure the supervision and selection of Internet content, in whom would you have the most confidence?"

Basis: Germany, USA, Australiapopulation 18 years and older.

357 roMIT COPY AMIABLE Jens Waltermann & Marcel Machill

Rating and filtering Large majorities of the populations in all threecountries think it would be good if undesirablemessages could be filtered out automatically. About 90 per cent of all Internet users assessa proposed rating system, allowing users to filter out unacceptable web sites,as good and useful. The proposed system is one where the providershave to develop criteria for the classification of content thatare then accepted by the users.' The great importance whichInternet users attach to filtering systems is particularly evidenced by the finding thatabout one out of two userssay that an important criterion whenchoosing a suitable Internet provideris whether the provider offers sucha filtering system or not. Large majorities of the populations in all threecountries would also appre- ciate ratings that take children'sage into consideration, ratings comparable to those used for movies. Among parents theproportion that embraces this idea is even higher.

In all of the countries studied, there isconsiderable consensusalbeit with certain subtle distinctionsas to which content should be filtered outor blocked. Racist messages, and pornographyand sex scenes, are most frequently cited as types ofcontent that should be blocked by allmeans. Obscene language is also mentioned fairlyfrequently. Germans reject the glorification of violence, and right- and left-wing propaganda, to a much greater extent than Australians and Americans do, whofor their part object more strongly to being confronted with nudity (Graph 2). Women and older people in all three countrieswould filter Internet content more rigorously than men and particularlyyoung people would. The critical attitude towards depictionsof violence, pornography and nudity does not present an appeal fora rigorous censorship of all media content. Most are absolutely aware of the fact thata general ban on depictions of, for example, violence is hardlyin line with the principles ofa free society and would massively curtail the freeflow of information. Thema- jority wants to differentiate between violencethat is shown in an informative programme, suchas political news or sports reports, and violence in the context of entertainment.

Monitoring chat rooms, hotlines The Germansgiven their lack of personal experience ofInternethave little awareness thus far of the problemswhich children and young people may encounter in chat rooms. Germans who haveexperience with chat rooms support monitoring chat rooms to thesame degree as Americans do

358 Opinions in Australia, Germany and the U.S. on Control of Misuse on the Internet

Graph 2.Internet content that would be blocked by all means ( %)

X779 Racist messages 63 60

61 Depictions of violence 39 1 41

Pornography and sexual depictions

Radical right- or left-wing opinions/messages

Obscene language

Nudity

17';1Germany USA I I Australia Question: "There are also things on the Internet which are not actually illegal, but which some people consider unsuitable for themselves or their children and would like to black out or block access to. Other people don't think these things are unsuitable and would like to view them. If it were up to you, which contents would you personally block by all means, if it were technically possible, which would you only block under certain circumstances, and which wouldn't you block at all?"

Basis: Germany, USA, Australia - population 18 years and older.

(i.e., about 80 per cent of the American Internet users with children younger than 18). About two thirds of the populations in Australia and the United States, and about 80 per cent of the German population, think that hotlines which users could contact to report what they believe is dangerous Internet content, would be helpful. Many expect Internet service providers to set up hotlines of this kind. In addition, many Germans and Australians think governmental hotlines would be good, whereas Americans set more store by private initiatives.

359 ...it) 4 0 Jens Waltermann & Marcel Machill

Notes 1. A fuller report of the survey is included ina chapter in Jens Waltermann & Marcel Machill (Eds.): Protecting Our Children on the Internet. Towardsa New Culture of Responsibility. Giltersloh: Bertelsmann Foundation Publishers, 2000. 2.This system was concretely presented to the polled individualsas follows: "A system has now been developed that enables users to filter the Internetsites and pages they have access to in their homes. It works like this: all Internet providers mark theirpages with symbols indicating whether the page contains depictions of violence,sex or other such things. All Internet users can then set their computers at home so that certain topics and depictionsare automatically blacked out. Do you think this is a useful systemon the whole or don't you think so?" The Protection of Minors in the Public Opinion An Austrian Perspective

Ingrid Geretschlaeger

Communication is a means of transmitting information and developing culture. The mass media, and especially the electronic media, are channels through which our society communicates to an ever-growing extent. Thus, our introduction to the world and our experiences are increasingly obtained by watching television, going to the movies, listening to the radio, cassettes, discs or tapes, consuming advertisements in various settings, reading newspapers, using the Internet, etc. During recent years, Europe has seen an extensive discussion about legislation on the protection of minors, especially with regard to depictions of violence and sex in the electronic media and on the Internet. This prompted an intensive focus on, among other things, rating and filtering of media contents. Criteria must be developed for classifying audio-visual and other media products in member states of the European Union (EU). The bases for these discussions are: the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (celebrating its tenth year of existence in November 1999), including at least three articles of special concern for communication and the media: Articles 3, 13 and 17. the EU directive Television Without Frontiers (adopted in 1989 and amended in 1997), asking broadcasters to take measures to ensure that no programme might seriously impair the physical, mental and moral development of minors, and demanding support to parents and guardians in their task of controlling children's TV viewing. the EU Recommendation on the Protection of Minors and Human Dignity in Audiovisual and Information Services (1998), covering all electronic media and asking television and Internet service providers to try new methods of parental control (such as codes of conduct, filtering software, etc.) in addi-

361 Ingrid Geretschlaeger

tion to existing regulations, and also asking member states to promote the awareness of media issues among minors, parents, educators and teachers. the EU Green Paper on the Convergence of the Telecommunications, Me- dia and Information Technology Sectors, and the Implications for Regula- tion (launched in 1997 and adopted in 1999), mainly being concerned with ways to ensure self-regulation and responsibility among the providers of products in the electronic media sector. the EU Action Plan on Promoting Safer Use of the Internet (1998), dealing with fostering awareness programmes, initiating hot-lines, supporting self- regulation and developing rating and filtering systems in connection with the Internet. Let us ask a few questions about the intentions underlying the protection of minors. The answers will be derived from the above-mentioned documents and discussions in various European countries, and illustrated using results from a representative survey in Austria.' This study is focussedon opinions held by the adult population (15 years and over) concerning the protection of minors from various media contents. It was conducted via 1,000 face-to-face interviews in February and March 1999, and commissioned by the Alliance for Media Competence and the Austrian Board of Film Classification at the Austrian Ministry of Education and Culture. The results shown in the following graphs stem from this survey unless otherwise stated.

Who is in charge of protecting our minors? In each of the documents mentioned above, the protection of minors isseen as the responsibility of parents and guardians alike. But they needto be supported. Governments must supply the legislative basis that, in turn, must force the media to take their share of society's responsibility for minors. Support systems may include independent structures to issue classification guidelines, to monitor classification systems and self-regulation measures, etc. But also any concerned citizen might be active and ready to takeon responsibility. Figure 1 shows that the majority (64%) of the Austrian population iscon- vinced that protective measures with regard to the mediaare "necessary in all cases". Thus, almost two-thirds are strongly in favour of suchmeasures. An additional 28 per cent think they are "rather necessary". Altogether, 92percent are in favour of measures to protect minors. Looking at the results more closely (Figure 2),one finds that it is especially women (71%), elderly people (74%) and people living in households with children younger than 6 years of age (75%) who see the greatest need forprotec- tive measures. But even 61 per cent of people with no children share thesame concern. Younger people tend to see such measures as less important, but still more than half of the 15- to 29-year-olds state that they are "necessary in all cases" and 34 per cent think they are "rather necessary".

362 The Protection of Minors in the Public Opinion

Figure 1.Austrians' perceived necessity of measures to protect minors with regard to the media ( %)

Not at all necessary 2% Less necessary 6%

Rather necessary 28%

Necessary in all cases 64%

Figure2.Austrians'perceivednecessityof measurestoprotectminorswith regardto themedia,by gender,age,and typeofhousehold(%)

Percent 100 26- 21( 22 Z I 25- 26 31 32 34- 2 q '30=1 80 2

60

56 71 54 62 64 66 74 68 75 66 61 40

20

0 Men Women 15-29 30-3940-49 50-59 60 plus House- Children ChildrenNo Age holds up to 6 6-14children with children

Necessary in all cases I iA Rather necessary

What measures are being considered? There are various measures to ensure protection. Prohibition of access is the most oppressive measure. Offering material only in encoded or enclosed environments is also a very protective measure, and the same could be said of certain kinds of scheduling. More transparent is age classification as predomi-

363 1"., eit 1 ST' COPY AVARILABILE Ingrid Geretschlaeger

nantly applied at movies in cinemas, video cassettes and computer games measures intended to prevent children under certain ages from being exposed to certain media products. This measure not only requires classification of the product in question, but also a set of criteria for what is considered as harmful. These criteria depend on the sensitivity of each country's classification body and on something more complicated: publicly held values. Another measure is warnings. In Europe, warnings concerning television programmes are usually presented in TV guides or on the television screen, accompanied by acoustic and/or visual signs. (However, apart from in France, visual warnings are almost exclusively related to films.) More comprehensive descriptive labelling is sometimes used for video cassettes and CD-ROMs. Such descriptive information can include information about, for example, violence, sex, obscene or bad language and, occasionally, discrimination. It could take into consideration prerequisites for viewing that are specific to the content and target groups of a media content. This sort of consumer advice should work like food labelling, thus enabling the consumers to make individual decisions based on the information provided. On the other hand, it could also be misused as advertisements when produced by the industry itself. The V-chip as a technical device has been rejected in Europe. It is not considered technically feasible and, in a digital age, other models are preferred, such as ratings and more emphasis on media literacy education.2 Even if Euro- peans choose not to introduce the V-chip, the demand still exists for a harmo- nised classification or rating system, either for transborder viewing or for Internet services. The main problem appears to be agreement upon criteria acceptable to all European citizens. In the Austrian survey, the respondents were asked about their opinions as regards age classification, e.g., "possible for minors from the age of 10", more explicit recommendations, e.g., "especially suitable for children aged 6 plus", and content description for labelling of harmful material (Figure 3). Seventy- four per cent of the Austrians surveyed are positive to age classification. Fur- thermore, 49 per cent agree that it is sensible to use more explicit recommendations. Particularly parents with children under the age of 6 (61%) would like to see such recommendations. Preferences for recommendations are closely followed by preferences for more comprehensive content descriptions46 percent like that idea. Content description seems to be slightly more favoured by the 60+ age group (52%) than by other groups.

Whom are we going to protect? Thus, we have legal documents indicating the people in charge, and we have opinions on suitable measures. But whom are we going to protect from certain media outputs? In the given international and European contexts, children or minors are defined differently. In some countries, they can be up to the age of 12, 14, 15or

364 The Protection of Minors in the Public Opinion

Figure 3.Austrians' opinions about how to label harmful material (h)

Percent 100

80

60

40

20

0 Average 15-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60 plus House- Children Children No population Age holds up to 6 6-14 children with children

RecommendationIn'I Content description NM Age classification

16, and in others up to 18. In some countries, protective media measures for minors are related to various age groupsbut when parents are accompanying them, the age limit becomes irrelevant. In these cases, society only interferes when parental responsibility is lacking. Research often indicates the need for protection of children in problem situations, or stresses the fact that children in harmonious and supportive family environments are not endangered by media contents sometimes considered harmful. In Austria, we have an important age limit at 16 years (valid for presence in public, at cinemas and, since January 1999, also for television, with 10 p.m. being the watershed, the time before which everybody should be allowed to watch programmes). There is no exception from the age restrictions at cinemas when an adult is accompanying the minor. The age groups applied by the Austrian Board of Film Classification are "all ages", "6+", "10+", "12+", "14+" and "16". In the cinema context, Austrians prefer to be told what age group is allowed access and, therefore, what group would not generally risk any harm.

What are we protecting minors from? The most obvious fear expressed in European societies seems to be about the effects watching harmful media violence might have on actual behaviour. Child- ren should be protected from aggressive acts, as well as other injurious material, that might negatively affect their well-being. Other concerns expressed are, for example, about media's discrimination (in terms of, e.g., gender, race or

rs 365 0LiU BEST COPYAVAILEARS Ingrid Geretschlaeger

nationality), commercial exploitation, and about viewers' desensitisationto violent acts and subsequent lack of sympathy for victims ofany mistreatment.' Desensitisation could also be a consequence of bad language (including humiliation, cynicism, cliches, and stereotyping). Indecency and impededemo- tional development as expressed in the needto be "cool" are also emerging as topics of recent studies.' Figure 4 shows that most Austrians expressconcern and want information about media's portrayals of "violent acts/brutality" (85%) and "sexual acts" (79%), "drug consumption" (73%) and "alcohol abuse" (68%).5Furthermore, more than half of the respondents in the survey want information about "discrimination" and "bad language" in the media, of which the latterissue is of particular concern to parents ofyounger children.

Figure 4.Austrians' desired information about potentially harmful material (0/0)

Violent acts/brutality 85

Sexual acts 79

Drug consumption 73

Alcohol abuse t 68

Discrimination 55

Bad language

Action 3

Nothing of this kind

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 %

Why protect children from these elements? Why do we want to protect children from these mediacontents? First of all, there is definitely the overall idea of having toprotect children in an (unjust and competitive) adult society. It seemsas if today's childhood does not corre- spond to what we would like childhood to be. "Childhoodis the period of time in each person's life which society allocates for theprocess of training to become the kind of member that the society wants him/her to be. During this period different agencies of societyare expected to ensure that the child will be transformed into an adult in accordance with the adult-image acceptablein that society."6 Childhood is the period in which individualsare subject to a set of rules and regulations that are unique to them, that donot apply to members of other social categories. Children are neither expectednor allowed to fully participate in social life. Adults have the responsibility for children's welfare, butat the same time the right to control and supervise them.Dependency means

366 The Protection of Minors in the Public Opinion

weakness and that children can be forced to do what adults think is right. This position of weakness is usually not related to any real or potential strength a child might have. Only very special talents like child-stars in sports or media are freed from those restrictions. Another strong reason for protecting children is the concern about negative influences from the media. This is why so many research projects have dealt with the impact of media violence and comparatively few with the possibilities the various media might offer. Another societal concern is to act in the best interest of children, and to foster a positive development as early as possible. The creation of pre-school programmes in the 1960's brought about a trend to strongly support children's cognitive and social development. Thus, quality and learning would not leave room for negative influences. Obligations towards children and the right to control their activities are shared by the family and the society. Since the set of values and order of priorities of the family and those of the society are sometimes different, they constantly fall into conflict and need to be negotiated, when negotiation is possible. Given family arguments about media quality, children accept rules and guidelines and even restrictions on access to films on television, according to an Austrian study with 6- to 14- year olds.' The most obedient age group is the 6- to 8-year-old children. Those most aware of what is good for them are the 9- to 10-year-olds and those most strongly opposed are the 11- to 12-year-olds. Young teenagers no longer care so much. About half of them (46%) say that if they want to see something on television they will mange to do so even if their parents disagree (Figure 5). The situation concerning going to the movies is a little different, since the legislative power is stronger. But ways to escape the restrictions at the cinema are obvious: Especially the younger kids say that they can wait until the film comes out as a video or it is shown on televisionthen they can watch anything (52% of 6- to 8-year-olds and 60% of 9- to 10-year-olds). Among older children about half say they oppose and circumvent restrictions for seeing movies at the cinema (46% of the 11- to 12-year-olds and 52% of the 13- to 14-year-olds) (Figure 6). An additional reason for protecting children is the intention to foster awareness about children's needs, vulnerability and suggestibility. We must create an environment where children are well accepted and safe. Still another reason is to enable the audience to make informed choices, i.e., using measures that classify or label media products, and to motivate consumers to use their power to demand what they want and need from the media and to refuse what they do not want or find offensive. In Austria, the percentage of persons who would like to have more information about media contents is, as we have seen, generally high and they would like to find such information in previews, magazines or at the beginning of a movie. People are not uncertain about when this sort of information should

367 Ingrid Geretschlaeger

Figure 5.Austrian 6- to 14-year-olds' reactions to information about television films unsuitable for them ( %)

1 My parents do care and tell 17 me not to watch this film but I do what I want to

Information on the unsuitability is stupid because 20 adults get the idea to interfere

I especially look for such programmes

46 33 If I want to see something I will manage to do so

38 43 I do not care about such 20 things '";4)11 29

16 23 I do respect this and do not ."1 48 watch such a film 34 30

24 I do not care but my parents 34 do and therefore I watch 36 something else 59 39

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 %

Children rte. 6 to 8 9 to 10 E 11 to 12 MN 13 to 14 overall years years years years

368 !:,En COFAVAILABLE The Protection of Minors in the Public Opinion

Figure 6.What a given age restriction for seeing a movie at the cinema means for Austrian 6- to 14-year-olds ( %)

24 27 This makes it more 21 interesting 23 23

I can't see it and I won't try 37

41 It depends, if I really want to see the filmif I do, I will try to get in

39

I'll try to get there

52 46 I have seen such films restrictions are stupid 27 15

It is a pity but I have to wait until it comes out as a video or on TVthen I can watch anything

10 20 30 40 50 60 70%

Children 6 to 8 17719 to 10 MEM11 to 12 MIN 13 to 14 overall years years years years be given. One-third check the previews and TV guides prior to viewing at least they say so. However, this is doubtful, as the existing means of protecting children and youngsters are hardly familiar. Even the very well-announced introduction of "X" and "0" labels for movies on television after 10 p.m. (introduced two months prior to the survey) was only known to every second per-

369

ate;ST COPYAVEDIABIE Ingrid Geretschlaeger

son in the adult survey. And the traditional 50-year-oldAustrian Board of Film Classification was familiar to only one-fourth of therespondents. This indicates clearly that there is not enough information,given that the current need is felt so strongly. But this is alsoa question of whether the public can be made to actively search for information. Inany case, information on media productsparticularly information on harmfulness for childrenas well as content description in the areas people are concerned withshould be made more easily available, e.g., via teletext whenever the choice ofa programme is to be made. But we are far from sucha situation. The knowledge we have anduse in order to argue in favour of the protection of minors stems mainly from developmental theories. It alsocomes from effects studies with various resultsas regards the impact of, e.g., violence in the media, andbut to a much lesser extentfrom studies about identification, information processing, etc. However, little research has beendone on advertising and children. Advertising is a part of the Western society, andwe depend on it for further development. Thus, any negative findings about advertising might be seen as a challenge to thesystem. The most recent research deals with the effects of using computers. In thiscontext, gender differences are obvious but are still being tackled far too little. What our society is lacking is a comprehensive policy aboutchildren. What is missingat least in Austriais especially a media policy including children, and that is based on ongoing research.

What media are of most concern? Austrian people are especially concerned about certain media (Figure 7)."Films on television", "videos", "computer games" and "Internet services"are the areas people are most concerned about (approximately 65% each).Adults with children under 6 years of age are even more interested in protection in thearea of computer games (82% compared to 63% of the average population). Toa lesser extent, but still a majority of the Austrians are concerned about "all television programming", and half about "films in cinemas" and "magazines".But in this case we must recall that film in the cinema is the only medium for which effective protective measures are setup by law and for which transgression of the law can be prosecuted. Parents of children aged 6to 14 have fewer problems with the cinema (46%), but they thinkprotective measures against magazines are important (52%). Their childrenare the target group of teen magazines containing all sorts of advice for puberty problems, sexualrelationships, etc. Also, the Internet is seen as a concern particularly byparents of children under the age of 6 (73% versus 62% in the total population).8

370 0 The Protection of Minors in the Public Opinion

Figure 7.Media output that Austrians are concerned about (0/0)

Percent

70 66 65 83 62 60 57

50 50 50

40

30

20 17

10

0 1414.::4:1 Films on Videos Computer Internet All tele- Films in Maga-Theatre Other No television games services vision cinemas zines answer offer

Concluding discussion Let us try to sum up the situation and needs. International and European policy statements have recommended that the media develop ethical standards and be respectful to children on the basis of codes of conduct with professional guidelines; controlling bodies to back this up have also been recommended. Legisla- tion must be established not just in the best interest of the child, but also related to the actual situation and to the basic law of freedom of information and expression. This would necessarily lead to guidelines for protecting minors to allow for their personal development; the provision of quality media contents as stated, for example, in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child; well established media education9 for every citizen in a democratic society, beginning within the family (supported by information to parents), and in any kind of institutionalised education and teaching. Guidelines, quality media contents and media education would need to be supported by the dissemination of information on child development, on the development and performance of communication and its media, on ongoing research as well as on the development of appropriate criteria for classification and support systems for production. However, what are the effects of the policy statements, conventions, etc., so far? This is not easily answered. Among people in areas dealing with children and the media there is little euphoria. The production costs for quality

371

t'5 BEST COPYARITA Ingrid Geretschlaeger

products are increasing, while funds for specific children's media productsare diminishing despite increased air time.1° Childrenare, of course, an important target grouptaken seriously mainly by the advertising industrybut they are becoming increasingly segmented and orientated towards adult productions. Protective measures are being provided, but have not hada sufficient impact on everyday life. We need more demands, more specific and differentiated moral argumentsbut as long as traditional powers stay in position andcon- tinue to exert their influence, things will only be regulated half-heartedly and not further developed. Why should those in power ask for change? Recently, some regions ("Lander") in Austria got involved in discussing protection measures with youngsters themselves. There isa tendency towards an integration of youth welfare with protective measures, and media education would seem to be increasingly importantas a means to empower youngsters to protect themselves. But until this is successful, we need regulations and protective measures for those in vulnerable situations. On the other hand, legislation concerning minors is now shifting from prohibition and "punishment" ofyoung- sters to putting more emphasis on the responsibility of parents and adults in society as a whole. The dangers that minors face todayare different from those faced by their parents. Therefore, new challenges are to introduce minors to societal structures (including technologies being supplied) and to promote personal development by creating a stimulating environment where minors can learn to deal with potential dangers. Youngsterswhen asked about potential dangers to themindicate the following range of concerns:" alcohol and drugs, credits given by banks,sex shops, loss of family, unemployment and lack of education, friendscausing problems, injustice, bullying, unjust treatment by adults, andignorance of society. Minors ask for limits themselves and, accordingly, for effective protection of children: no alcohol under 15,no credits under 18, no access to sex shops until 18, etc. However, they see noreason for concern about the Internet. With regard to media, the provincial Austriangovernment is now suggesting the establishment of training centres to developa media culture and more concerned usage. So what have we come up with? Issues about children and childhoodare of marginal concern in many scientific and publicareas. Even more marginal are issues about children and media in general. The limitation is rooted ina societal tendency to address only a few topicalareasin most cases family and education, sexual abuse, children's television. The current perspectiveson children are also very narrow: children as growing up to future members of society (a matter of education) or children in their present immature state, i.e., childrenas a problem or nuisance (a matter of welfare and social policy). The policy statements on media mentioned in the beginning ofthis article offer a starting point and are a relevant background for those whowant to get involved. But the UN, the EU, etc.,can only give recommendationsthough sometimes legally binding that are open to interpretation. The Council of

372 rin 4 .';) The Protection of Minors in the Public Opinion

Europe asks for a preventive and more positive approach by issuing rewards for quality production, for codes of conduct and internal guidelines from the media, and for parents' and teachers' support of children in the development of a critical attitude towards low quality programming. Independent regulatory bodies ought to be established in the EU member states. These should be obliged to licence media, promote research, protect minors, support media education and support the teaching of appreciation of quality material. Aware- ness programmes should be developed for a safer use of the digital media. Today, protection of minors with regard to media in an environment where children are respected, and not just tolerated, must be looked at from at least three angles: 1. keeping out of children's reach those things that might negatively interfere with their development (things for which society and industry are responsible); 2. providing children with a range of worthwhile media products and enabling them to participate in social life, e.g., in media production (thereby creating a stimulating cultural environment); 3. enabling children to cope with the challenges in society and the media environment as a preventive measure through, e.g., media education (i.e., education and personal development). Notions of childhood and the best interest of the child need to be revisited. We must reflect on the ongoing development and the applied strategies of the media and other interest groups in order to give our children the time and space to find their own way. For our children, the most crucial role is played by usthe men and women who are their parents and who make up society. If we are sensitive and strong enough to ask for proper treatment, then our children will get their share of the recognition, support and protection they need.

Notes 1.Market-Institut far Markt-, Meinungs- and Mediaforschung:JugendschutzfarMedien. Ergebnisse einer Umfrage reprasentativ far die osterreichische Bevolkerung ab 15 Jabre [Media Protection for Minors. Findings from a survey representative of the Austrian population 15 years of age and over]. Linz, 1999. 2. Parental Control of Television Broadcasting. University of Oxford, Programme in Comparative Media Law and Policy (PCMLP), Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, 1999. 3.Little recognition is given to the fact that girls tend to identify with the victim who, at the same time, is often a female character. Thus, girls develop more often a rejection of violent behaviour that is used to keep them under control in real life as well. 4. A goal among boys that puts girls under great strain. 5.Drinking of alcoholic beverages among youngsters from about 12 years of age is increasingly seen as a problem in recent studies.

373 Ingrid Geretschlaeger

6.Shamgar-Handelman, Lea (1994): To Whom Does Childhood Belong?In Qvortrup, Jens et al. (eds): Childhood Matters. Social Theory, Practice and Politics. Avebury,Aldershot, pp. 250-265, here p. 250. 7.Market-Institut fur Markt-, Meinungs- and Mediaforschung: AltersbeschreinkungenfiirKinder bei Filmen. Ergebnisse einer osterreichweiten Befragung unter Kindernim Alter von 6 bis 14Jahren im Dezember 97 /fanner '98 [Age Limits regarding Films for Children. Findings froman Austrian Inquiry among Children from 6 to 14 years in December 1997/January 19981.The study, commissioned by the Austrian Board of Film Classification for minors,was conducted with 497 children representative of the age group 6 to 14years. 8.Youngsters themselves find it completely absurd to setup protective measures for the Internet, as found in a survey among 1,000 teenagers in Lower Austria. 9. The Vienna Recommendation on Media Education to UNESCOwas agreed upon at an international conference in April 1999 in Vienna andwas presented to the General Assembly of UNESCO. 10. This is even valid for children's channels where child audiencesare supposed to gather and not interfere with other interest groups as occurs with theprogrammes of the public service broadcasters in Germany. 11.Institut Dr. Brunmayr: Expertise: Jugendschutz 2000. Anforderungenan einen zeitgemeifien Jugendschutz. Kurzfassung einer Studie auf Basis einer empirischen Erhebungbei 1.058 NO- Jugendlichen [Experts' Report: Protection of Minors 2000. Demands fora modern protection. Summary of a study on 1,058 young people). Gmunden-St. Polten, Fruhjahr1999.

374 IEBT COPY AVEI L1E

67, r- Authors

Peng Hwa Ang Associate Professor School of Communication Studies Nanyang Technological University Singapore Carlos A. Arnaldo Chief Communication Policies and Research Communication Division UNESCO, Paris, France Alexander Ask Dr. Department of Psychology University of Adelaide Adelaide, South Australia Martha Augoustinos Dr. Department of Psychology University of Adelaide Adelaide, South Australia Erica Biely Research Assistant University of California Santa Barbara (UCSB) California, USA Ragnhild T. Bjornebeldc Researcher National Police Academy Unit of Research Oslo, Norway Andre H. Caron Dr., Professor Department of Communications University of Montreal Montreal, Canada Letizia Caronia Dr. Department of Science of Education University of Bologna Bologna, Italy Bo Carstens Consultant Know-ware Management Roskilde, Denmark Ferran Casas Professor, Coordinator Catalan Network of Researchers for Children's Rights and Quality of Life (XCIII) Research Institute on Quality of Life University of Gerona Gerona, Spain

375 35 Authors

Children's Express WorldwideAlicia Aebersold Director of Communications Washington, D.C., USA Jan Christofferson Secretary Council on Media Violence Ministry of Culture Stockholm, Sweden Kirstie Cope Research Assistant University of California Santa Barbara (UCSB) California, USA Margaret Cupitt Senior Research Officer Australian Broadcasting Authority Sydney, Australia Edward Donnerstein Professor of Communication, Dean Division of Social Science University of California Santa Barbara (USCB) California, USA Kevin Durkin Professor of Psychology University of Western Australia Ned lands, Australia Tor A. Evjen Research Engineer SINTEF, The Foundation of Scientific and Indus- trial Research at the Norwegian Institute of Technology SINTEF Production Engineering Trondheim, Norway Wendy Farinola Research Assistant University of California Santa Barbara (UCSB) California, USA Margareta Forsberg Master of Social Work Goteborg, Sweden Ingrid Geretschlaeger Dr. Medienpadagogik, Medienkultur/Kindermedien Jugendmedienschutz Vienna, Austria Mark Griffiths Dr., Head of Psychology Psychology Division Nottingham Trent University Nottingham, United Kingdom

376 Authors

Albert C. Gunther Associate Professor Department of Agricultural Journalism University of Wisconsin-Madison Madison, Wisconsin, USA Birgitte Holm Sorensen Dr., Associate Professor The Royal School of Educational Studies Copenhagen, Denmark Aletha C. Huston Dr., Professor Department of Human Ecology University of Texas at Austin Austin, Texas, USA Carsten Jessen Associate Professor The Royal School of Educational Studies Copenhagen, Denmark Stephen Kline Professor of Communications, Director Media Analysis Lab (MAL) School of Communications Simon Fraser University Burnaby, BC, Canada Jennifer Kotler Dr., Postdoctoral Fellow Children & Media Project Department of Psychology Georgetown University Washington, D.C., USA Dale Kunkel Dr., Professor of Communication University of California Santa Barbara (UCSB) California, USA Jason Low Dr., Lecturer Victoria University of Wellington Wellington, New Zealand Marcel Machill Dr., Director of Media Policy Bertelsmann Foundation Gutersloh, Germany Andrea Millwood Hargrave Research Director Broadcasting Standards Commission London, United Kingdom Peter Nikken Dr., Head Information Center for Children's Television and Media The Netherlands Youth Information Inkitute Utrecht, The Netherlands

377 Authors

Lilach Nir Graduate Student Annenberg School for Communication University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA, USA Rachel O'Connell Researcher and Lecturer Cyberspace Research Unit Department of Psychology University of Central Lancashire Preston, United Kingdom Peter Petrov Media Researcher CID Centre for User Oriented IT Design NADA, Department of Numerical Analysis and Computer Science Royal Institute of Technology Stockholm, Sweden Emma Rollin Research Assistant University of California Santa Barbara (UCSB) California, USA Akira Sakamoto Dr. Department of Psychology Ochanomizu University Tokyo, Japan Ronda Scant lin Dr., Senior Research Associate College of Communication University of Texas at Austin Austin, Texas, USA Lisbeth Schierbeck Freelance Journalist and Consultant in Computer Gaming Soborg, Denmark Veronica Silva Psychologist, Researcher Research Department Chilean National Television Council Santiago, Chile Maria Dolores Souza Psychologist, Director Research Department Chilean National Television Council Santiago, Chile Joseph Turow Professor of Communication Annenberg School for Communication University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA, USA

378 Authors

Jens Waltermann Deputy Head of the Media Division Bertelsmann Foundation Gtitersloh, Germany Ellen Wartella Professor, Dean of Communication College of Communication University of Texas at Austin Austin, Texas, USA Anthony H. Winefield Professor Department of Psychology University of Adelaide. Adelaide, South Australia

0 379 The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen .00._ IPS C I

Goteborg University Nordic Council of Ministers NORDICOM Goteborg University Box 713 SE 405 30 GOTEBORG

Tel. +46 31 773 10 00. Fax +46 31 773 46 55

E-mail: nordicom@ nordicom.gu.se

SSN 1403-4700 ISBN 91-89471-03-2

361 iblioraphy Researchon Pornography and Sex in the Media

se0 pct ion (1 70-)

Compiled by Johan Cronstr6m

The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen at Nordicom 2000

BESTcopy AVAILABLE The UNESCO The UNESCO International Clearinghouse International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on Children and Violenceon the Screen on the Screen, at In 1997, the Nordic Information Nordicom Centre for Media and Goteborg University Communication Research (Nordicom)set up an Box 713 international clearinghouseon children and violence on SE 405 30 GOTEBORG, Sweden the screen, financed jointly Web site: by the Swedish http://www.nordicom.gu.se Government and UNESCO.

DIREcroR: Ulla Carlsson The Clearinghouse aimsto expand and deepenour understanding of children, SCIIIATTIRC CO-ORDINATOR: young people and media Cecilia von Feilitzen violence, seen in the perspectiveof the UN Convention Tel:+46 8 16 28 64 on the Rights of the Child.The prime Fax:+46 8 661 03 04 task is to make E-mail: [email protected] new knowledge and data knownto prospective users all over the world, with DOMAIDIDUIST;Pia Hepsever a view to informing relevant Tel: +46 31 773 49 53 policy decisions in the field,contributing to Fax: +46 31 773 46 55 constructive public discussion E-mail: [email protected] of the subject, and furthering children'scompetence as media users. It is also a hope that the workof the Clearinghouse will THE CLEARINGHOUSE stimulate further research IS LOCATED AT NORDICOM on children and the media. The UNESCO International NORDICOMis an organ of Clearinghouse on co- operation between the Nordic Children and Violenceon the Screen focuses on the countries - Denmark, Finland, Iceland, following areas: Norway and Sweden.The overriding goal and purpose is to make the media research on children,young people and and communication efforts undertaken media violence in the Nordic countries known, both throughout and for beyond our part of children's access to the mediaand their the world. media use Noncom uses a variety of channels - newsletters, journals, books, media education and children's databasesto reach researchers, participation in the media students, decision-makers, media practitioners, journalists, teachers and pertinent legislation andself-regulating interested members of the general initiatives. public. NOROICOMworks to establish and The Clearinghouse isuser-oriented, which means that strengthen links between the Nordic our services are offered inresponse to demand and are research community and colleagues in adapted to the needs ofour users all parts of the world, both bymeans researchers, of unilateral flows and by linking policy-makers, media professionals,voluntary individual researchers, researchgroups organisations, teachers, students and institutions. and interested individuals. NOROICOMalso documents media trends in the Nordic countries.The joint Central to the work hasbeen the creation ofa Nordic information addressesusers in world-wide network. The Europe and further afield. The produc- Clearinghouse publishesa tion of comparative media statistics yearbook and a newsletter. Severalbibliographies, and a forms the core of this service. register of organisations concernedwith children and Nordicom is funded by the media, have been compiled.This Nordic Council of Ministers. and other information is available on theClearinghouse's web site.

BEST COPYAVAILABLE 183llblliagraphy Research on Pornography and Sex in the Media

A selection (1970-)

Compiled by Johan Cronstrom

The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen at Nordicom 2000 Published by The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen Nordicom Goteborg University Box 713 SE 405 30 GOTEBORG Sweden

Printed by Livrena Grafiska AB, Kungalv, Sweden, 2000

ISSN 1403-4700 ISBN 91-89471-03-2 365 Contents

Introduction 5

Children, Sex and the Media 7

Pornographic Contents 9

Uses & Effects of Pornography 11

Violent Pornography 18

Child Pornography 20

Regulations, Policy, and Pornography as a Social Problem 25 Introduction

Johan Cronstreim

There are several aspects of pornography and sex in the media. Research publications focusing on 'children, sex and the media' in this bibliography treats young people's meetings with, and uses of, pornography and sexually explicit media content. It also covers research on children, youth, and possible harmful effects of such material. The next section covers research on 'pornographic contents'. Another part presents research performed on 'the uses and effects of pornography' in general, i.e., referring mainly to adults and 'ordinary' pornography. Research on 'violent pornography' and 'child pornography', respectively, are ordered in two separate sections that have been given priority in the sense that even publications only partly dealing with these issues are included there. Finally, the section entitled 'regulations, policy, and pornography as a social problem' contains examples of official reports and documents from the political system and the sphere of NGOs, in addition to research on regulations and policy aspects. Classification matters are seldom without difficulties. Several aspects of pornography research are difficult to distinguish from each other, and the same studies often deal with several aspects. Naturally, there are publications that could easily have been put into another section of the bibliography instead of the one chosen. However, the purpose of the subdivision is to facilitate orientation in a complex field. The bibliography gives rise to some interesting reflections: Research on child pornography and violent pornography, respectively, seems to have increased during the 1980s, mainly due to intense research activity in the United States. During the 1990s this tendency appears to have continued, but with a larger diffusion to other regions. In the 1990s, research on effects of 'ordinary' pornography seemed to decrease proportionally, compared to that in the 1970s and 1980s. Meanwhile, there is a tendency towards an increase of material discussing regulations and policy matters, something that in all likelihood has to do with the development of the Internet. Different sources were used in compiling this selected bibliography. Among major databases representing the social sciences and humanities were ERIC,

5 PAIS International, PsychINFO, Social Science Citation Index, Sociological Ab- stracts, EBSCOhost, Dissertation Abstracts, Med line, LLBA, and Arts & Human- ities Citation Index. Online library catalogues, such as the Library of Congress and several other Opac catalogues from allover the world, were also used. Other sources were books, journals and not least publications by researchers who have been in contact with the Clearinghouse. The selection process was governed by different criteria,among others that only published studies were included. Thus, unpublished conferencepapers, dissertations and reports were excluded. Also, published articleswere required to be of a certain length. Further, due to practical reasons, we have been forced to select among publications by the same author. In addition, a publicationyear was set as a limitthis bibliography covers the period from 1970 and onwards. It is our hope that the result, despite this procedure, givesa representative picture of the research field. However, a few reservations must be added. The domination of publications in English is obvious. One reason is that a great deal of research in the area of pornography has been conducted in the United States. But the Anglo- American dominance also reflects a corresponding domination within information technology in general. Although our ambition has been tocover different languages areasa huge undertakingEnglish-language databases are often most easy to access. Accordingly, this bibliography is by no means an internationally complete list of research on pornography andsex in the media. The collection should be regarded as a work inprogress and we are most grateful for future tips and contributions from interested readers.

6 X68 Children, Sex and the Media

Children, Sex and the Media Adams, CJ.: "This Is Not Our Fathers' Pornography". Sex, Lies, and Computers. In: Ess, C. (ed.): Philosophical Perspectives on Computer-Mediated Communication. Albany, State University of New York, 1996, VI, 319 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-7914-2871-0, pp. 147- 170. Alali, A.O. (ed.): Mass Media Sex and Adolescent Values. An Annotated Bibliography and Directory of Organizations. Jefferson, NC, McFarland & Co., 1991, V, 138 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8995-0518-X. Anson, R.S.: The Last Porno Show.In:Schultz, L.G. (ed.): The Sexual Victimology of Youth. Springfield, IL, Charles C. Thomas Publishers, 1980, 416 p., ISBN 0 -3980- 3183-5, pp. 275-291. Baran, ST: Sex on TV and Adolescent Self-Image. Journal of Broadcasting and Elec- tronic Media 20(1976)1, pp. 61-68, ISSN 0883-8151. Berger, A.S.; Simon, W.; Gagnon,J.H.:Youth and Pornography in Social Context. Ar- chives of Sexual Behavior 2(1973)4, pp. 279-308, ISSN 0004-0002. Brown, J.D.; Newcomer, S.F.: Television Viewing and Adolescents' Sexual Behavior. Journal of Homosexuality 21(1991)1-2, pp. 77-91, ISSN 0091-8369. Brown, J.D.; White, A.B.; Nikopoulou, L.: Disinterest, Intrigue, Resistance. Early Adoles- cent Girls' Use of Sexual Media Content. In: Greenberg, B.S.; Brown, J.D.; Buerkel- Rothfuss, N.L. (eds.): Media, Sex and the Adolescent. Cresskill, NJ, Hampton Press, 1993, IX, 366 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 1-8813-0337-3, pp. 177-195. Bryant, J.; Rockwell, S.R.: Effects of Massive Exposure to Sexually Oriented Prime-Time Television Programming on Adolescents' Moral Judgement. In: Zillmann, D.; Bryant, J.; Huston, A.C. (eds.): Media, Children, and the Family. Social Scientific, Psychodynamic, and Clinical Perspectives. Hillsdale, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1994, XIII, 351 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-80581-210-5, pp. 183-195. Dixon, T.L.; Linz, D.G.: Obscenity Law and Sexually Explicit Rap Music. Understanding the Effects of Sex, Attitudes, and Beliefs. Journal of Applied Communication Research 25(1997)3, pp. 217-241, ISSN 0090-9882. Drewes, D.: Kinder im Datennetz. Pornographie and Prostitution in den neuen Medien. Frankfurt am Main, Eichborn, 1995, 158 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 3-8218-0980-9. Greenberg, B.S.; Siemicki, M.; Dorfman, S.; Heeter, C.; Stanley, C.; Soderman, A.; Linsangan, R.: Sex Content in R-Rated Films Viewed by Adolescents. In: Greenberg, B.S.; Brown, J.D.; Buerkel-Rothfuss, N.L. (eds.): Media, Sex and the Adolescent. Cresskill, NJ, Hamp- ton Press, 1993,ix,366 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 1-8813-0337-3, pp. 45-58. Greenberg, B.S.; Brown, J.D.; Buerkel-Rothfuss, N.L. (eds.): Media, Sex and the Adoles- -cent. Cresskill, NJ, Hampton Press, 1993, IX, 366 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 1-8813-0337-3. Kaiser Family Foundation: The Family Hour Focus Groups. Children's Responses to Sexual Content on TV and Their Parents' Reactions. Menlo Park, CA, Kaiser Family Foundation, 1996.

7 EST Copy AVAlfI \ I::UE Bibliography

Kim, Chun-h.; Pak, Hae-g.: [A Study on the Relationships Between ObsceneMaterials and Juvenile Delinquency.] Soul, Han'guk Hyongsa Chongch'ekYon'guwon, 1994, 207 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 8-9736-6123-X, (In Korean, with abstract in English).

Knoll, J.H.; Willer, A.: Sexualitat und Pornographie.Jugendliche Medienwelt.Eine Expert- ise im Auftrag der Bundeszentrale far Gesundheitliche Aufklarung,Abteilung Sexualaufklarung, Verhutung and Familienplanung. Köln, BZgA, 1998, 106p., ill., bibl., ISBN 3-933191-03-3.

Kubey, R. \V.: Television Dependence, Diagnosis, and Prevention. WithCommentary on Video Games, Pornography, and Media Education. In: MacBeth, T.M. (ed.):Tuning in to Young Viewers. Social Science Perspectives on Television. Thousand Oaks, Sage Publica- tions, 1996, 282 p., bibl., ISBN 0-8039-5826-9, pp. 221-260. Peterson, J.L.; Moore, K.A.; Furstenberg, F.F.: Television Viewing and Early Initiation of Sexual Intercourse. Is there a Link? Journal of Homosexuality 21(1991)1-2,pp. 93-118, ISSN 0091-8369. Reisman, J.A.: "Soft Porn" Plays Hardball. Its Tragic Effectson Women, Children, and the Family. Lafayette, LA, Huntington House Publishers, 1991, 219p., bibl., index., ISBN 0- 9103- 1165 -x.

Schultz, L.G. (ed.): The Sexual Victimology of Youth. Springfield, IL, CharlesC. Thomas Publishers, 1980, XVI, 416 p., bibl., ISBN 0-3980-3925-9.

Silverman-Watkins, L.T.; Sprafkin, J.N.: Adolescents' Comprehension of TelevisedSexual Innuendos. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 4(1983)4,pp. 359-369, ISSN 0193-3973.

Strasburger, V.C.: Adolescent Sexuality and the Media. Journal of Pediatric andAdoles- cent Gynecology 36(1989), pp. 747-773, ISSN 1083-3188. Strasburger, V.C.: Adolescents and the Media. Medical and PsychologicalImpact. Thou- sand Oaks, CA, Sage Publications, 1995, 152 p., bibl., ISBN 0-8039-5500-6. Strouse, J.; Buerkel-Rothfuss, N.; Long, E.C.: Gender and Family As Moderatorsof the Relationship Between Music Video Exposure and Adolescent SexualPermissiveness. Adolescence 30(1995)119, pp. 505-521, ISSN 0140-1971. Strouse, J.; Fabes, R.A.: Formal Versus Informal Sources of Sex Education.Competing Forces in the Sexual Socialization of Adolescents. Adolescence 20(1985)78,pp. 251-263, ISSN 0140-1971.

Thompson, M.; Walsh-Childers, K.; Brown, J.D.: The Influence of FamilyCommunica- tion Patterns and Sexual Experience on Processing ofa Movie Video. In: Greenberg, B.S.; Brown, J.D.; Buerkel-Rothfuss, N.L. (eds.): Media, Sex and the Adolescent.Cresskill, NJ, Hampton Press, 1993, IX, 366 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 1-8843-0337-3,pp. 248-263. Ward, L.M.: Talking about Sex. Common Themes about Sexualityin the Prime-Time Television Programs Children and Adolescents View Most. Journal of Youth andAdoles- cence 24(1995)5, pp. 595-615, ISSN 0047-2891.

11] COET AVAILABLE

8 Pornographic Contents

Pornographic Contents Brown, D.; Bryant, J.: The Manifest Content of Pornography. In: Zillmann, D.; Bryant, J. (eds.): Pornography. Research Advances and Policy Considerations. Hillsdale, NJ, Law- rence Erlbaum Associates, 1989, XVIII, 419 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8058-0615-6, pp. 3- 24. Brummett, B.: The Homology Hypothesis. Pornography on the VCR. Critical Studies in Mass Communication 5(1988)3, pp. 202-216, ISSN 0739-3180. Cowan, G.; Lee, C.; Levy, D.; Snyder, D.: Dominance and Inequality in X-Rated Video- cassettes. Psychology of Women Quartely 12(1988)2, pp. 299-311, ISSN 0361-6843. Cuklanz, L.M.: Rape on Trial. How the Mass Media Construct Legal Reform and Social Change. Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996, 135 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8122-1559-1. Faulstich, W. (ed.): Sex und Gewalt im Spielfilm der 70er und 80er Jahre. 1. Liineburger Kolloquium zur Medienwissenschaft. Bardowick, Wissenschaftler Verlag, 1991, 94 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 3-89153-015-3. Franzblau, S.; Sprafkin, J.N.; Rubinstein, E.A.: Sex on TV. A Content Analysis. Journal of Communication 27(1977)2, pp. 164-170, ISSN 0021-9916. Gerbner, G.; Gross,L.; Eleey, M.F.; Jackson-Beeck, M.; Jeffries-Fox, S.; Signorielli, N.: Sex, Violence and the Rules of the Game. TV Violence Profile No. 8: The Highlights. Journal of Communication 27 (1977)2, pp. 171-180, ISSN 0021-9916. Glascock, J.; LaRose, R.: Dial-A-Porn Recordings. The Role of the Female Participant in Male Sexual Fantasies. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 37(1993)3, pp. 313- 324, ISSN 0883-8151. Grabig, J.: Erotismo en Internet. Buenos Aires, Merops, 1997, 150 p., ISBN 987- 95768 -3- 7, (Los caminos de Internet). Greenberg, B.S.; Busselle, R.W.: Soap Operas and Sexual Activity. A Decade Later. Jour- nal of Communication 46(1996)4,pp.153-160, ISSN 0021-9916. Heintz-Knowles, K.E.: Sexual Activity on Daytime Soap Operas. A Content Analysis of Five Weeks of Television Programming. Menlo Park, CA, Kaiser Family Foundation, 1996, 30 p., bibl., (Report; 1190). Holmberg, C.B.: Sexualities and Popular Culture. Thousand Oaks, Sage Publications, 1998, XVII, 297 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-7619-0350-X. Huston, A.C.; Wartella, E.; Donnerstein, E.: Measuring the Effects of Sexual Content in the Media. A Report to the Kaiser Family Foundation. Menlo Park, CA, Kaiser Family Foun- dation, 1998, 94 p., tab., bibl., (Report; 1389). Kappeler, S.: Pornography. The Representation of Power. In: Itzin, C. (ed.): Porno- graphy. Women, Violence, and Civil Liberties. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993, IX, 645 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-1982-5755-4, pp. 88-100. Kunkel, D.; Cope, K.M.; Biely, E.: Sexual Messages on Television. Comparing Findings from Three Studies. Journal of Sex Research 36 (1999)3, pp. 230-236, ISSN 0022-4499.

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1:;JEST COPY MEL&LE Bibliography

Kunkel, D.; Cope, K.M.; Farinola, W.J.M.; Biely, E.; Rollin, E.; Donnerstein, E.: Sexon TV. Content and Context. A Biennal Report to the Kaiser Family Foundation. Menlo Park, CA, Kaiser Family Foundation, 1999, 59 p. + app. 22 p., tab., bibl., (Report; 1458). Lowry, D.T.; Shidler, J.A.: Prime Time TV Portrayals of Sex, "Safe Sex" and AIDS. A Longitudinal Analysis. Journalism Quarterly 70 (1993)3, pp. 628-637, ISSN 0196-3031. Lowry, D.T.; Towles, D.E.: Soap Opera Portrayals of Sex, Contraception, and Sexually Transmitted Diseases. Journal of Communication 39(1989)2, pp. 76-83, ISSN 0021-9916. Matacin, M.L.; Burger, J.M.: A Content Analysis of Sexual Themes in Playboy Cartoons. Sex Roles 17(1987)3-4, pp. 179-186, ISSN 0360-0025. Mehta, M.D.; Plaza, D.: Content Analysis of Pornographic Images Available on the Internet. Information Society 13(1997)2, pp. 153-161, ISSN 0165-5515. Nugent, S.; Wilson, P.; Brooks, T.; Fox, D.: Sex, Violence, and "Family" Entertainment. An Analysis of Popular Videos. A Joint Project. Canberra, Australian Institute of Crimino- logy and the Attorney General's Department, 1987, XI, 87p., bibl., ISBN 0-6421-2323-3. Preston, E.H.: Pornography and the Construction of Gender. In: Signorielli, N.; Morgan, M. (eds.): Cultivation Analysis. New Directions in Media Effects Research. Newbury Park, CA, Sage Publications, 1990, 266 p., bibl., ISBN 0-8039-3295-2, pp. 107-122. Richlin, A. (ed.): Pornography and Representation in Greece and Rome. New York, Oxford University Press, 1992, XXIII, 317 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-1950-6722-3. Rousseau, G.S.; Porter, R. (eds.): Sexual Underworlds of the Enlightenment. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1988, X, 280 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0- 8078 -1782- 1. Russell, D.E.H. (ed.): Making Violence Sexy. Feminist Views on Pornography. Bucking- ham, Open University Press, 1993, XII, 302 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-3351-9200-9. Sapolsky, B.S.: Sexual Acts and References on Prime Time TV. A Two-Year Look. The Southern Speech Communication Journal 47(1982)2, pp. 212-226, ISSN 0361-8269. Sapolsky, B.S.; Taberlet, J.0.: Sex in Prime Time Television. 1979 Versus 1989. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media 35(1991)4, pp. 505-516, ISSN 0883-8151. Scarbath, H.; Gorschenek, M.; Grell, P.; Jantzen, 0.; Ehlers, E.D.: Sexualiteit und Geschlechtsrollenklischees im Privatfernsehen. "Ihr seid ja wirklich leichtzu befriedigen" Inhaltsanalytische Fallstudien des Instituts far Interdisziplindre und Medienforschung im Auftrag der Hamburgischen Anstalt far neue Medien. Berlin, Vistas, 1994, 256p., ill., bibl., ISBN 3-8915-8121-1, (HAM Schriftenreihe der Hamburgischen Anstalt fur Neue Medien; Bd.9). Sherman, B.L.; Dominick, J.R.: Violence and Sex in Music Videos. TV and Rock'n'Roll. Journal of Communication 36(1986)1, pp. 79-93, ISSN 0021-9916. Yang, N.; Linz, D.: Movie Ratings and the Content of Adult Videos. The Sex-Violence Ratio. Journal of Communication 40(1990)2, pp. 28-42, ISSN 0021-9916.

10

TEST COPY AVM 1 1'LE Uses & Effects of Pornography

Uses & Effects of Pornography Allen, M.; D'Alessio, D.; Brezgel, K.: A Meta-Analysis Summarizing the Effects of Pornog- raphy II. Aggression after Exposure. Human Communication Research 22(1995)2, pp. 258-283, ISSN 0360-3989. Allen, M.; Emmers, T.; Gebhardt, L.; Giery, M.: Exposure to Pornography and Accept- ance of Rape Myths. Journal of Communication 45(1995)1, pp. 5-26, ISSN 0021-9916. Baird, R.M.; Rosenbaum, S.E. (eds.): Pornography. Private Right or Public Menace? Amherst, NY, Prometheus Books, 1998, 286 p., bibl., ISBN 1-5739-2207-2. Baker, P.: Maintaining Male Power. Why Heterosexual Men Use Pornography. In: Itzin, C. (ed.): Pornography. Women, Violence and Civil Liberties. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992, IX, 645 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-1982-5755-4, pp. 124-144. Ballard, P.; Sheldon, L.; Dickinson, G.: Community Attitudes to Adult Material on Pay Television. Wellington, NZ, Broadcasting Standards Authority, 1997, VI, 21 p. + app. 12 p., ill., ISBN 0-4770-1810-6. Barak, A.; Fisher, W.A.: Effects of Interactive Computer Erotica on Men's Attitudes and Behavior toward Women. An Experimental Study. Computer in Human Behavior 13(1997)3, pp. 353-369, ISSN 0747-5632. Barak, A.; Fisher, W.A.; Belfry, S.; Lashambe, D.: Sex, Guys, and Cyberspace. Effects of Internet Pornography and Individual Differences on Men's Attitudes toward Women. Journal of Psychology and Human Sexuality 11(1999)1, pp. 63-91, ISSN 0890-7064. Baron, L.: Pornography and Gender Equality. An Empirical Analysis. Journal of Sex Research 27(1990)3, pp. 363-380, ISSN 0022-4499. Baron, R.A.; Bell, P.A.: Sexual Arousal and Aggression by Males. Effects of Type Erotic Stimuli and Prior Provocation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 35(1977)1, PP. 79-87, ISSN 0022-3514. Brannigan, A.: Is Pornography Criminogenic? The Career of a Moral Problem. In: Singer, B.D. (ed.): Communications in Canadian Society. Scarborough, Nelson Canada, 1991, IX, 454 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-1760-3524-9, pp. 322-343. Brannigan, A.; Kapardis, A.: The Controversy over Pornography and Sex Crimes. The Criminological Evidence and Beyond. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Crimino- logy 19(1986)4, pp. 259-284, ISSN 0004-8658. Brosius, H.-B.; Weaver, J.B.III; Staab, J.F.: Exploring the Social and Sexual "Reality" of Contemporary Pornography. Journal of Sex Research 30(1993)2, pp. 161-170, ISSN 0022- 4499. Brown, J.D.; Steele, J.R.: Sex and the Mass Media. Menlo Park, CA, Kaiser Family Founda- tion, 1995, (Report; 1093). Bryant, J.; Brown, D.: Uses of Pornography. In: Zillmann, D.; Bryant, J. (eds.): Porno- graphy. Research Advances and Policy Considerations. Hillsdale, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989, XVII, 419 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8058-0615-6, pp. 25-56.

11 Bibliography

Cameron, D.; Frazer, E.: On the Question of Pornography and Sexual Violence. Moving Beyond Cause and Effect. In: Itzin, C. (ed.): Pornography. Women, Violence, and Civil Liberties. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993, IX, 645p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0- 1982 -5755- 4, pp. 359-382. Cantor, J.; Zillmann, D.; Einsiedel, E.: Female Responses to Provocation after Exposure to Aggressive and Erotic Films. Communication Research. An International Quarterly 5(1978)4, pp. 395-412, ISSN 0093-6502. Carter, D.L.; Prentky, R.A.; Knight, R.A.; Vanderveer, PI.; Boucher, RI: Use of Porno- graphy in the Criminal and Developmental Histories of Sexual Offenders. Journalof Interpersonal Violence 2(1987)2, pp. 196-211, ISSN 0886-2605. Check, J.V.P.; Heapy, N.A.; Iwnyshyn, 0.: A Survey of Canadians' Attitudes Regarding Sexual Content in the Media (Report No. 11). Toronto, York University, LaMarshRe- search Programme on Violence and Conflict Resolution, 1985. Check, J.V.P.; Malamuth, N.: Pornography and Sexual Aggression. A SocialLearning Theory Analysis. In: McLaughlin, M. (ed.): Communication Yearbook Volume 9. Beverly Hills, CA, Sage, 1985, pp. 181-213, ISSN 0147-4642. Christensen, E.: Pornography. The Other Side. New York, Praeger, 1990, VIII, 188p., bibl., ISBN 0-27593-537-X. Christensen, F.M.: Cultural and Ideological Bias in Pornography Research. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 20(1990)3, pp. 351-375, ISSN 0048-3931. Christensen, F.M.: The Alleged Link between Pornography and Violence. In: Krivacska, J.J. (eds.): The Handbook of Forensic Sexology. Biomedical and CriminologicalPerspect- ives, Amherst, Prometheus Books, 1994, 594 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8797-5883-X,pp. 422-448.

Cole, S.: Pornography and the Sex Crisis. Toronto, Secondary Story Press, 1992,182 p., bibl., ISBN 0-9490-0546-5.

Condron, M.K.; Nutter, D.E.: A Preliminary Examination of the PornographyExperience of Sex Offenders, Paraphiliacs, Sexual Dysfunction Patients, and Controls Basedon Meese Commission Recommendations. Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy 14(1988)4,pp. 285- 298, ISSN 0092-623X. Cook, R.F.; Fosen, R.H.; Pacht, A.: Pornography and the Sex Offender.Patterns of Previ- ous Exposure and Arousal Effects of Pornographic Stimuli. Journal of Applied Psychology 55(1971)6, pp. 503-511, ISSN 0021-9010. Cooper, A.: Sexuality and the Internet. Surfing into the New Millennium. Cyber Psychol- ogy and Behavior 1(1998)1, pp. 181-187, ISSN 1094-9313. Cooper, A.; Putnam, D.E.; Planchon, L.A.; Boies, S.C.: Online Sexual Compulsion. Get- ting Tangled in the Net. Journal of Treatment and Prevention 1(1999)1,pp. 79-104. Cooper, A.; Scherer, C.; Boies, S.C.; Gordon, B.: Sexualityon the Internet. From Sexual Exploration to Pathological Expression. Professional Psychology 30(1999)1,pp. 154-164, ISSN 0033-0175.

12 4 Uses & Effects of Pornography

Come, S.; Briere, J.; Esses, L.M.: Women's Attitudes and Fantasies about Rapeas a Func- tion of Early Exposure to Pornography. Journal of Interpersonal Violence 7(1994)4,pp. 454-461, ISSN 0886-2605. Davies, K.A.: Voluntary Exposure to Pornography and Men's Attitudes toward Feminism and Rape. Journal of Sex Research 34(1997)2, pp. 131-137, ISSN 0022-4499. Diamond, M.; Uchiyama, A.: Pornography, Rape, and Sex Crimes in Japan. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry 22(1999)1, pp. 1-22, ISSN 0160-2527. Dienstbier, R.A.: Sex and Violence. Can Research Have it Both Ways? Journal of Commun- ication 27(1977)3, pp. 176-188, ISSN 0021-9916. Dines, G.; Jensen, R.; Russo, A.: Pornography. The Production and Consumption of Inequality. New York, Routledge, 1998, X, 187 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-4159-1812-X. Dines-Levy, G.: An Analysis of Pornographic Research. In: Burgess, A.W. (ed.): Rape and Sexual Assault. A Research Handbook. New York, Garland, 1991, XXI, 318p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8240-7181-6, pp. 317-323. Donnerstein, E.: Pornography. Its Effect on Violence Against Women. In: Malamuth, N.M.; Donnerstein, E. (eds.): Pornography and Sexual Aggression. Orlando, FL, Aca- demic Press, 1984, XVIII, 333 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-1246-6280-3,pp. 53-82. Durkin, K.F.; Bryant, C.D.: "Log on to Sex". Some Notes on the Carnal Computer and Erotic Cyberspace as an Emerging Research Frontier. Deviant Behavior 16(1995)3,pp. 179-200, ISSN 0163-9625. Dwyer, S. (ed.): The Problem of Pornography. Belmont, CA, Wadsworth Publishing Com- pany, 1995, XI, 264 p., bibl., ISBN 0-5342-2044-4. Einsiedel, E.F.: The Experimental Research Evidence. Effects of Pornographyon the `Average Individual'. In: Itzin, C. (ed.): Pornography. Women, Violence, and Civil Lib- erties. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993, IX, 645 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-1982-5755-4, pp. 248-282. Eysenck, Nias, D.K.B.: Sex, Violence, and the Media. London, Temple Smith, 1978, III, 306 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8511-7161-3. Faligot, R.; Kauffer, R.: Porno Business. Paris, Fayard, 1987, 395p., bibl., ISBN 2 -2130- 2061-2.

Fernand Laurent, J.: Exploitation sexuelle et pornographie. Paris, UNESCO, 1986, 17p., bibl., (International Meeting of Experts on the Social and Cultural Causes of Prostitution and Strategies Against Procuring and Sexual Exploitation of Women; Madrid 1986). Ferracuti, F.; Solivetti, L.M.: La pornografia nei mezzi di comunicazione di massacon speciale riguardo alla televisione. [Pornography in the Mass Media with Special Regard to Television.] Torino, Eri, 1976, 404 p., bibl., (Radiotelevisione Italiana Servizio Opinione Quaderni; 25). Fisher, W.A.; Barak, A.: Pornography, Erotica, and Behavior. More Questions than An- swers. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry 14(1991)1-2, pp. 65-83, ISSN 0160- 2527.

13 EST 1,7 CO AVM Bibliography

Forna, A.: Pornography and Racism. Sexualizing Oppression and Inciting Hatred.In: Itzin, C. (ed.): Pornography. Women, Violence, and Civil Liberties. Oxford, OxfordUni- versity Press, 1993, DC, 645 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-1982-5755-4,pp. 102-111. Garcia, L.T.: Exposure to Pornography and Attitudes toward Women and Rape. A Correla- tional Study. Journal of Sex Research 22(1986),pp. 378-385, ISSN 0022-4499. Giachetti, R.: Porno Power. Pornografia e societe capitalista. In appendice ittesto del Rapporto della Commissione Nixon sulla pornografia e oscenite. [Porno Power. Pornog- raphy and Capitalist Society. In Addition to the Report of the Nixon Commissionon Pornography and Obscenity.] Bologna, Guaraldi, 1971, 340p., bibl. Glogauer, W.: Kriminalisierung von Kinder undJugendlichen durch Medien.Wirkungen gewalttatiger, sexueller, pornographischer und satanischer Darstellungen. Baden-Baden, Nomos Verlag, 1994, 184 p., bibl., ISBN 3-7890-3391-X. Goldstein, M.J.; Kant, H.S.; Hartman, J.J.: Pornography and Sexual Deviance.A Report of the Legal and Behavioral Institute. Beverly Hills, CA, University of CaliforniaPress, 1973, 194 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-5200-2406-0.

Hawkins, G.; Zimning, F.E.: Pornography in a Free Society. Cambridge,UK, Cambridge University Press, 1988, XIII, 236 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-5213-6317-9. Hebditch, D.; Anning, N.: Porn Gold. Inside the Pornography Business.London, Faber & Faber, 1988, 401 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-571-14683-X. Heine-Wiedermann, D.: Zwischen sexueller Emancipation und Gewaltverhaltnis.Neuere Arbeit zur Pornographie. Soziologische Revue 15(1992)4,pp. 360-367, ISSN 0343-4109. Henaut, G.: L'ecole du viol. Porno-addiction et crimes sexuels. Chambery,Exergue, 1997, 126 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 2-9115-2514-0. Henner, E.; Hagen, R.: Erotika und Pornographie. Representative Befragung und psychophysiologische Langzeitstudie zu Konsum und Wirkung. Miinchen, Psychologie Verlag Union, 1990, 528 p., bibl., ISBN 3-6212-7107-4. Howitt, D.; Cumberbatch, G.: Pornography. Impacts and Influences. AReview of Avail- able Research Evidence on the Effects of Pornography. London,Great Britain Home Of- fice Research and Planning Unit, 1990, 113p. Hunt, L.A. (ed.): The Invention of Pornography. Obscenity and the Origins of Modernity, 1500-1800. Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 1996, 411 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0 -9422- 9969-8. Hynes, P.H.: Pornography and Pollution. An Environmental Analogy. In: Itzin, C. (ed.): Pornography. Women, Violence, and Civil Liberties. Oxford, Oxford UniversityPress, 1993, IX, 645 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-1982-5755-4, pp. 384-397. Itzin, C. (ed.): Pornography. Women, Violence, and Civil Liberties. Oxford,UK, Oxford University Press, 1992, LX, 645 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-1982-5755-4. Jansma, L.L.; Linz, D.G.; Mulac, A.; Imrich, DJ.: Men's Interactions with Women after Viewing Sexually Explicit Films. Does Degradation Makea Difference? Communication Monographs 64(1997)1, pp. 1-24, ISSN 0363-7751.

14 r, 14.4 1.1fel t) 13EST COPYMUMBLE Uses & Effects of Pornography

Jarvie, I.: The Sociology of Pornography Debate. Philosophy of the Social Science 17(1987)2, pp. 257-275, ISSN 0048-3931. Jarvie, I.: Pornography and/as Degradation. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry 14(1991)1-2, pp. 13-27, ISSN 0160-2527. Jensen, R.: Pornography and the Limits of Experimental Research. In: Dines, G.; Humez, J.M. (eds.): Gender, Race and Class in Media. A Text-Reader. Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage Publications, 1995, 648 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8039-5164-7, pp. 298-306. Jensen, R.: Knowing Pornography. Violence Against Women 2(1996)1, pp. 82-101, ISSN 1077-8012. Kim, Chun-h.; Kim, Un-g.: [A Study on the Harmful Effects of Obscene Materials and the Practices of Criminal Justice Policy on Obscenity.) Soul, Han'guk Hyongsa Chongch'aek Yon'guwon, 1994, 144 p., bibl., ISBN 8-9736-6120-5, (In Korean, with abstract in Eng- lish). Kimmel, M.S. (ed.): Men Confront Pornography. New York, Crown Publishers, 1990, XI, 340 p., ill, bibl., index., ISBN 0-5175-6931-0. King, S.A.: Internet Gambling and Pornography. Illustrative Examples of the Psychologi- cal Consequences of Communication Anarchy. Cyber Psychology and Behavior 2(1999)1, pp. 175-193, ISSN 1094-9313. Kutchinsky, B.: Studies on Pornography and Sex Crimes in Denmark. A Report to the U.S. Presidential Commission on Obscenity and Pornography. Kobenhavn, Nyt fra samfundsvidenskaberne, 1970, 197 p. Kutchinsky, B.: The Effect of Easy Availability of Pornography on the Incidence of Sex Crimes. The Danish Experience. The Journal of Social Issues 29(1973)3, pp. 163-181, ISSN 0022-4537. Kutchinsky, B.: Pornography and Rape. Theory and Practice? Evidence from Crime Data in Four Countries where Pornography Is Easily Available. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry 14(1991)1-2, pp. 47-64, ISSN 0160-2527. Lamb, M.: Cybersex. Research Notes on the Characteristics of the Visitors to Online Chat Rooms. Deviant Behavior 19(1998)2, pp. 121-135, ISSN 0163-9625. Lautmann, R.; Schetsche, M.: Das Pornographierte Begehren. Frankfurt am Main, Cam- pus Verlag, 1990, 239 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 3-593-34363-0. Leonard, K.E.; Taylor, S.P.: Exposure to Pornography, Permissive and Nonpermissive Cues, and Male Aggression toward Females. Motivation and Emotion 7(1983), pp. 291- 299, ISSN 0146-7239. Leong, W.-T.: The Pornography `Problem'. Disciplining Women and Young Girls. Media, Culture and Society 13(1991)1, pp. 91-117, ISSN 0163-4437. Linz, D.: Exposure to Sexually Explicit Materials and Attitudes toward Rape. A Compar- ison of Study Results. Journal of Sex Research 26(1989)1, pp. 50-84, ISSN 0022-4499. Linz, D.; Donnerstein, E. et al.: Colloquy. The Methods and Merits of Pornography Re- search. Journal of Communication 38(1988)2, pp. 180-192, ISSN 0021-9916.

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47.4 :" koa SEST COPYAVAILABLE Bibliography

Linz, D.; Malamuth, N.: Pornography. Newbury Park, CA, Sage Publications,1993, VIII, 76 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8039-4481-0. Malamuth, N.M.; Donnerstein, E.: Pornography and Sexual Aggression.Orlando, FL, Academic Press, 1984, XVIII, 333 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-1246-6280-3. Malamuth, N.M.; Billings, V.: Why Pornography? Models of Functionsand Effects. Jour- nal of Communication 34(1984)3, pp. 117-129, ISSN 0021-9916. Malamuth, N.M.; Mcllwraith, R.D.: Fantasies and Exposureto Sexually Explicit Maga- zines. Communication Research 15(1988)6, pp. 753-771, ISSN 0360-3989. Marshall, W.L.: The Use of Sexually Explicit Stimuli by Rapist, ChildMolesters, and Nonoffenders. Journal of Sex Research 25(1988)2,pp. 267-288, ISSN 0022-4499. Marshall, W.L.: Pornography and Sex Offenders. In: Zillmann, D.;Bryant, J. (eds.): Porno- graphy. Research Advances and Policy Considerations. Hillsdale, NJ,Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989, XVII, 419 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8058-0615-6,pp. 185-214. McCormack, T.: Machismo in Media Research. A Critical Reviewon Violence and Porno- graphy. Social Problems 25(1978)5, pp. 544-555, ISSN 0037-7791. McCuen, G.E. (ed.): Pornography and Sexual Violence. Hudson, WI, G.E.McCuen Pub- lications, 1985, 123 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-8659-6053-4.

McElroy, W.: A Woman's Right to Pornography. New York, St. Martin'sPress, 1995, XI, 243 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-3121-3626-9.

McNair, B.: Mediated Sex. Pornography and Postmodern Culture. London, Arnold,1996, IX, 195 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-3406-1428-5. Mosher, D.L.; Maclan, P.: College Men and Women Respondto X-Rated Videos Intended for Male or Female Audiences. Gender and Sexual Scripts. Journalof Sex Research 31(1994)2, pp. 99-114, ISSN 0022-4499. Nutter, D.E.; Kearns, M.E.: Patterns of Exposure to Sexually Explicit Materialamong Sex Offenders, Child Molesters, and Controls. Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy19(1993)1, pp. 77-85, ISSN 0092-623X. Oliver, M.B.: Contributions of Sexual Portrayals to Viewers Responsesto Graphic Horror. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 38 (1994)1,pp. 1-17, ISSN 0883-8151. Osanka, F.M.; Johann, S.L.: Sourcebook on Pornography. Lexington,MA, Lexington Books/ D.C. Health and Company, 1989, LX, 627 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-6691-5858-5. Padgett, V.R.; Brislin-Slutz, J.A.; Neal, J.A.: Pornography, Erotica, andAttitudes toward Women. Journal of Sex Research 26(1989)4, pp. 479-491, ISSN 0022-4499. Palys, T.S.: Testing the Common Wisdom. The Social Content of VideoPornography. Canadian Psychology 27(1986)1, pp. 22-35, ISSN 0708-5591. Poulin, R.: Le sexe spectacle. Consommation, main-d'oeuvreet pornographie. Hull, Quebec, Vents d'Ouest, 1994, 144 p., bibl., ISBN 2-9216-0305-5.

16 SST COPYAVAILAIER Uses & Effects of Pornography

Robinson, B.S.; Scheltema, K.; Koznar, J.; Manthei, R.: Attitudes of U.S. and Czech/ Slovak Mental Health and Health Professionals toward Five Types of Sexually Explicit Materials. Archives of Sexual Behavior 25(1996)6, pp. 601-628, ISSN 0004-0002. Rojas, H.; Shah, D.; Faber, R.J.: For the Good of Others. Censorship and the Third-Person Effect. International Journal of Public Opinion Research 8(1996)2, pp. 163-186, ISSN 0954-2892. Russell, D.E.H.: Pornography and Violence. What Does the New Research Say? In: Lederer, L. (ed.): Take Back the Night. Women on Pornography. New York, William Morrow, 1980, 359 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-6880-8728-0, pp. 218-238. Russell, D.E.H.: Dangerous Relationships. Pornography, Misogyny, and Rape. Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage Publications, 1998, XVIII, 206 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-7619-0524-3. Sapolsky, B.S.; Zillmann, D.: The Effect of Soft-Core and Hard-Core Erotica on Provoked and Unprovoked Hostile Behavior. Journal of Sex Research 17(1981)4, pp. 319-343, ISSN 0022-4499. Silbert, M.H.; Pines, A.M.: Pornography and Sexual Abuse of Women. Sex Roles 10(1984)11/ 12, pp. 857-869, ISSN 0360-0025. Smith, G.P.: Family Values and the New Society. Dilem- mas of the 21st Century. Westport, CO, Praeger, 1998, XIII, 280 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0- 2759- 6221 -0. Smith, M.; Hand, C.: The Pornography/Aggression Linkage. Results from a Field Study. Deviant Behavior 8(1987)4, pp. 389-399, ISSN 0163-9625. Smith, T.W.: The Polls A Report. The Sexual Revolution? Public Opinion Quarterly 54(1990)2, pp. 415-435, ISSN 0033-362X. Sommers, E.K.; Check, J.V.P.: An Empirical Investigation of the Role of Pornography in the Verbal and Physical Abuse of Women. Violence and Victims 2(1987)3, pp. 189-209, ISSN 0886-6760. Stella, R.: L'osceno di massa. Sociologia della comunicazione pornografica. [The Ob- scene of the Mass. Sociology of Pornographic Communication.] Milano, Franco Angeli, 1991, 285 p., bibl., ISBN 8-8204-6665-1. Stoller, R.: Porn. Myths for the Twentieth Century. New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 1991, IX, 228 p., bibl., ISBN 0-3000-5092-5. Stoltenberg, J.: Pornography, Homophobia and Male Supremacy. In: Itzin, C. (ed.): Por- nography. Women, Violence, and Civil Liberties. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993, IX, 645 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-1982-5755-4, pp. 145-164. Weaver, J.: The Social Science and Psychological Research Evidence. Perceptual and Behavioural Consequences of Exposure to Pornography. In: Itzin, C. (ed.): Pornogra- phy. Women, Violence, and Civil Liberties. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993, IX, 645 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-1982-5755-4, pp. 284-308. White, L.A.: Erotica and Aggression. The Influence of Sexual Arousal, Positive Affect, and Negative Affect on Aggressive Behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 37(1979)4, pp. 591-601, ISSN 0022-3514.

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Williams, L.: Hard Core. Power, Pleasure, and the "Frenzy of the Visible". Berkeley, University of California Press, 1999, XVIII, 380 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-5202-1943-0. Wilson, J.Q.: Violence, Pornography, and Social Science. The Public Interest 22(1971)Win- ter, pp. 45-61, ISSN 0033-3557. Wilson, P.R.: Dealing with Pornography. The Case Against Censorship. Sydney, NSW, University of New South Wales Press, 1995, 62 p., bibl., ISBN 0-8684-0023-8. Yaffe, M.; Nelson, E.C. (eds.): The Influence of Pornography on Behaviour. New York, Academic Press, 1982, XIX, 276 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-1276-7850-6. Zillmann, D.: Connections between Sexuality and Aggression. Mahwah, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1998, XIII, 359 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8058-1906-1. Zillmann, D.; Bryant, J.: Pornography, Sexual Callousness, and the Trivialization of Rape. Journal of Communication 32(1982)1, pp. 10-21, ISSN 0021-9916. Zillmann, D.; Bryant, J.: Effects of Massive Exposure to Pornography. In: Malamuth, N.M.; Donnerstein, E. (eds.): Pornography and Sexual Aggression. Orlando, FL, Aca- demic Press, 1984, XVIII, 333 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-1246-6280-3, pp. 115-138.

Violent Pornography Baby, F.; Chene, J.; Dugas, H.: Les femmes dans les videoclips. Sexisme et violence. Laval, Quebec, Conseil du status de la femme, Universite Laval, Departement des litteratures, 1992, XI, 50 p., bibl., ISBN 2-5511-5078-7. Brannigan, A.; Goldenberg, S.: The Study of Aggressive Pornography. The Vicissitudes of Relevance. Critical Studies in Mass Communication 4(1987)3, pp. 262-283, ISSN 0739- 3180. Burgess, A.W. (ed.): Rape and Sexual Assault. A Research Handbook. New York, Gar- land Publications, 1991, XXI, 318 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8240-7181-6. Check, J.V.P.; Guloien, T.H.: Reported Proclivity for Coercive Sex Following Repeated Exposure to Sexually Violent Pornography, Nonviolent Dehumanizing Pornography, and Erotica. In: Zillmann, D.; Bryant, J. (eds.): Pornography. Research Advances and Policy Considerations. Hillsdale, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989, XVII, 419 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8058-0615-6, pp. 159-184. Cramer, E.; McFarlane, J.; Parker, B.; Soeken, K.; Silva, C.; Reel, S.: Violent Pornography and Abuse of Women. Theory to Practice. Violence and Victims 13(1998)4, pp. 319-332, ISSN 0886-6760. Cuklanz, L.M.: Rape on Prime Time. Television, Masculinity, and Sexual Violence. Phil- adelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999, 187 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0 -8122- 1710-1. Demare, D.; Briere, J.; Lips, H.: Violent Pornography and Self-Reported Likelihood of Raping. Journal of Research in Personality 22(1988)2, pp. 140-153, ISSN 0092-6566.

18 ci :) 1.1 L; V BIE57 COIPY AVARIABLE Violent Pornography

Demare, D.; Lips, H.M.; Briere, J.: Sexually Violent Pornography, Anti-Women Attitudes, and Sexual Aggression. A Structural Equation Model. Journal of Research in Personality 27(1993)3, pp. 285-300, ISSN 0092-6566. Donnerstein, E.: Sexual Violence in the Mass Media. In: Costanzo, M. (eds.): Violence and the Law. Thousand Oaks, Sage Publications, 1994, 290p., bibl., ISBN 0- 80395 -342- 9, pp. 9-36. Donnerstein, E.; Berkowitz, L.: Victim Reactions in Aggressive Erotic Filmsas a Factor in Violence Against Women. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 41(1981)4,pp. 710-724, ISSN 0022-3514. Donnerstein, E.; Linz, D.: Mass Media Sexual Violence and Male Viewers. Current Theory and Research. The American Behavioral Scientist 29(1986)5,pp. 601-618, ISSN 0002- 7642. Eckert, R.: Grauen and Lust. Die Inszenierung der Affekte. Eine Studiezum abweichenden Videokonsums. Pfaffenweiler, Centaurus Verlag, 1991, 190p., bibl., ISBN 3-89085-530-X. Evjen, T.; Bjornebekk, R.: Voldspornografi pa Internet. En kartleggningav forekomst og tilgjenglzghet. Delrapport II. [Violent Pornography on the Internet. A Survey of Preval- ence and Availability.] Oslo, Regjeringens handlingsplan mot void i bildmediene, 1997, 27 p., ill, (Volden for oyeten studie om unge i risikosonen, void og medier). Fisher, W.A.; Grenier, G.: Violent Pornography, Antiwoman Thoughts, andAntiwoman Acts. In Search of Reliable Effects. Journal of Sex Research 31(1994)1,pp. 23-38, ISSN 0022-4499. Groebel, J.; Smit, L.: Gewalt in Internet. Report fur die Enquete-Kommission Zukunfi der Medien' des Deutschen Bundestages. Utrecht, Department of Media Psychology, Utrecht University, 1997, 54 p., tab. Gubar, S.; Hoff, J. (eds.): For Adult Users Only. The Dilemma of Violent Pornography. Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1989, 248p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0- 2532 -2365- 7, (Everywoman; studies in history, literature, and culture). Intons-Peterson, M.J.; Roskos-Ewoldsen, B.: Mitigating the Effects of Violent Pornogra- phy. In: Gubar, S.; Hoff, J. (eds.): For Adult Users Only. The Dilemma of Violent Pornog- raphy. Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1989, ISBN 0-253-32365-7,pp. 218-239. Intons-Peterson, M.J.; Roskos-Ewoldsen, B.; Thomas, L.; Shirley, M.; Blut, R.: Will Educa- tional Materials Reduce Negative Effects of Exposure to Sexual Violence? Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology 8(1989)3,pp. 256-275, ISSN 0736-7236. Layman, W.K.: Violent Pornography and the Obscenity Doctrine. The Road Not Taken. Georgetown Law Journal 75(1987)4,pp. 1475-1508, ISSN 0016-8092. Linz, D.; Fuson, I.A.; Donnerstein, E.: Mitigating the Negative Effects of Sexually Violent Mass Communications through Preexposure Briefings. Communication Research 17(1990)5, pp. 641-674, ISSN 0093-6502. Malamuth, N.M.: Rape Fantasies as a Function of Exposure to Violent Sexual Stimuli. Archives of Sexual Behavior 10(1981)1, pp. 33-47, ISSN 0004-0002.

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Malamuth, N.M.: Sexually Violent Media, Thought Patterns, and AntisocialBehavior. In: Comstock, G.A. (ed): Public Communication and Behavior. Volume 2., SanDiego, CA, Academic Press, 1988, pp. 159-204, ISSN 0887-932X. Malamuth, N.M.; Haber, S.; Feshbach, S.: Testing Hypotheses RegardingRape. Exposure to Sexual Violence, Sex Differences, and the "Normality" of Rapists. Journal of Research in Personality 14(1980)1, pp. 121-137, ISSN 0092-6566. Mann, K.B.: The Matter with Mind. Violence and the Silence of the Lambs. Criticism 38(1996)4, pp. 583-605, ISSN 0011-1589.

Pfaus, J.G.; Myronuk, L.D.; Jacobs, W.J.: Soundtrack Contents and Depicted SexualViol- ence. Archives of Sexual Behavior 15(1986)3, pp. 231-237, ISSN 0004-0002. Poulin, R.; Coderre, C.: La violence pornographique. La virilitE dOmasquee. Hull, Quebec, Editions Asticou, 1986, 168 p., bibl., ISBN 2-8919-8063-8.

Scott, J.E.; Cuvelier, S.J.: Violence in Playboy Magazine. A Longitudinal Analysis.Ar- chives of Sexual Behavior 16(1987)4, pp. 279-288, ISSN 0004-0002. Scott, J.E.; Kearns, M.E.: Violence and Sexual Violence in Pornography. Is it ReallyIn- creasing? Archives of Sexual Behavior 22(1993)4, pp. 357-371, ISSN 0004-0002. Senn, C.Y.; Radtke, H.L.: Women's Evaluations of and Affective Reactionsto Mainstream Violent Pornography, Nonviolent Pornography, and Erotica. Violence andVictims 5(1990)3, pp. 143-155, ISSN 0886-6760. Simon, W.: Deviance as History. The Future of Perversion. Archives of Sexual Behavior 23(1994)1, pp. 1-20, ISSN 0004-0002. Slade, J.W.: Violence in the Hard-Core Pornographic Film. A HistoricalSurvey. Journal of Communication 34(1984)3, pp. 148-163, ISSN 0021-9916. Svensson, K.: Pornografins vald. [Violence in the Pornography.] In: Feilitzen, C.von; Forsman, M.; Roe, K. (eds.): Vald fran alla hall. Forskningsperspektiv pa medievaldets paverkan och betydelse. Stockholm, Brutus Ostling Bokforlag Symposion, 1993, 383p., bibl., ISBN 91-7139-123-1, pp. 313-330.

Wyre, R.: Pornography and Sexual Violence. Working with Sex Offenders. In:Itzin, C. (ed.): Pornography. Women, Violence, and Civil Liberties. Oxford, OxfordUniversity Press, 1993, IX, 645 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-1982-5755-4,pp. 236-246.

Child Pornography

Backe, L.: Liderlige Lolita. Om bornepornografi og -prostitution. Om krop, konog sexualitet som vara. [Lolita. Child Pornography and Prostitution. On Body, Gender and Sexuality as Commodity.] Kobenhavn, Borgen, 1980, 267 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 8-7418-2777-5. Belanger, A.J.; Connor, J.; Copenhafer, D.; D'Agostino, R.B.; Gould, R.B.: Scope ofthe Problem. Investigation and Prosecution. In: Burgess, A.W.; Lindqvist Clark,M. (eds.):

20 BEN COPY AVAILABLE Child Pornography

Child Pornography and Sex Rings. Lexington, MA, Lexington Books/D.C.Health and Company, 1984, VIII, 221 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-6690-6741-5,pp. 25-50. Beranbaum, T.; Burgess, A.W.; Cucci, J.; Davidson, H.A.; McCaghy,C.H.: Child Pornog- raphy in the 1970s. In: Burgess, A.W.; Lindqvist, Clark, M. (eds.): ChildPornography and Sex Rings. Lexington, MA, Lexington Books/D.C. Health andCompany, 1984, VIII, 221 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-6690-6741-5, pp. 7-24.

Bibby, P.C. (ed.): Organized Abuse. The Current Debate. Aldershot,Arena, 1996, XVIII, 278 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 1-8574-2284-8. Burgess, A.W.; Hartman, C.R.; McCausland, M.P.; Powers, P.: Impact of ChildPorno- graphy and Sex Rings on Child Victims and Their Families. In: Burgess,A.W.; Lindqvist Clark, M. (eds.): Child Pornography and Sex Rings. Lexington,MA, Lexington Books/ D.C. Health and Company, 1984, VIII, 221 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-6690-6741-5,pp. 111- 126.

Burgess, A.W.; Lindqvist Clark, M. (eds.): Child Pornography and Sex Rings.Lexington, MA, Lexington Books/D.C. Health Company, 1984, VIII, 221p., bibl., index., ISBN 0- 669- 06741 -5.

Burman, E.: Innocents Abroad. Western Fantasies of Childhood and theIconography of Emergencies. Disasters 18(1994)3, pp. 238-253, ISSN 0361-3666. Campagna, D.S.; Poffenberger, D.L.: The Sexual Trafficking in Children.An Investiga- tion of the Child Sex Trade. Dover, MA, Auburn House Publishing Company,1988, XIV, 250 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8656-9154-1. Davidson, H.A.; Loken, G.A.: Child Pornography and Prostitution. Backgroundand Legal Analysis. Washington, DC, National Centre for Missing and ExploitedChildren. National Obscenity Enforcement Unit, U.S. Dept. of Justice, 1987,XI, 95 p., bibl. Densen-Gerber, J.; Hutchinson, S.F.: Medical, Legal and Societal ProblemsInvolving Children. Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Drug-Related Abuse.Recommended Legislation. In: Smith, S.M. (ed.): The Maltreatment of Children. Baltimore,MD, Uni- versity Park Press, 1978, XII, 452 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8391-1220-3,pp. 317-350. Durkin, K.F.; Bryant, C.D.: Propagandizing Pederasty. A ThematicAnalysis of the On- Line Exculpatory Accounts of Unrepentant Pedophiles. Deviant Behavior 20(1999)1,pp. 103-127, ISSN 0163-9625. Freund, W.: Die Strafbarkeit von Internetdelikten. Eine Analyseam Beispiel pornographischer Inhalt. Wien, WUV Universitats-Verlag, 1998, XVI,130 p., bibl., Diss., ISBN 3-85114-426-0, (WUV Monographien Rechtswissenschaften; 2). Frost, Th.M.; Seng, M.J. (eds.): Sexual Exploitation of the Child. Law Enforcement,Pro- secution, and Treatment Perspectives. Chicago, IL, Center for Urban Policy, LoyolaUni- versity of Chicago, 1986, VI, 94 p., ISBN 0-9115-3114-9. Gallwitz, A.; Paulus, M.: Die Kinder-Sex-Mafia in Deutschland.Taterprofile, Piidophilenszene, Rechtslage. Berlin, Ullstein, 1999, 234p., fig., bibl., ISBN 3-548-35811- X.

Geiser, R.L.: Hidden Victims. The Sexual Abuse of Children. Boston, BeaconPress, 1979, XI, 191 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8070-2954-3.

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Grasz, L.S.; Pfaltzgraff, PJ.: Child Pornography and Child Nudity. Why and How States May Constitutionally Regulate the Production, Possession, and Distribution of Nude Visual Depictions of Children. Temple Law Review 71(1998)3,pp. 609-635, ISSN 0040- 2974. Hartman, C.R.; Burgess, A.W.; Lanning, K.V.: Typology of Collectors. In: Burgess, A.W.; Lindqvist Clark, M. (eds.): Child Pornography and Sex Rings. Lexington, MA, Lexington Books/D.C. Health and Company, 1984, VIII, 221 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-6690-6741-5, pp. 93-109. Howitt, D.: Pornography and the Paedophile. Is it Criminogenic? British Journal of Med- ical Psychology 68(1995)1, pp. 15-27, ISSN 0007-1129. Hunt, P.; Baird, M.: Children of Sex Rings. Child Welfare 69(1990)3, pp. 195-207, ISSN 0009-9228. Hyde, M.O.; Forsyth, E.H.: The Sexual Abuse of Children and Adolescents. Brookfield, CO, Milibrook Press, 1997, 96 p., bibl., ISBN 0-7613-0058-9. Itzin, C.: Pornography and the Organization of Intra- and Extrafamilial Child Sexual Abuse. A Conceptual Model. In: Kantor, G.K.; Jasinski, J.L. (eds.): Out of Darkness. Contemporary Perspectives on Family Violence. Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage Publications, 1997, XI, 332 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-7619-0776-9, pp. 58-79. Jamin, P.H.; Kowalewski, S.: Sexopfer Kind. Die Hintergriinde des Falls Dutroux und die Machenschafien der internationalen Porno-Mafia. Bergisch Gladbach, Bastei-Verlag, 1997, 367 p., ISBN 3-404-60446-6. Jarvie, J.C.: Child Pornography and Prostitution. In: O'Donohue, W.T.; Geer, J.H. (eds.): The Sexual Abuse of Children. Theory and Research (Vol.1). Hillsdale, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1992, VIII, 547 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8058-0980-5,pp. 307- 328. Kelly, L.: Surviving Sexual Violence. Cambridge, UK, Polity Press, 1988, XI, 273p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-7456-0463-3. Kelly, L.: Pornography and Child Sexual Abuse. In: Itzin, C. (ed.): Pornography. Women, Violence, and Civil Liberties. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993, IX, 645p., ill., bibl., ISBN 1982-5755-4, pp. 113-123. Kilbourne, J.: The Child as Sex Object. Images of Children in the Media. In: Nelson, M.; Clark, K. (eds.): The Educator's Guide to Preventing Child Sexual Abuse. Santa Cruz, CA, Network Publications, 1986, III, 210 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-9418-1617-6,pp. 40-46. Kincaid, J.: Child-Loving. The Erotic Child and Victorian Culture. New York, Routledge, 1992, 413 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-4159-0595-8. Kluge, N. (ed.): Sexualitat als Bedrohung. Sexuelle Gewalt, Kinderpornographie und AIDS. Landau, Forschungsstelle fur Sexualwissenschaft und Sexualpadagogik, Universitat Koblenz-Landau, 1993, 99 p., ill., fig., bibl., ISBN 3-923786-42-5. Knudsen, D.D.: Child Sexual Abuse and Pornography. Is therea Relationship? Journal of Family Violence 3(1988)4, pp. 253-267, ISSN 0885-7482.

22 BEST (COPY AVAIIAIL Child Pornography

Krivacska, J.J.; Money, J. (eds.): The Handbook of Forensic Sexology. Biomedical and Criminological Perspectives. Amherst, NY, Prometheus Books, 1994, 594 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8797-5883-X. Lanning, K.V.: Collectors. In: Burgess, A.W.; Lindqvist Clark, M. (eds.): Child Pornog- raphy and Sex Rings. Lexington, MA, Lexington Books/D.C. Health and Company, 1984, VIII, 221 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-6690-6741-5, pp. 83-92. Lanning, K.V.; Burgess, A.W.: Child Pornography and Sex Rings. In: Zillmann, D.; Bryant, J. (eds.): Pornography. Research Advances and Policy Considerations. Hillsdale, NJ, Law- rence Eribaum Associates, 1989, XVII, 419 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8058-0032-8, pp. 235-255. Linedecker, C.L.: Children in Chains. New York, NY, Everest House, 1981, 334p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8969-6088-9. Martens, P.L.: Pedofili, barnpornografi och sexuella overgrepp mot barn. [Paedophilia, Child Pornography, and Sexual Abuse of Children.] In: Statens offentliga utredningar, Barnpornografifragan. Innehayskriminalisering m.m. Betankande av Barnpornografi- utredningen 1997 29. Stockholm, Ministry of Justice, 1997, 406p., tab., bibl., ISBN 91- 38- 20527 -0, pp. 333-406. Miner, M.H.; West, M.A.; Day, D.M.: Sexual Preference for Child and Aggressive Stimuli. Comparison of Rapists and Child Molesters Using Auditory and Visual Stimuli. Behav- iour Research and Therapy 33(1995) 5, pp. 545-551, ISSN 0005-7967. Monestier, M.: Les enfants esclaves. L'enfer quotidien de 300 millions d'enfants. Paris, Cherche midi, 1998, 271 p., ill. Moore, J.W.: Child Pornography, the First Amendment, and the Media. The Constitution- alism of Super-Obscenity Laws. Communications and Entertainment (1981)Fall,pp. 115-139, ISSN 0193-8398. Muntarbhorn, V.: Sexual Exploitation of Children. New York, United Nations, 1996, VI, 37 p., bibl., ISBN 9-2115-4123-9, (Human Rights Study Series; 8). O'Brien, S.: Child Pornography. Dubuque, IA, KendalVHunt Publishing Company, 1983, XII, 174 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-8403-2956-3. O'Brien, S.: Child Pornography. In: Barker, N.C. (ed.): Child Abuse and Neglect. An Interdisciplinary Method of Treatment. Dubuque, IA, Kendall/Hunt Publishing Com- pany, 1998, XII, 266 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-7872-5241-7, pp. 119-137. O'Donohue, W.; Geer, J.H. (eds.): The Sexual Abuse of Children. Theory and Research (Vol.1). Hillsdale, NJ, Lawrence Eribaum Associates, 1991, V, 410p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8058-0340-8. O'Donohue, W.; Geer, J.H. (eds.): The Sexual Abuse of Children. Clinical Issues (Vol.2). Hillsdale, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1991, VIII, 547p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0- 8058- 0980 -5. Pierce, R.L.: Child Pornography. A Hidden Dimension of Child Abuse. Child Abuse and Neglect 8(1984)4, pp. 483-493, ISSN 0145-2134.

23

BEST CopyAVAIIIABILE Bibliography

Reisman, J.A.: Child Pornography in Erotic Magazines, Social Awareness, and Self-Cen- sorship. In: Zillmann, D.; Bryant, J.; Huston, A.C. (eds.): Media, Children and the Fam- ily. Social Scientific, Psychodynamic, and Clinical Perspectives. Hillsdale, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1994, XIII, 351 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-80581-210-5, (LEA's Commu- nication Series), pp. 313-325. Rossen, B.; Schijer, J. (eds.): Het seksuele gevaar voor kinderen. Mythen en feiten. [The Sexual Danger to Children. Myths and Facts.] Amsterdam, Swets & Zeitlinger, 1992, 482 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 9-0265-1235-X. Rutschky, K.: Erregte AuJklarung. Kindesmissbrauch, Fakten und Fiktionen. Hamburg, Klein Verlag, 1992, 118 p., ISBN 3-9229-3005-0. Sable, T.C.: Target-Pornography. Kettering, OH, PPI Publishers, 1997, 145 p., bibl., index., ISBN 1-5751-5091-3. Sanders, M.; Ackerman, B.: The Sexual Exploitation of Runaways. In: Forst, M.L. (ed.): Missing Children. The Law Enforcement Response. Springfield, IL, Charles C. Thomas Publishers, 1990, XI, 237 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-3980-5681-1, pp. 159-171. Schetky, D.H.: Child Pornography and Prostitution. In: Schetky, D.H.; Green, A.H. (eds.): Child Sexual Abuse. A Handbook for Health Care and Legal Professionals. New York, NY, Brunner-Mazel, 1988, XV, 248 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8763-0495-1, pp. 153-165. Schetsche, M.: Das `sexuell gefahrdete Kind'. Kontinuitdt und Wandel eines sozialen Problems. Pfaffenweiler, Centaurus, 1993, 329 p., fig., bibl., ISBN 3-89085-819-8, (Soziologische Studien; Bd.11). Schlesinger, B. (ed.): Sexual Abuse of Children in the 1980's. Ten Essays and An Annot- ated Bibliography. Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1986, 201 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8020-6622-4. Schoettle, U.C.: Child Exploitation. A Study of Child Pornography. Journal of the Amer- ican Academy of Child Psychiatry 19(1980)2, pp. 289-299, ISSN 0002-7138. Schuijer, J.; Rossen, B.: The Trade in Child Pornography. Issues in Child Abuse Accusa- tions 4(1992)2, pp. 55-107, ISSN 1043-8823. Schultz, L.G.: The Sexual Abuse of Children and Minors. A Bibliography. Child Welfare 58(1979)3, pp. 147-163, ISSN 0009-4021. Sieber, U.; Dombrowski, B.: Kinderpornographie, Jugendschutz und Providerverant- wortlichkeit im Internet. Eine strafrechtsvergleichende Untersuchung. Hrsg. vom Bundesministerium der Justiz. Monchengladbach, Forum-Verlag Godesberg, 1999, XXVI, 446 p., ISBN 3-930982-45-5. Silleta, A.: El grito de los inocentes. Trafico y yenta de nifios en la Argentina, adopciones ilegales, robo y prostitucion infantil. S.1., Ediciones Corregidor, 1997, 126 p., ISBN 950- 05- 0949 -0. Svedin, C.G.; Back, K.: Children Who Don't Speak Out. About Children Being Used in Child Pornography. Stockholm, Swedish Save the Children, 1996, 79 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 9-18872-658-4.

24 ro i".) EST COPYAVAELARJE Regulations, Policy, and Pornography as a Social Problem

Tate, T.: Child Pornography. An Investigation. London, Methuen, 1990, 319p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-4136-1540-5.

Tate, T.: The Child Pornography Industry. International Trade in Child Sexual Abuse.In: Itzin, C. (ed.): Pornography. Women, Violence, and Civil Liberties. Oxford, Oxford Uni- versity Press, 1993, IX, 645 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-1982-5755-4,pp. 203-215. The MAPI Group: Child Pornography on the Internet. A Report. Namur, Belgium,Com- puter Science Department / Cellule Interfacultaire de Technology Assessment of Univ. of Namur, 1998, 73 p., bibl. ThOnnissen, A.; Meyer-Andersen, K.: Kinderschander. Das geheime Geschaftmit der Kindeip.ornographie. Miinchen, Goldmann, 1992,186 p., bibl., ISBN 3-442-12394-8. Trube-Becker, E.: Missbrauchte Kinder. Sexuelle Gewalt and wirtschaftliche Ausbeutung. Heidelberg, Kriminalistik Verlag, 1992, VIII, 114 p., bibl., ISBN 3-7832-0492-5. Tyler, R.P.; Stone, L.E.: Child Pornography. Perpetuating the Sexual Victimization of Children. Child Abuse and Neglect 9(1985)3, pp. 313-318, ISSN 0145-2134.

Wuttke, G.: Kinderprostitution, Kinderpornographie, Tourismus. Gottingen,Lamuv, 1998, 285 p., ISBN 3-88977-531-4.

Regulations, Policy, and Pornography as a Social Problem Akdeniz, Y.: The Regulation of Pornography and Child Pornographyon the Internet. Journal of Information, Law and Technology 1(1997)1, ISSN 1361-4169.

Akdeniz, Y.: Who Watches the Watchmen? Internet Content Rating Systems andPri- vatised Censorship. Australian Library Journal 47(1998)1,pp. 28-42, ISSN 0004-9670. Australian Broadcasting Authority: Investigation into the Content of On-LineServices. Report to the Minister for Communications and the Arts. Sydney, Australian Broadcasting Authority, 1996, 212 p., ISBN 0-6422-5086-X. Barnes, C. (ed.): U.S. Commission on Obscenity and Pornography. The Report. New York, Random House, 1971, 700 p., bibl., ISBN 0-3944-6994-1. Byerly, G.; Rubin, R.: Pornography. The Conflict over Sexually Explicit Materialin the United States. An Annotated Bibliography. New York, Garland, 1980, IX, 152p., index., ISBN 0-8240-9514-6. Caamario Uribe, A.: La pornograffa. Estudio sociojuridico de un problema mundialy eterno. Mexico, Edamex, 1989, 200 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 9-6840-9462-0. Calmes, J.-C.: La Pornographie et les representations de la violenceen droit penal. Etude des articles 197 et 135 du code penal suisse. Bale, Helbing & Lichtenhahn,1997, XV, 363 p., ill., fig., bibl., Diss., ISBN 3-7190-1702-8. Campbell, AT: Self-Regulation and the Media. Federal Communications Law Journal 51(1999)3, pp. 711-722, ISSN 0163-7606.

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Cate, F.H.: Cybersex. Regulating Sexually Explicit Expression on the Internet. Behavioral Sciences and the Law 14(1996)2, pp. 145-166, ISSN 0735-3936. Cate, F.H.: The Internet and the First Amendment. Schools and Sexually Explicit Expres- sion. Bloomington, IND, Phi Delta Kappa Educational Foundation, 1998, III, 103 p., bibl., ISBN 0-8736-7398-0. Cavazos, E.A.; Morin, G.: Cyberspace and the Law. Your Rights and Duties in the On-Line World. Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 1994, XIV, 215 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-2625-3123-2. Cline, V.B. (ed.): Where Do You Draw the Line? An Exploration into Media Violence, Pornography and Censorship. Provo, Brigham Young University Press, 1974, XI, 365p., bibl., ISBN 0-8425-0986-0. Copp, D.; Wendell, S. (eds.): Pornography and Censorship. Buffalo, NY, Prometheus Books, 1983, 414 p., bibl., ISBN 0-8797-5181-9. Council of Europe Committee of Ministers: Sexual Exploitation, Pornography and Pros- titution of and Trafficking in, Children and Young Adults. Recommendation No. R(91)11 and Report of the European Committee on Crime Problems. Strasburg, Council of Eu- rope, 1993, 56 p., ISBN 9-2871-2035-8. Donnerstein, E.; Linz, D.; Penrod, S.: The Question of Pornography. Research Findings and Policy Implications. New York; London, Free Press; Collier Macmillan, 1987, XIV, 274 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-0290-7521-1. Dupagne, M.: Regulation of Sexually Explicit Videotext Services in France. Journalism Quarterly 71(1994)1, pp. 121-134, ISSN 0196-3031. Einsiedel, E.F.: Symposium. Uneasy Bedfellows. Social Science and Pornography. The British, Canadian, and U.S. Pornography Commissions and Their Use of Social Science Research. Journal of Communication 38(1988)2, pp. 108-121, ISSN 0021-9916. Fisher, R.D.; Cook, LI: Correlates of Support for Censorship of Sexual, Sexually Violent, and Violent Media. Journal of Sex Research 31(1994)3, pp. 229-240, ISSN 0022-4499. Goldschmidt, P.W.: Pornography and Democratization. Legislating Obscenity in Post- Communist Russia. Boulder, CO, Westview Press, 1999, VIII, 274 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8133-3575-2. Greek, C.E.; Thompson, W.: Antipornography Campaigns. Saving the Family in America and England. International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 5(1992)4, pp. 601- 616, ISSN 0891-4486. Gregg, J.: Caught in the Web. Entrapment Law Cyberspace. Hastings Communications and Entertainment Law Journal 19(1996)1, pp. 157-198, ISSN 1061-6578. Gruhler, A.K.A.: Das Ende der "totalen" Freiheit im Internet. Die Auswirkungen inkriminierter Inhalte auf die Informationsgesellschaften. Marburg, Techtum-Verlag, 1998, II, 166 p., fig., bibl., ISBN 3-8288-9006-7. Gunther, A.C.: Overrating the X-Rating. The Third-Person Perception and Support for Censorship of Pornography. Journal of Communication 45(1995)1, pp. 27-38, ISSN 0021- 9916.

26 8 Regulations, Policy, and Pornography as a Social Problem

Haskins, J. et al.: Illegal and Harmful Use of the Internet. First Report of the Working Group on the Illegal and Harmful Use of the Internet; Chairperson. John Haskins. Dub- lin, Stationery Office, Ireland. Dept. of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, 1998, 73p + app. 22 p., fig., ISBN 0-7076-5044-5. Howitt, D.; Argyle, M.: Mass Media and Social Problems. Oxford, UK, Pergamon Press, 1982, VIII, 204 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-08-026759-9. Johnson, P.: Pornography Drives Technology. Why Not Censor the Internet. Federal Communications Law Journal 49(1996)1, pp. 217-226, ISSN 0163-7606. Khosla, G.D.: Pornography and Censorship in India. New Dehli, Indian Book Company, 1976, 168 p. Kim, Yong-h.; Yi, Kyong-j.: [A Study of the Criminal Policy as to Pornography.] Soul, Han'guk Hyongsa Chongch'aek Yon'guwon, 1992, 275 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 8-9736-6062-4, (In Korean, with abstract in English). Kutchinsky, B.: The Politics of Pornography Research. Law & Society Review 26(1992)2, pp. 447-455, ISSN 0023-9216. Larsen, 0.N.: Voicing Social Concern. The Mass Media, Violence, Pornography, Censor- ship, Organization, Social Science, the Ultramultiversity. Lanham, MD, University Press of America, 1994, XI, 306 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8191-9437-9. Lautmann, R.: Die neue Gefarlichkeit der Pornographie. Politische Kampagnen and psychologische Wirkungsforschung. Zeitschrift fur Sexualforschung 1(1988)1,pp. 45- 67, ISSN 0932-8114. Linz, D.; Wilson, B.J.; Donnerstein, E.: Sexual Violence in the Mass Media. Legal Solu- tions, Warnings, and Mitigation through Education. Journal of Social Issues 48(1992)1, pp. 145-171, ISSN 0022-4537. Lloyd, Ij.: Information Technology Law. London, Butterworths, 1997, XVI, 508p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-4068-9515-5. Mackaay, E.; Poulin, D.; Trudel, P.: The Electronic Superhighway. Shape of Technology and Law to Come. The Hague, Kluwer Law International, 1995, XIV, 193p., ill., bibl., ISBN 9-0411-0135-7. Martin, C.D.: An Alternative to Government Regulation and Censorship. Content Advis- ory Systems for Interactive Media. In: Price, M.E. (ed.): The v-chip Debate. Content Filtering From Television to the Internet. Mahwah, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1998, XXV, 363 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-80583-061-8,pp. 179-194. McMurdo, G.: Cyberporn and Communication Decency. Journal of Information Science 23(1997)1, pp. 81-90, ISSN 0165-5515. New Zealand Ministerial Committee of Inquiry into Pornography: Pornography. Report of the Ministerial Committee of Inquiry into Pornography. Wellington, the Committee, 1989, 211 p., bibl., ISBN 0-4770-7238-0. Nordquist, J.: Pornography and Censorship. Santa Cruz, CA, Reference and Research Services, 1987, 64 p., bibl., ISBN 0-9378-5513-8, (A Bibliographic Series; 7).

27

EST COPYAVARIAIRE Bibliography

Paletz, D.L.: Pornography, Politics, and the Press. The U.S. AttorneyGeneral's Commis- sion on Pornography. Journal of Communication 38(1988)2,pp. 122-135, ISSN 0021- 9916.

Pally, M.: Sex and Sensibility. Reflections on Forbidden Mirrors and theWill to Censor. Hopewell, NJ, Ecco Press, 1994, IX, 198 p., ISBN 0-8800-1364-8. Payton, J.M.: Notes. Child Pornography Legislation. Journal of FamilyLaw 17(1978/ 1979)3, pp. 505-534, ISSN 0891-6330. Pollard, D.: Regulating Violent Pornography. Vanderbilt Law Review43(1990)1, pp. 125- 159, ISSN 0042-2533.

Pope, R.S.: Child Pornography. A New Role for the Obscenity Doctrine.University of Illinois Law Forum 3(1978), pp. 711-757, ISSN 0041-963X. Price, M.E. (ed.): The V-Chip Debate. Content Filtering from Televisionto the Internet. Mahwah, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1998, XXV, 363p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0- 80583- 061 -8. Rist, R.C. (ed.): The Pornography Controversy. Changing Moral Standardsin American Life. New Brunswick, NJ, Transaction Books, 1975, IX, 279p., bibl., index., ISBN 0 -8785- 5093-3. Ritz, D.: Inhalteverantwortlichkeit von Online-Diensten. Stralbarkeitvon Online-Diensten in ihrer Funktion als Inhalteanbieter, Online-Service-Provider andInternet-Access-Pro- vider far die Verbreitung von Pornographie im elektronischen Datennetz.Frankfurt am Main, Lang Verlag, 1998, 260 p., bibl., Diss., ISBN 3-631-34270-5. Roberts, D.F.: Media Content Labeling Systems. Informational Advisoriesor Judgemental Restrictions? In: Price, M.E. (ed.): The V -Chip Debate. Content Filtering from Televisionto the Internet. Mahwah, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1998,XXV, 363 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-80583-061-8, pp. 157-178. Rosenberg, R.S.: Free Speech, Pornography, Sexual Harassment, andElectronic Net- works. Information Society 9(1993)4, pp. 285-331, ISSN 0165-5515.

Rosenoer, J.: CyberLaw. The Law of the Internet. New York, Springer,1997, XIV, 362 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-3879-4832-5. Samoriski, J.H.; Huffman, J.L.; Trauth, D.M.: The V-Chip and CyberCops. Technology Vs. Regulation. Communication Law and Policy 2 (1997)1,pp. 143-164, ISSN 1081-1680. Sandfort, T.; Brongersma, E.; van Naerssen, A. (eds.): Male IntergenerationalIntimacy. Historical, Socio-Psychological, and Legal Perspectives. New York, HaworthPress, 1991, 325 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 1-5602-4000-8. Schwartz, M.D.: Censorship of Sexual Violence. Is the Problem Sexor Violence? Human- ity and Society 11(1987)2, pp. 212-243, ISSN 0160-5976. Schwarzer, A. (ed.): PorNo. Opfer & Titer, Gegenwehr & Backlash,Verantwortung & Gesetz. Köln, Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1994, 247p., ill., ISBN 3-4620-2323-3. Sears, A.E.: The Legal Case for Restricting Pornography. In: Zillmann,D.; Bryant, J. (eds.): Pornography. Research Advances and Policy Considerations.Hillsdale, NJ, Law-

28 EST Copy AVM 111J1 Al Regulations, Policy, and Pornography as a Social Problem

rence Erlbaum Associates, 1989, XVII, 419 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8058-0615-6, pp. 323- 342. SOU 1997:29: Barnpornografifreigan. Innehayskriminaliseringm.m. Beteinkande av Barnpornografiutredningen. The Issue of Child Pornography. A Report from the Gov- ernmental Investigation on Child Pornography.] Stockholm, Ministry ofJustice, 1997, 406 p., tab., bibl., ISBN 91-38-20527-0. Sweet, C.: Pornography and Addiction. A Political Issue. In: Itzin, C. (ed.): Pornography. Women, Violence, and Civil Liberties. Oxford,Oxford University Press, 1993, IX, 645 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-1982-5755-4, pp. 179-199. Thomas, D.S.: Cyberspace Pornography. Problems with Enforcement. Internet Research 7(1997)3, pp. 210-217, ISSN 1066-2243.

Thompson, M.E.; Chafee, S.H.; Oshagan, H.H.: Regulating Pornography. A PublicDi- lemma. Journal of Communication 40(1990)3, pp. 73-83, ISSN 0021-9916. UNESCO: Protecting Children Online. Sexual Abuse of Children, Child Pornography and Paedophilia on the Internet. An International Challenge. Final Report, Declaration, and Action Plan, Paris, 18-19 January 1999. Paris, UNESCO Communication Division, 1999, 52 p. United Nations Commission on Human Rights: Rights of the Child. Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography. Report Submitted By Mr. Vitit Muntarbhorn, E/CN.4/1994/84. Special Rapporteur in Accordance with Commissionon Human Rights Resolution 1993/82, (14. January 1994). United Nations: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Sale of Children, ChildProstitu- tion and Child Pornography, Submitted by Ms. Ofelia Calcetas-Santos, E/CIV.4/1996/100. Special Rapporteur Appointed in Accordance with Commissionon Human Rights Reso- lution 1995/79, (17. January 1996). United Nations: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Sale of Children, ChildProstitu- tion and Child Pornography, Prepared by Ms. Ofelia Calcetas-Santos, E/CN.4/1997/95, (7. February 1997). United Nations: Report of the Special Rapporteuron the Sale of Children, Child Prostitu- tion and Child Pornography, Prepared by Ms. Ofelia Calcetas-Santos, E/CN.4/1998/101, (13. January 1998). United Nations: Special Rapporteur on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitutionand Child Pornography. Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Sale of Children, ChildProstitution and Child Pornography, Prepared by Ms. Ofelia Calcetas Santos, A/53/311, (26.August 1998). United Nations: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Sale of Children, ChildProstitu- tion and Child Pornography, prepared by Ms. Ofelia Calcetas Santos, E/CIV.4/1999/71, (29. January 1999).

United States Attorney General's Commission on Pornography: Final Report ofthe Attor- ney General's Commission on Pornography, with Introduction by Michael J. McManus, Nashville, TE, Routledge Hill Press, 1986, II, 571 p., bibl., ISBN 0-9343-9542-X.

BEST COPY AVAILABLE 29 Bibliography

United States: Commission on Obscenity and Pornography: Technical Reports (Vol.1-9). Washington, DC, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1971, bibl. United States Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the Committee on Govern- mental Affairs: Child Pornography and Pedophilia. A Report Made by the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigation of the Committee on Governmental Affairs. United States Senate, Washington, DC, Government Printing Office, 1986, III, 54 p., bibl., (Report; 99- 537). Wang, J.Z.; Li, J.; Wiederhold, G.; Firschein, 0.: System for Screening Objectionable Images. Computer Communications 21(1998)15, pp. 1355-1360, ISSN 0140-3664. Weinberg, D.F.: Rating the Net. In: Price, M.E. (ed.): The V-Chip Debate. Content Filter- ing from Television to the Internet. Mahwah, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1998, XXV, 363 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-80583-061-8, pp. 221-242. Weitzner, DJ.: Yelling 'Filter' on the Crowded Net. The Implications of Uses of Control Technologies. In: Price, M.E. (ed.): The V-Chip Debate. Content Filtering from Television to the Internet. Mahwah, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1998, XXV, 363 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-80583-061-8, pp. 207-220. World Congress Against Commercial Exploitation of Children: Report of the World Con- gress Against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children, 27-31 August, 1996, in Stock- holm, Sweden. The General Rapporteur Prof. Vitit Muntarbhom, Final Report Prepared by the Swedish Government Congress Secretariat. Zehnder, M.: Gefahr CMS dem Cyberspace? Das Internet zwischen Freiheit and Zensur. Basel, Birkhauser, 1998, 198 p., bibl., ISBN 3-7643-5784-3. Zillmann, D.: Pornography Research and Public Policy. In: Zillmann. D.; Bryant, J. (eds.): Pornography. Research Advances and Policy Considerations. Hillsdale, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989, XVII, 419 p., bibl, index., ISBN 0-8058-0615-6,pp. 387-403. Zillmann, D.; Bryant, J. (eds.): Pornography. Research Advances and Policy Considera- tions. Hillsdale, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989, XVII, 419 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8058-0615-6.

30 BEST COPY AVARIABLIE The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen

Goteborg University Nordic Council of Ministers NORDICOM G6teborg University Box 713 SE 405 30 GOTEBORG

Tel. +46 31 773 10 00. Fax +46 31 773 46 55

E-mail: [email protected]

SSN 1403-4700 ISBN 91-89471-03-2

*BEST COPYAVAILABLE $

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BEST COPY MUM_ (4el- The UNESCO The UNESCO International International Clearinghouse Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on Children and Violence on the Screen on the Screen, at In 1997, the Nordic Information Centre forMedia and Nordicom Goteborg University Communication Research (Nordicom) setup an Box 713 international clearinghouse on children and violenceon SE 405 30 GOTEBORG, Sweden the screen, financed jointly by the SwedishGovernment Web site: and UNESCO. http://www.nordicom.gu.se The Clearinghouse aims to expand and deepen DIRECTOR:Ulla Carlsson our understanding of children, young people and media SCIENTIFIC CO-ORDINATOR: Cecilia von Feilitzen violence, seen in the perspective of the UNConvention Tel:+46 8 16 28 64 on the Rights of the Child.The prime task is to make Fax:+46 8 661 03 04 E-mail: [email protected] new knowledge and data known to prospectiveusers all over the world, with a view to informing relevant policy DocumErtrrAusr:Pia Hepsever Tel: +46 31 773 49 53 decisions in the field, contributing to constructivepublic Fax: +46 31 773 46 55 discussion of the subject, and furthering children's E-mail: [email protected] competence as media users. It is also a hope that the work of the Clearinghouse will stimulate furtherresearch THE CLEARINGHOUSE on children and the media. IS LOCATED AT NORDICOM The UNESCO International Clearinghouseon Nordicom is an organ of co-operation between the Nordic Children and Violence on the Screen focuseson the countriesDenmark, Finland, Iceland, following areas: Norway and Sweden.The overriding goal research on children, young people and and purpose is to make the media and communication efforts undertaken in the media violence Nordic countries known, both children's access to the media and their throughout and far beyond our part of the world. media use Nordicom uses a variety of channels - newsletters, journals, books, media education and children's participation in databases - to reach researchers, the media students, decision-makers, media pertinent legislation and self-regulating practitioners, journalists, teachers and interested members of the general public. initiatives. Nordicom works to establish and The Clearinghouse is user-oriented, which strengthen links between the Nordic means that research community and colleagues in our services are offered in response to demand andare all parts of the world, both by means of adapted to the needs of our users researchers, policy- unilateral flows and by linking individual researchers, research groups and makers, media professionals, voluntary organisations, institutions. teachers, students and interested individuals. Nordicom also documents media Central to the work has been the creation of trends in the Nordic countries.The joint a world- Nordic information addresses users in wide network The Clearinghouse publishesa yearbook Europe and further afield.The produc- and a newsletter. Several bibliographies, anda register tion of comparative media statistics forms the core of this service. of organisations concerned with children andmedia, Nordicom is funded by the Nordic have been compiled.This and other informationis Council of Ministers. available on the Clearinghouse's web site. bro raphy Research on Video and Computer Games

A selection (1970-)

Compiled by Johan CronstrOm

The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen at Nordicom 2000

i BEST COPYAVAILABLE Published by The UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violenceon the Screen Nordicom Goteborg University Box 713 SE 405 30 GOTEBORG Sweden

Printed by Livrena Grafiska AB, Kungalv, Sweden, 2000

ISSN 1403-4700 ISBN 91-89471-02-4 Contents

Introduction 5

Video & Computer Games 7

Children's Play & Games 16

Computer-Mediated Communication 19 Introduction

Johan cronctriim

The ambition of this bibliography has been to present a selection of research on video and computer games that gives a broad and representative picture of the field. The bibliography comprises material dealing with different aspects of these electronic and digital games. Research on possible harmful effects, such as aggression and certain cognitive-emotional influences, as well as health issues, are included. However, there are also other aspects, such as different kinds of use of video and computer games, analyses of their contents, and the possible contribution of the games to cognitive development, motor perceptual, skills, and social interaction. A branch excluded here, however, is the relatively extensive research on use of games and multimedia for specific learning purposes in school situations. The main part of the material was published in the 1990s. Actually, only one fifth of the references were published in the 1980s and more than half of all titles were published after 1995, which illustrates the fresh character of this research. Due to the nature of this relatively new research field we also present, at the end, two additional bibliographical lists with examples of research that can be seen as closely related to that on electronic games. The first related area concerns children's play and games in general. The other related area deals with computer-mediated communication issues. With these two additional lists we wish to highlight, on one hand, the historical perspective of issues concerning children's play and games, and, on the other, the fact that a growing part of the computerised world is entering new research areas that, with all probability, will be of wider importance tomorrow. The selection of research for the bibliography was done from major databases on social sciences, humanities and media science, such as ERIC, PAIS Interna- tional, PsychINFO, Medline, EBSCOhost, LLBA, and Social Science Citation In- dex. In addition, several online catalogues were used, as well as searches on the Internet. Besides these sources, more traditional ones such as books and journals were used, as well as publications by researchers who have been in contact with the Clearinghouse.

5 The criteria for selection were that the materialmust be published and of a certain length. Therefore, unpublished conferencepapers, reports, very brief articles, and the like, were excluded. Due to practicalreasons, there was also a certain selection among publications by thesame author. Material in English dominates the compilation,one reason being the greater accessibility to Anglo-American databases. Thus, although thereare examples of publications from other speechareas as well, the bibliography by no means represents an internationally complete coverage of researchon video and computer games. Therefore, we certainly welcome future tips and contributions from all over the world in order to makeour continuing data collection more complete.

6 400 Video & Computer Games

Video & Computer Games Anderson, C.A.; Ford, C.: Affect of the Game Player. Short-Term Effects of Highly and Mildly Aggressive Video Games. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 12(1986)4, pp. 390-402, ISSN 0146-1672. Anderson, C.A.; Morrow, M.: Competitive Aggression without Interaction. Effects of Com- petitive Versus Cooperative Instructions on Aggressive-Behavior in Video Games. Per- sonality and Social Psychology Bulletin 21(1995)10, pp. 1020-1030, ISSN 0146-1672. Ask, A.: To Kill or Not to Kill. Competition, Aggression, and Videogames in Adolescents. Adelaide, University of Adelaide, 1999, 320 p., Diss. Baird, W.E.; Silvern, S.B.: Electronic Games. Children Controling the Cognitive Environ- ment. Early Child Development and Care (1990)61, pp. 43-49, ISSN 0300-4430. Ballard, M.E.; Wiest, J.R.: Mortal Kombat. The Effects of Violent Videogame Playon Males' Hostility and Cardiovascular Responding. Journal of Applied Social Psychology 26(1996)8, pp. 717-730, ISSN 0021-9029. Barnett, M.A.; Vitaglione, G.D.; Harper, K.K.G.; Quackenbush, S.W.; Steadman, L.A.; Valdez, B.S.: Late Adolescents' Experiences With and Attitudes. Toward Video Games. Journal of Applied Social Psychology 27(1997)15, pp. 1316-1334, ISSN 0021-9029. Beentjes, H.; d'Haenes, L.; van der Voort, T.H.A.; Koolstra, C.M.: Dutch and Flemish Children and Adolescents as Users of Interactive Media. The European Journal of Com- munication Research 24(1999)2, pp. 145-166, ISSN 0341-2059. Beierwaltes, A.; Grebe, B.; Naumann-Braun, K.: Indizierte Computerspiele. Markt and Spieler. In: Ernst, T.; Fehr, W.; Fritz, J.; Hiegemann, S. (eds.): Computerspiele. Bunte Welt im grauen Alltag. Bonn, Bundeszentrale fur Politische Bildung, 1993, 199 p., ill., fig., ISBN 3-89331-182-3. Blumberg, F.C.: Developmental Differences at Play. Children's Selective Attention and Performance in Video Games. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 19(1998)4, pp. 615-624, ISSN 0193-3973. Boron, J.; Zyss, T.: [The World of Computer Games II. A Demographic Study on Preval- ence of Computer Players in Secondary School Students] Psychiatria Polska 30(1996)2, pp. 267-279, ISSN 0033-2674, (in Polish). Braun, C.; Giroux, J.: Arcade Video Games. Proxemic, Cognitive and Content Analyses. Journal of Leisure Research 21(1989)2, pp. 92-105, ISSN 0022-2216. Brunner, C.; Bennett, D.; Honey, M.: Girl Games and Technological Desire. In: Cassell, J.; Jenkins, H. (eds.): From Barbie to Mortal Kombat. Gender and Computer Games. Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 1998, XVIII, 360 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-2620-3258-9,pp. 72-88. Calvert, S.L.: Children's Journey through the Information Age. Washington, DC, McGraw- Hill, 1999, XXII, 298 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-0701-1664-4. Cassell, J.; Jenkins, H. (eds.): From Barbie to Mortal Kombat. Gender and Computer Games. Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 1998, XVIII, 360 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-2620-3258-9.

7 BEST COPYAVAITAB112 4 0 Bibliography

Christofferson, J.: Monstermassakern. Datorspelens lockande varld. [The Monster Mass- acre. The Attractive World of Computer Games.] Stockholm, Valdsskildringsradet, Kulturdepartementet, 1999, 82 p., (Valdsskildringssradets skriftserie; 22), ISSN 1102- 447X. Cohn, L.B.: Violent Video Games. Aggression, Arousal, and Desensitization in Young Adolescent Boys. Ann Arbor, MI, University of Southern California, 1995, 158p., Diss. Connor, K.: Aggression. Is it in the Eye of the Beholder? Play & Culture 2(1989)3,pp. 213-217, ISSN 0894-4253. Cooper, J.; Hall, J.; Huff, C.: Situational Stress as a Consequence of Sex-Stereotyped Software. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 16(1990)3,pp. 419-429, ISSN 0146- 1672. Cooper, J.; Mackie, D.: VideO Games and Aggression in Children. Journal of Applied Social Psychology 16(1986)8, pp. 726-744, ISSN 0021-9029. Creasey, G.L.; Myers, BJ.: Video Games and Children. Effects on Leisure Activities, School- work, and Peer Involvement. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly Journal of Developmental Psy- chology 32(1986)3, pp. 251-262, ISSN 0272-930X. Cumberbatch, G.; Maguire, A.; Woods, S.: Children and Video Games. An Exploratory Study. Birmingham, UK, Communication Research Group, Aston University, 1993, 37p. De Waal, B.: Motivations for Video Game Play. A Study of Social, Cultural, and Physio- logical Factors. Burnaby, BC, Simon Fraser University, 1995, XIII, 220p., ill., ISBN 0- 6120- 6630 -4. Dietz, T.L.: An Examination of Violence and Gender Role Portrayals in Video Games. Implications for Gender Socialization and Aggressive Behavior. Sex Roles 38(1998)5-6, pp. 425-442, ISSN 0360-0025. Dill, K.E.: Violent Video Game and Traits Aggression Effects on Aggressive Behavior, Thoughts, and Feelings, Delinquency, and World View. S.1., University of Missouri, 1997, 165 p., Diss. Dill, K.E.; Dill, J.C.: Video Game Violence. A Review of the Empirical Literature. Aggres- sion and Violent Behavior 3(1998)4, pp. 407-428, ISSN 1359-1789. Dominick, J.R.: Video Games, Television Violence, and Aggression in Teenagers. Jour- nal of Communication 34(1984)2, pp. 136-147, ISSN 0021-9916. Dorman, S.M.: Video and Computer Games. Effect on Children and Implications for Health Education. Journal of School Health 67 (1997)4, pp. 133-138, ISSN 0022-4391. Durkin, K.: Computer Games. Their Effects on Young People. Sydney, Australian Office of Film and Literature Classification, 1995, VIII, 80 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 0-6422-3435-3. Durkin, K.; Aisbett, K.: Computer Games and Australians Today. Sydney, Office of Film and Literature Classification, 1999, 155p., tab., fig., bibl., ISBN 0-642-70461-9.

8 HIFST COPY AVAIILMIS Video & Computer Games

Durkin, K.; Low, J.: Children, Media and Aggression. Current Research in Australia and New Zealand. In: Carlsson, U.; von Feilitzen, C. (eds.): Children and Media Violence. Yearbook from the UNESCO International Clearinghouse on Children and Violence on the Screen 1998. Goteborg, Nordicom, Goteborg University, 1998, 387 p., bibl., tab., fig., ISBN 91-630-6358-1, pp. 107-124. Ellis, D.: Video Arcades, Youth, and Trouble. Youth and Society 16 (1984)1, pp. 47-65, ISSN 0044-118X. Emes, C.E.: Is Mr Pac Man Eating Our Children? A Review of the Effect of Video Games on Children. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 42 (1997)4, pp. 409-414, ISSN 0706-7437. Einst, T.; Fehr, W.; Fritz, J.; Hiegemann, S. (eds.): Computerspiele. Bunie Welt im grauen Alltag. Bonn, Bundeszentrale fur Politische Bildung, 1993, 199 p., ill., fig., ISBN 3- 89331- 182-3. Esmann, J.; Jessen, C.: Cyber-psykose. En debat om computerspil og medievold. [Cyber Psychosis. A Debate on Computer Games and Media Violence.] In: Mouritzen, F.; Stxrfeldt, E.; Ager Hansen, J. (eds.). Born og Medier. Arhus, Borne og UngdomsKultur- Sammanslutningen, 1995, 135 p., (Tidskrift for borne- & ungdomskultur; 35), pp. 109- 135, ISSN 0907-6581. Faurholt, L.; Jessen, C.: Doom i Havnbjerg. Computerspil, legekultur og uformelle kompetencer. [Computer Games, Play Culture and Informal Competences.] In: Mouritsen, F.; Stxrfeldt, E.; Ager Hansen, J. (eds.): Born og ny teknologi. Arhus, Borne- og UngdomsKulturSammanslutningen, 1996, 77 p., (Tidskrift for borne- & ungdomskultur; 38), pp. 21-49, ISSN 0907-6581. Federman, J. (ed.) et al.: The Social Effects of Electronic Interactive Games. An Anno- tated Bibliography. Studio City, CA, Mediascope, 1996, 148 p., index., ISBN 1-8891-6201- 9. Fisher, S.: Identifying Video Game Addiction in Children and Adolescents. Addictive Behaviors 19(1994)5, pp. 545-553, ISSN 0306-4603. Fling, S.; Smith, L.; Rodriguez, T.; Thornton, D.; Atkins, E.; Nixon, K.: Videogames, Aggression, and Self-Esteem. A Survey. Social Behavior and Personality 20(1992)1, pp. 39-45, ISSN 0301-2212. Friedman, T.: Making Sense of Software. Computer Games and Interactive Textuality. In: Jones, S.G. (ed.): Cybersociety Computer-Mediated Communication and Community. Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage Publications, 1995, IX, 241 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0- 8039 -5676- 2, pp. 73-89. Funk, J.B.; Buchman, D.D.: Children's Perceptions of Gender Differences in Social Ap- proval for Playing Electronic Games. Sex Roles 35(1996)3-4, pp. 219-231, ISSN 0360- 0025. Funk, J.B.; Buchman, D.D.: Playing Violent Video and Computer Games and Adolescent Self-Concept. Journal of Communication 46(1996)2, pp. 19-32, ISSN 0021-9916. Funk, J.B.; Flores, G.; Buchman, D.D.; Germann, J.N.: Rating Electronic Games. Violence Is in the Eye of the Beholder. Youth and Society 30(1999)3, pp. 283-312, ISSN 0044-118X.

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Funk, J.B.; Germann, J.N.; Buckman, D.D.: Children and Electronic Games in the United States. Trends in Communication 2(1997)2, pp. 111-126, ISSN 1383-8857. Fiirst, G.: Familiare Lebensbedingungen und die subjektive Bedeutsamkeit der Medien Fernsehen und Videospiel fur 12- bis 14-jahrtge Kinder. Integration von qualitativen und quantitativen Methoden in der Medienpsychologie. Frankfurt am Main, Lang Verlag, 1994, 518 p., fig., bibl., Diss., ISBN 3-631-47604-3. Gagnon, D.: Videogames and Spatial Skills. An Exploratory. Educational Communica- tion and Technology 33(1985)4, pp. 263-276, ISSN 0148-5806. Gailey, C.W.: Mediated Messages. Gender, Class, and Cosmos in Home Video Games. Journal of Popular Culture 27(1993)1, pp. 81-99, ISSN 0022-3840. Gibb, G.D.; Bailey, J.R.; Lambirth, T.T.; Wilson, W.P.: Personality Differences between High and Low Electronic Video Game Users. Journal of Psychology 114(1983)2,pp. 159- 165, ISSN 0022-3980. Glogauer, W.: Die neuen Medien verandern die Kindheit. Nutzung und Auswirkungen des Fernsehens, der Videospiele, Videofilme u.a. bei 6- bis 10-jahrigen Kindern und Jugendlichen. Weinheim, Deutscher Studien Verlag, 1993, 167 p., bibl., ISBN 3 -8927- 1384-7. Godfreyson, J.E.: An Investigation of Attitudes Towards the Use of Computer Games and Simulations in the Primary Elementary Classroom Environment. Vancouver, BC, Educa- tional Research Institute of British Columbia, 1984, IX, 149p., bibl., (Report; 84). Goldstein, J.H.: Sex Differences in Toy Play and Use of Video Games. In: Goldstein, J.H. (ed.): Toys, Play, and Child Development. New York, Cambridge University Press, 1994, VI, 189 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-5214-5564-2, pp. 110-129. Goldstein, J.H.: Immortal Kombat. War Toys and Violent Video Games. In: Goldstein, J.H. (ed.): Why We Watch. The Attractions of Violent Entertainment. New York, Oxford University Press, 1998, LX, 270 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-19-511820-0, pp. 53-68. Goldstein, J.H. (ed.): Why We Watch. The Attraction of Violent Entertainment. New York, Oxford University Press, 1998, IX, 270 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0-19-511820-0. Graham, J.: Amusement Machines Dependency and Delinquency. London, H.M.S.O., 1988, V, 48 p., bibl., ISBN 0-1134-0895-1 (A Home Office Research and Planning Unit Report). Graybill, D.; Strawniak, M.; Hunter, T.; O'Leary, M.: Effects of Playing Versus Observing Violent Versus Nonviolent Video Games on Children's Aggression. Psychology 24(1987)3, pp. 1-8, ISSN 0033-3077. Greenfield, P.M.: Mind and Media. The Effects of Television, Video Games and Comput- ers. London, Fontana, 1984, XIII, 193 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-0063-6593-0. Greenfield, P.M.; Cocking, R.R. (eds.): Interacting with Video. Norwood, NJ, Ablex Pub- lishing Corporations, 1996, XII, 218 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 1-5675-0152-4. Griffiths, M.D.: Computer Game Playing in Early Adolescence. Youth and Society 29(1997)2, pp. 223-237, ISSN 0044-118X.

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Griffiths, M.D.: Violent Video Games and Aggression. A Review of the Literature. Aggres- sion and Violent Behavior 4(1999)2, pp. 203-212, ISSN 1359-1789. Griffiths, M.D.; Hunt, N.: Dependence on Computer Games by Adolescents. Psycholog- ical Reports 82(1998)2, pp. 475-480, ISSN 0033-2941. Grodal Kragh, T.: Filmfortaelling og computespil. [Film Narratives and Computer Games.] In: Jensen, J.F. (ed.): Multimedier, Hypermedier, Interaktive Medier. Aalborg, Aalborg Universitetsforlag, 1998, 298 p., ISBN 87-7307-612-0, pp. 239-251. Grossman, D.; De Gaetano, G.: Stop Teaching Our Kids to Kill. A Call to Action Against TV, Movie & Video Game Violence. New York, Crown Publishers, 1999, VIII, 196 p., bibl., ISBN 0-60960-613-1. Hankonen, K.; Rehn, M.: Om datorspel. [On Computer Games.] Stockholm, Valdsskildrings- radet, 1991, 94 p., processed, (Valdsskildringsradets skriftserie; 2), ISSN 1102-447X. Hanson, J.: Video Games. Competing with Machines. In: Thomas, S. (ed.): Studies in Communication, Volume 3. Norwood, NJ, Ablex Publishing Corporation, 1987, IX, 310 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-8939-1253-0, pp. 139-149. Herik, J.v.d.; Iida, H. (eds.): Computers and Games. First International Conference, CG'98, Tsukuba, Japan, November 11-12, 1998. Proceedings. Berlin, Springer Verlag, 1999, XVIII, 335 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 3-5406-5766-5. Herz, J.C.: Joystick Nation. How Video Games Ate Our Quarters, Won Our Hearts, Re- wired Our Minds. Boston, Little Brown and Co., 1997, 230 p., ill., bibl., index., ISBN 0- 3163- 6007 -4. Herzberg, I.: Kinder, Computer, Telespiele. Eine Literaturanalyse. Munchen, Verlag Deutsches Jugendinstitut, 1987, 74 p., ISBN 3-8796-6279-7. Hoffman, K.D.: Effects of Playing Versus Witnessing Video Game Violence on Attitudes Toward Aggression and Acceptance of Violence as a Means of Conflict Resolution. S.1., The University of Alabama, 1994, 104 p., Diss. Irwin, A.R.; Gross, A.M.: Cognitive Tempo, Violent Video Games, and Aggressive-Behavior in Young Boys. Journal of Family Violence 10 (1995)3, pp. 337-350, ISSN 0885-7482. Jaffe, M.S.; Ziegler, E.H.: Regulating Videogames. Chicago, IL, American Planning Asso- ciation, 1982, 30 p., ill. (Report; 370). Jenkins, H.: "Complete Freedom of Movement". Video Games as Gendered Play Spaces. In: Cassell, J.; Jenkins, H. (eds.): From Barbie to Mortal Kombat. Gender and Computer Games. Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 1998, XVIII, 360 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0- 2620 -3258- 9, pp. 262-297. Jensen, J.F.: Powerplay. Maskulinitet, makt och vald i datorspel. [Powerplay. Masculin- ity, Power, and Violence in Computer Games.] In: von Feilitzen, C.; Forsman, M.; Roe, K. (eds.): Vald fret' rt alla hall. Forskningsperspektivpa vald i rorliga bilder. Stockholm, Brutus Ostlings Bokforlag Symposion, 1993, 383 p., ISBN 91-7139-123-1, pp. 151-173. Jensen, J.F. (ed.): Multimedier, Hypermedier, Interaktive Medier. [Multi Media, Hyper Media, Interactive Media.] Aalborg, Aalborg Universitetsforlag, 1998, 298 p., ISBN 87- 7307- 612 -0.

11 TEST COPY HARM1,r Bibliography

Jessen, C.: Computeren i bornehaven. Rapport fra et forsogsprojekt. [Computers in Pre- school. A Pilot Study.] In: Mouritzen, F.; Suede ldt, E.; Ager Hansen, J. (eds.):Born og Medier. Arhus, Borne- og UngdomsKulturSammanslutningen, 1995, 135p., (Tidskrift for borne- & ungdomskultur; 35), pp. 45-62, ISSN 0907-6581. Johnsson-Smaragdi, U.; d'Haenens,L.;Krotz, F.; Hasebrink, U.: Patterns of Old and New Media Use Among Young People in Flanders, Germany and Sweden.European Journal of Communication 13(1998)4, pp. 479-501, ISSN 0267-3231. Kafai, Y.B.: Mind in Play. Computer Game Designas a Context For Children's Learning. Hillsdale, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1995, XVIII, 339p., bibl., index., ISBN 0- 8058- 1512 -0.

Kafai, Y.B.: Video Game Designs by Girls and Boys. Variability and Consistency ofGen- der Differences. In: Cassell, J.; Jenkins, H. (eds.): From Barbieto Mortal Kombat. Gender and Computer Games. Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 1998, XVIII, 360p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-2620-3258-9, pp. 90-114.

Kasteleijn-Nolst Trenite, D.G.; da Silva, A.M.; Ricci, S.; Binnie, C.D.; Rubboli, G.;Tassinari, C.A.; Segers, J.P.: Video-Game Epilepsy. A European Study. Epilepsia 40(1999)4,pp. 70- 74, ISSN 0013-9580.

Kestenbaum, G.; Weinstein, L.: Personality, Psychopathology and DevelopmentalIssues in Male Adolescent Video Game Use. Journal of American Academy of Child Psychiatry 24(1995)3, pp. 329-337, ISSN 0002-7138. Kinder, M.: Playing with Power in Movies, Television, and Video Games.From Muppet Babies to Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles. Berkeley, University of CaliforniaPress, 1991, XI, 266 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-5200-7570-6.

Kirsh, S.J.: Seeing the World Through Mortal Kombat-Colored Glasses. ViolentVideo Games and the Development of a Short-Term Hostile Attribution Bias.. Childhood.A Global Journal of Child Research 5 (1998)2,pp. 177-184, ISSN 0907-5682. Knoll, J.H.; Bergmann, D.: Gewalt und Spiele. Gewalt und Videospielim Widerstreit der Meinungen. Dtisseldorf, Livonia, 1993, 217 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 3-928795-08-2. Krambrock, U.:Computerspiel und jugendliche Nutzer. Hermeneutische Deutungsversuche des Adventure-Computerspiels und seiner jugendlichenNutzer und Nutzerinnen. Frankfurt am Main, Peter Lang, 1998, 162 p., bibl., Diss., ISBN 3 -6313- 2726-9, (Europaische Hochschulschriften, Reihe XI, Padagogik; Bd. 739). Kranitz, L.E.: Video Games and the First Amendment. Are Restrictive Regulations Consti- tutional? Computer/Law Journal 5(1985)4,pp. 493-530, ISSN 0164-8756. Kubey, R.W.: Television Dependence, Diagnosis, and Prevention. WithCommentary on Video Games, Pornography, and Media Education. In: MacBeth, T.M. (ed.):Tuning in to Young Viewers. Social Science Perspectives on Television. Thousand Oaks, CA, Sage Pub- lications, 1996, 282 p., ISBN 0-80395-825-0, pp. 221-260.

Kuhlman, J.S.; Beitel, P.A.: Videogame Experience. A Possible Explanation forDiffer- ences in Anticipation of Coincidence. Perceptual and Motor Skills 72(1991), pp. 483-488, ISSN 0031-5125.

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Lin, S.; Lepper, M.R.: Correlates of Children's Usage of Video Games and Computers. Journal of Applied Social Psychology 17(1987)1, pp. 72-93, ISSN 0021-9029. Livingstone, S.: Mediated Childhood. A Comparative Approach to Young People's Changing Media Environment in Europe. European Journal of Communication 13(1998)4, pp. 435-456, ISSN 0267-3231. Loftus, G.R.; Loftus, E.F.: Minds at Play. The Psychology of Video Games. New York, NY, Basic Books, 1983, X, 191 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-4650-4609-6. Lohe, U.: Kriegsspiele. Eine kriminologische Untersuchung fiber Krigsspielautomaten. (Leverkusen-Opladen), (Stocky), 1980, IV, 155 p., bibl., Diss. Loschenkohl, E.; Bleyer, M.: Faszination Computerspiel. Eine psychologische Bewertung. Wien, OBV Padagog. Verlag, 1995, 150 p., ill., bibl., ISBN 3-215-11766-5. Maeda, Y.; Kurokawa, T.; Sakamoto, K.; Kitamoto, I.; Ueda, K.; Tashima, S.: Electroclinical Study of Video-Game Epilepsy. Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology 32(1990)6, pp. 493-500, ISSN 0012-1622. Mayer, P.: Representation and Action in the Reception of Myst. A Social Semiotic Ap- proach to Computer Media. Nordicom Review (1996)1, pp. 237-254, ISSN 1403-1108. McClurg, P.A.; Chaille, C.: Computer Games. Environments for Developing Spatial Cogni- tion? Journal of Educational Computing Research 3(1987)1, pp. 95-111, ISSN 0735-6331. Mehrabian, A.; Wixen, WJ.: Preferences for Individual Video Games as a Function of their Emotional Effects on Players. Journal of Applied Psychology 16(1986)1,pp. 3-15, ISSN 0021-9029. Miller, S.B. et al.: Cardiovascular Responses to an Extended Aversive Video Game Task. Psychophysiology 25(1988)2, pp. 200-208, ISSN 0048-5772. Misawa, T.; Shigeta, S.; Nojima, S.: [Effects of Video Games on Visual Function in Child- ren.] Nippon Eiseigaku Zasshi 45(1991)6, pp. 1029-1034 (in Japanese). Muijs, R.D.: Self, School, and Peer Relations. School-Related Variables Affecting Elec- tronic Media Use. European Journal of Communication Research 22(1997)2, pp. 157- 174, ISSN 0341-2059. Murphy, K.R.: Family Patterns of Use and Parental Attitudes Toward Home Electronic Video Games and Future Technology. S.1., Oklahoma State University, 1984, 182p., Diss. Myers, D.: The Patterns of Player-Game Relationships. A Study of Computer Game Play- ers. Simulation & Games 15(1984)2, pp. 159-185, ISSN 0037-5500. Myers, D.: Computer Game Genres. Play & Culture 3(1990)4, pp. 286-301, ISSN 0894- 4253. Myers, D.: Simulating the Self. Play & Culture 5(1992)4, pp. 420-440, ISSN 0894-4253. Myers, D.: Time, Symbol Manipulation, and Computer Games. Play & Culture 5(1992)4, pp. 441-457, ISSN 0894-4253.

13 TRIEST COPY AVAIDTAB Bibliography

Nelson, T.M.; Carlson, D.R.: Determining Factors in Choice of Arcade Games and their Consequences upon Young Male Players. Journal of Applied Social Psychology 15(1985)2, pp. 124-139, ISSN 0021-9029. Nikken, P.; de Leede, N.; Rijkse, C.: Game-boys en game-girls. Opvattingen van jongens en meisjes over computerspelletjes. [Game-Boys and Game-Girls. Views of Boys and Girls on Video Games.] Utrecht, Stichting Jeugdinformatie Nederland, 1999. Oyen, A.-S.; Bebko, J.M.: The Effects of Computer Games and Lesson Contexts on Child- ren's Mnemonic Strategies. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 62(1996)2, pp. 173-189, ISSN 0022-0965. Panelas, T.: Adolescents and Videogames. Consumption of Leisure and the Social Con- struction of the Peer Group. Youth and Society 15 (1983)1, pp. 51-65, ISSN 0044-118X. Pasquier, D.; Buzzi, C.; d'Haenes, L.; Sjoberg, U.: Family Lifestiles and Media Use Pat- terns. An Analysis of Domestic Media Among Flemish, French, Italian, and Swedish Children and Teenagers. European Journal of Communication 13(1998)4,pp. 503-519, ISSN 0267-3231. Poeplau, W.: Monster, Macht und Mordmaschinen. Computerspieledigitale Illusionen und soziale Wirklichkeit. Wuppertal, Hammer, 1992, 174 p., bibl., ISBN 3-87294-476-2. Provenzo, E.F.Jr.: Video Kids. Making Sense of Nintendo. Cambridge, MA, Harvard Uni- versity Press, 1991, XII, 184 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-6749-3708-2. Reynolds, M.: Report on Video and Computer Games and Classification Issues. Senate Standing Committee on Community Standards Relevant to the Supply of Services Utilis- ing Electronic Technologies, Chairperson Margaret Reynolds. Canberra, The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia, 1993, XV, 67 p., ISBN 0-6421-9782-2. Ricci, S.; Vigevano, F.: The Effect of Video-Game Software in Video-Game Epilepsy. Epilepsia 40(1999)4, pp. 31-37, ISSN 0013-9580. Robertson, J.: Paradise Lost. Children, Multimedia and the Myth of Interactivity. Journal of Computer Assisted Learning 14(1998)1, pp. 31-39, ISSN 0266-4909. Roe, K.; Muijs, D.: Children and Computer Games. A Profile of Heavy Users. European Journal of Communication 13(1998)2, pp. 181-200, ISSN 0267-3231. Sakamoto, A.: Video Game Use and the Development of Sociocognitive Abilities in Children. Three Surveys of Elementary School Students. Journal of Applied Social Psy- chology 24(1994)1, pp. 21-42, ISSN 0021-9029. Sakamoto, A.: Terebigeimu wo meguru shakai gensyou. [Social Phenomena Related to Video Games.] Journal of Child Study 53(1995)1, pp. 112-120 (in Japanese). Sakamoto, A.: Terebigeimu ha bouryokusei wo takameruka? [Do Video Games Promote Violence?] Journal of Child Study 53(1999)2, pp. 105-112 (in Japanese). Sanger, J.; Willson, J.; Davies, B.; Whittaker, R.: Young Children, Videos and Computer Games. Issues For Teachers and Parents. London, Falmer Press, 1997, XIII, 206 p., bibl., index., ISBN 0-7507-0702-X. Savage, C.; Hathaway, C.; Clarke, L.: Summary Report of Findings and Recommenda- tions of a Research Study on Commercial Video Game Outlets and Juvenile Crime. Victo-

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