On Kingship in Philo and the Wisdom of Solomon1 Jonathan More 1. Introduction the Wisdom of Solomon, Also Known As the Book Of

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

On Kingship in Philo and the Wisdom of Solomon1 Jonathan More 1. Introduction the Wisdom of Solomon, Also Known As the Book Of ON KINGSHIP IN PHILO AND THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON1 Jonathan More 1. Introduction The Wisdom of Solomon, also known as the Book of Wisdom, is addressed to an assorted group of kings, rulers, judges and princes. The author of the work claims to be a king—more specifically, the king of God’s people.2 The absence of named characters makes it difficult for the uninitiated to know who this people and their king are, yet those who recognise the literary allusions can identify him as Israel’s King Solomon.3 Numerous texts purportedly written to, and for, kings were produced in the Graeco-Roman period, and the Wisdom of Solomon would not have been unusual in this regard. Tracts entitled “περὶ βασιλείας” occur over a broad chronological range and were produced by various philosophi- cal schools.4 Not one of these περὶ βασιλείας volumes has been fully pre- served. However, Stobaeus’ anthology contains a small group of fragments identified as coming from Pythagorean περὶ βασιλείας tracts attributed to Ecphantus, Diotogenes and Sthenidas.5 In an influential essay published 1 On the occasion of his seventieth birthday, I would like to dedicate this essay to Dr Paul Bowers, teacher and friend, who instructed me in the importance of these Jewish texts. 2 Wis 7:1–6; 8:10–15; 9:7, 12. 3 The writer identifies himself as a king who sought wisdom from God (7:7–12; cf. 1 Kgs 3:4–15; 4:29–34) and was responsible for the building of the Jewish temple (9:8; cf. 1 Kgs 7:13–8:21). The allusions in chapter 10 to characters and events from Genesis and Exodus confirm that the author is drawing on the Hebrew scriptures. 4 In his work On the Lives of Eminent Philosophers, Diogenes Laertius lists volumes entitled περὶ βασιλείας by Euphantus (2.110), Aristotle (5.22), Theophrastus (5.42; 5.49), Strato (5.59), Persaeus (7.36), Cleanthes (7.175), Sphaerus (7.178) and Epicurus (10.28). Other works with similar titles were written by Xenocrates (Στοιχεῖα πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον περὶ βασιλείας; 4.14), Theophrastus (Περὶ παιδείας βασιλέως; 5.42; Πρὸς Κάσανδρον περὶ βασιλείας; 5.47), Antisthenes (Κῦρος ἢ περὶ βασιλείας; 6.16; Ἀρχέλαος ἢ περὶ βασιλείας; 6.18). Plato’s Statesman is given the second title of περὶ βασιλείας by Thrasylus (3.58). There are other texts which might draw from a similar conceptual pool, e.g., Theophrastus On Tyranny (5.45) and Xenophon’s Hieron or Of Tyranny (2.57). 5 A lack of consensus regarding the dating of these fragments (see n. 9) makes it difficult to know how to refer to them. “Hellenistic Pythagorean” is most appropriate since, even if they come from a later period, they reflect Hellenistic thought and deliberately echo a certain Pythagorean tradition. For the sake of brevity, though, I use the term “Pythagorean” 410 jonathan more in 1928,6 E. R. Goodenough presented a translation and discussion of these fragments and concluded his article with the following claim about the Pythagorean texts: Even though so much has had to be omitted from the present discussion, this philosophy of royalty will, I think, prove to have been the official politi- cal philosophy of the Hellenistic age.7 Even if “the official political philosophy of the Hellenistic age” is somewhat more elusive than Goodenough suggests,8 these fragments provide a use- ful glimpse of the philosophical discussion of kingship in certain circles during the Hellenistic period.9 In his study of the Hellenistic influences on the Wisdom of Solomon, James M. Reese observes that Pseudo-Solomon draws on the same tra- ditions as these Pythagorean kingship treatises in order to construct elements of his anthropology and to enrich his description of God.10 The influence of the Pythagorean tracts on Philo has also been noted by to refer to these tracts without prejudicing any conclusion regarding their date or the exact nature of the philosophical tradition represented by them. 6 E. R. Goodenough, “The Political Philosophy of Hellenistic Kingship,” Yale Classical Studies 1 (1928): 53–102. The article also includes a discussion of a fragment from Archytas entitled περὶ νόμου καὶ δικαιοσύνης which is similar to the other fragments but does not claim to make a direct contribution to the περὶ βασιλείας topos. 7 Ibid., 102. 8 See, for example, Aalders’ description of the varieties of Hellenistic political thought which begins with the observation that “Hellenistic political thought is by no means a unity. It consists of a number of strongly diverging, but also interacting tendencies and currents of thought” (G. J. D. Aalders H. Wzn., Political Thought in Hellenistic Times [Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1975], 1). 9 The Pythagorean texts have been dated over a span of six centuries from the Hel- lenistic period (H. Thesleff, An Introduction to the Pythagorean Writings of the Hellenistic Period. [Acta Academiae Aboensis. Humaniora. Vol. 24 no. 3; Åbo: Åbo Akademi, 1961], 72) to the third century C.E. (W. Burkert, “Zur geistesgeschichtlichen Einordnung einiger Pseudopythagorica,” in Pseudepigrapha I [ed. K. von Fritz; Entretiens sur l’Antiquité Clas- sique XVIII; Vandœuvres / Genève: Fondation Hardt, 1972], 25–55). The discussion has recently been summarised by F. Calabi (God’s Acting, Man’s Acting: Tradition and Philoso- phy in Philo of Alexandria [trans. H. C. Tooke; Studies in Philo of Alexandria 4; Leiden / Boston: Brill, 2008], 185–188) and so will not be rehearsed here. The nature of the works, whether considered as textbooks (Thesleff, Introduction, 72) or as summaries of the doc- trines of various schools (O. Murray, Peri Basileias: Studies in the Justification of Monarchic Power in the Hellenistic Period [D.Phil. diss., Oxford, 1971]) suggests their utility for recon- structing the content of aspects of Hellenistic kingship theory regardless of their date of composition. 10 J. M. Reese, Hellenistic Influences on the Book of Wisdom and Its Consequences (AnBib 41; Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1970), 10, 71–79..
Recommended publications
  • KEIMPE ALGRA 155-184.Qxd
    Ο Ζήνων ο Κιτιέας και η Στωική κοσμολογία: μερικές σημειώσεις και δυο συγκεκριμένες περιπτώσεις. KEIMPE ALGRA Η έκταση και η φύση της συμβολής του Ζήνωνα στη Στωική φυσική και κοσμολογία είναι δύσκολο να θεμελιωθούν. Η ανακοίνωση αυτή μελετά μερικά από τα σχετικά προβλήματα. Η χρήση της ονομαστικής ετικέτας "Ζήνων" από τις αρχαίες μας πηγές δε θα πρέπει πάντα να αξιολογείται επιφανειακά, και η απόδοση καθώς και η διευθέτηση του υλικού του Hans Von Arnim στο Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta (SVF) δε θα πρέπει να γίνεται αποδεκτή χωρίς κριτική, για λόγους που περιγράφονται σ’ αυτή την εργασία. Παρέχονται δύο συγκεκριμένες περιπτώσεις αποσπασμάτων, οι οποίες, με μια πιο προσεκτική ματιά, δε θα πρέπει να αποδοθούν στο Ζήνωνα. Τελικά, υποστηρίζεται ότι ο Ζήνων δεν ήταν παραγωγικός συγγραφέας σε θέματα φυσικής, και ότι έτυχε στους διαδόχους του ( σε μερικούς από αυτούς) – πιο συγκεκριμένα στον Σφαίρο, στον Κλεάνθη και στον Χρύσιππο – να επεξεργαστούν περαιτέρω και να συγκροτήσουν λεπτομερειακά την φυσική κοσμοεικόνα της Στωικής σχολής. Αυτό σημαίνει πως υπάρχουν περιθώρια ανάπτυξης της φυσικής και της κοσμολογίας στα πλαίσια του αρχαίου Στωικισμού, και πως, συνακόλουθα, είναι ζωτικής σημασίας να διακρίνουμε πιο ξεκάθαρα, απ’ ότι συνήθως, τι πρέπει με ασφάλεια να αποδοθεί στο Ζήνωνα και ότι τέτοιου είδους "κοινά στωικά" δόγματα πρέπεί μόνο πιθανά, ή μερικά, να ανιχνευτούν σ΄αυτόν. Zeno of Citium and Stoic Cosmology: some notes and two case studies KEIMPE ALGRA 1 Zeno of Citium, as indeed the early Stoics in general, conceived of philosophy as consisting of three interrelated parts: logic, physics and ethics.1 But although Zeno’s foundational work covered all three areas, he appears to have had his preferences.
    [Show full text]
  • The Stoic Invention of Cosmopolitan Politics1
    For the Proceedings of the Conference "Cosmopolitan Politics: On The History and Future of a Controversial Ideal" Frankfurt am Main, December 2006 THE STOIC INVENTION OF COSMOPOLITAN POLITICS1 Eric Brown Department of Philosophy Washington University in St. Louis According to ancient Stoics, a polis is a place, a system of human beings, or both of these things,2 and it is a system of human beings—not just a loose collection—because it is put in order by law.3 But Stoics do not mean by 'law' the decree of a duly constituted authority. They define 'law' as "right reason," which provides "the standard of right wrong, prescribing to naturally political animals the things that ought to be done and proscribing the things that ought not."4 In point of fact, they think that no extant 1 This essay is only a lightly revised version of the programmatic lecture I delivered at the conference. Its first two thirds, which sketch an account of the Chrysippean Stoic's attachment to a cosmopolitan way of life, receive fuller development and defense in Brown (forthcoming), and the last third is more provocation than settled argument. I hope that the many people who have helped me will not be offended if I single out for special thanks Elizabeth Asmis, Pauline Kleingeld, and Martha Nussbaum; their criticisms and encouragement over many years have been invaluable to me. I also thank the organizers and the other conferees in Frankfurt for an excellent experience, and the editors of the proceedings for their patience. 2 Stobaeus II 7.11i 103,17-20 Wachsmuth.
    [Show full text]
  • The Theory of Moral Sentiments
    The Theory of Moral Sentiments Adam Smith Sixth Edition (1790) pΜεταLibriq x y c 2005 Sálvio Marcelo Soares (apply only to edition, not to text) 1st Edition Version a A . Esta obra está disponível para uso privado e individual. Não pode ser vendida nem mantida em sistema de banco de dados, em qualquer forma ou meio, sem prévia autorização escrita do detentor do copyright. Apenas este e as pessoas por ele autorizadas por escrito têm direito de reproduzir esta obra ou transmití-la eletronicamente ou por qualquer outro meio. Published by ΜεταLibri [email protected] Obra editada e publicada no Brasil. São Paulo, May 15, 2006. Contents A PART I Of the P of A S I Of the S of P . p. 4 C.I Of S . 4 C. II Of the Pleasure of mutual Sympathy. 9 C. III Of the manner in which we judge of the propriety or impropriety of the affections of other men, by their concord or dissonance with our own. 11 C. IV The same subject continued . 14 C.V Of the amiable and respectable virtues . 18 S II Of the Degrees of the different Passions which are consistent with Propriety . 22 I. 22 C.I Of the Passions which take their origin from the body . 22 C. II Of those Passions which take their origin from a particular turn or habit of the Imagination. 26 C. III Of the unsocial Passions . 29 C. IV Of the social Passions . 33 C.V Of the selfish Passions. 35 S III Of the Effects of Prosperity and Adversity upon the Judgment of Mankind with regard to the Propriety of Action; and why it is more easy to obtain their Approbation in the one state than in the other .
    [Show full text]
  • The Fragments of Zeno and Cleanthes, but Having an Important
    ,1(70 THE FRAGMENTS OF ZENO AND CLEANTHES. ftonton: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AVE MARIA LANE. ambriDse: DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. ltip>ifl: F. A. BROCKHAUS. #tto Hork: MACMILLAX AND CO. THE FRAGMENTS OF ZENO AND CLEANTHES WITH INTRODUCTION AND EXPLANATORY NOTES. AX ESSAY WHICH OBTAINED THE HARE PRIZE IX THE YEAR 1889. BY A. C. PEARSON, M.A. LATE SCHOLAR OF CHRIST S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. LONDON: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE. 1891 [All Rights reserved.] Cambridge : PBIXTKIi BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THK UNIVERSITY PRKSS. PREFACE. S dissertation is published in accordance with thr conditions attached to the Hare Prize, and appears nearly in its original form. For many reasons, however, I should have desired to subject the work to a more under the searching revision than has been practicable circumstances. Indeed, error is especially difficult t<> avoid in dealing with a large body of scattered authorities, a the majority of which can only be consulted in public- library. to be for The obligations, which require acknowledged of Zeno and the present collection of the fragments former are Cleanthes, are both special and general. The Philo- soon disposed of. In the Neue Jahrbticher fur Wellmann an lofjie for 1878, p. 435 foil., published article on Zeno of Citium, which was the first serious of Zeno from that attempt to discriminate the teaching of Wellmann were of the Stoa in general. The omissions of the supplied and the first complete collection fragments of Cleanthes was made by Wachsmuth in two Gottingen I programs published in 187-i LS75 (Commentationes s et II de Zenone Citiensi et Cleaitt/ie Assio).
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Persaeus of Citium: a Lapsed Stoic? Kenneth Moore Abstract: This Article
    http://rosetta.bham.ac.uk/issue7/persaeus-citium/ Persaeus of Citium: A Lapsed Stoic? Kenneth Moore Abstract: This article examines the historical evidence on the life of Persaeus of Citium, a Stoic philosopher and immediate student of Zeno, the founder of Stoicism. It also considers the anecdotal accounts of Persaeus’ actions with regard to Stoic philosophy as it was understood to apply during his lifetime. Persaeus was one of an elite group of scholars present at the court of Antigonus II Gonatus, King of Macedon and appears to have had a direct involvement in the political affairs of Macedonia. His activities, as recounted in the surviving sources, seem to run contrary to established Stoic customs, in particular the preference for praxis over theoria.1 However, there is also some indication that he may have been vilified by his scholarly and political enemies. This article provides a brief glimpse into the life and times of Persaeus as well as the turbulent fourth/third centuries in Greece. Introduction: Persaeus (ca. 306-243 BCE), of Citium, son of Demetrius, was a Stoic philosopher. He was also a student and close acquaintance of Zeno of Citium (ca. 334-262 BCE), the founder of Stoicism. It is difficult to obtain a clear picture of his life and philosophy since none of his own works survive and most of the sources that deal with him come from late antiquity and provide relatively little, albeit potentially quite significant, information. By far the most detailed account comes from Diogenes Laertius (ca. first half of the third century CE), who, like most of Persaeus’ biographers, was relying on earlier 1 For the early Stoics, theoria was the norm.
    [Show full text]
  • Moore, K. 2009 'Persaeus of Citium: a Lapsed Stoic?' Rosetta 7: 1-21. Http
    Moore, K. 2009 ‘Persaeus of Citium: A Lapsed Stoic?’ Rosetta 7: 1-21. http://rosetta.bham.ac.uk/issue7/persaeus-citium/ http://rosetta.bham.ac.uk/issue7/persaeus-citium/ Persaeus of Citium: A Lapsed Stoic? Kenneth Moore Abstract: This article examines the historical evidence on the life of Persaeus of Citium, a Stoic philosopher and immediate student of Zeno, the founder of Stoicism. It also considers the anecdotal accounts of Persaeus’ actions with regard to Stoic philosophy as it was understood to apply during his lifetime. Persaeus was one of an elite group of scholars present at the court of Antigonus II Gonatus, King of Macedon and appears to have had a direct involvement in the political affairs of Macedonia. His activities, as recounted in the surviving sources, seem to run contrary to established Stoic customs, in particular the preference for praxis over theoria.1 However, there is also some indication that he may have been vilified by his scholarly and political enemies. This article provides a brief glimpse into the life and times of Persaeus as well as the turbulent fourth/third centuries in Greece. Introduction: Persaeus (ca. 306-243 BCE), of Citium, son of Demetrius, was a Stoic philosopher. He was also a student and close acquaintance of Zeno of Citium (ca. 334-262 BCE), the founder of Stoicism. It is difficult to obtain a clear picture of his life and philosophy since none of his own works survive and most of the sources that deal with him come from late antiquity and provide relatively little, albeit potentially quite significant, information.
    [Show full text]
  • Prodicus on the Rise of Civilization Religion, Agriculture, and Culture Heroes
    Philosophie antique Problèmes, Renaissances, Usages 18 | 2018 L’athéisme antique Prodicus on the Rise of Civilization Religion, Agriculture, and Culture Heroes Stavros Kouloumentas Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/philosant/1026 DOI: 10.4000/philosant.1026 ISSN: 2648-2789 Publisher Presses universitaires du Septentrion Printed version Date of publication: 1 November 2018 Number of pages: 127-152 ISBN: 978-2-7574-2372-1 ISSN: 1634-4561 Electronic reference Stavros Kouloumentas, « Prodicus on the Rise of Civilization », Philosophie antique [Online], 18 | 2018, Online since 01 November 2019, connection on 14 November 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/philosant/1026 ; DOI : 10.4000/philosant.1026 La revue Philosophie antique est mise à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. provided by OpenEdition View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk CORE brought to you by PRODICUS ON THE RISE OF CIVILIZATION Religion, agriculture, and culture heroes Stavros Kouloumentas Center for Hellenic Studies, Harvard University [email protected] Résumé. Prodicus est réputé pour avoir formulé une théorie nouvelle sur les origines de la croyance religieuse, qui a parfois été taxée d’athéisme dans l’Antiquité, notam- ment par les épicuriens. Il suggère que les hommes ont d’abord considéré comme des dieux des choses qui étaient utiles à leur survie, comme les fruits et les rivières, et qu’à un stade plus avancé, ils ont déifié des héros culturels, comme Déméter et Dionysos. Je suggère d’abord que la théorie de Prodicus peut être reliée à d’autres doctrines qui lui sont attribuées, en particulier au discours concernant « le choix d’Héraclès » et à un fort intérêt pour l’étymologie des mots.
    [Show full text]
  • Polybius and Stoic Tyche René Brouwer
    Polybius and Stoic Tyche René Brouwer N MACHIAVELLI’S Il Principe, ch. 25, “How much power fortunà has over human affairs, and how it should be re- I sisted,” the notion of fortunà is pivotal. There Machiavelli uses fortunà in a somewhat confusing manner in basically three different senses. However, if these various senses are carefully distinguished, Machiavelli’s use of the term can be said to be consistent.1 A similar point can be made with regard to the Greek equivalent of fortunà in Polybius. Polybius uses the notion of tyche in a variety of senses too: in Hadwig Helm’s article in the Polybios-Lexikon, nine columns are filled with occurrences of this word, in what at first sight appears to be a bewildering variety of meanings.2 Various attempts have been made to come to terms with Polybius’s use of tyche.3 Among these, two interpretations seem to be particularly influential: the first, most eloquently formulated by de Roveri, is that tyche is best characterised in a negative manner, as “the unknown in his- tory.”4 According to de Roveri, tyche would be used by the historian otherwise at a loss as how to rationally explain certain 1 See R. Price, “Notes on the Vocabulary of The Prince,” in Machiavelli, The Prince, eds. Q. Skinner, R. Price (Cambridge 1988) 100–113, at 105– 106. 2 A. Mauersberger et al., Polybios-Lexikon III.2 (Berlin 2004) 707–714 s.v. τύχη. 3 See D. Musti, “Polibio negli studi dell’ultimo ventennio (1950–1970),” ANRW Ι.2 (1972) 1114–1181, at 1126–1127, for the status quaestionis to 1972.
    [Show full text]
  • Evidences of Stoic Philosophy in Horace's Satires and Epistles
    Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Master's Theses Theses and Dissertations 1935 Evidences of Stoic Philosophy in Horace's Satires and Epistles William F. Fay Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Fay, William F., "Evidences of Stoic Philosophy in Horace's Satires and Epistles" (1935). Master's Theses. 169. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/169 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1935 William F. Fay EVIDENOES OF STOIC PHILOSOPHY IX HORAOE'S SATIRES AND EPISTLES WILLIAK F.FAY S.J • .June, 1935 A thesis submitted in partla1 fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Kaster of. Arts in Loyola University. VITA AUCTORIS William Francis Fay, S.J., was born at Chicago, Illinois, April 7, 1910. He re­ ceived his elementary education at st. Cath­ erine's Grammar School. He attended st. Ig­ natius High School, and was graduated from there in June, 1928. In September, of the same year, he entered the Novitiate of the So­ ciety of Jesus at Yllford,Ohio. He continued his undergraduate work at the College of Arts and Sciences of Xavier University at Milford, Ohio. He then went to St.Louis University, receiving the degree of Bachelor of Arts in June, 1933.
    [Show full text]
  • Diogenes of Babylon: a Stoic on Music and Ethics
    Diogenes of Babylon: A Stoic on Music and Ethics Linda Helen Woodward UCL Submitted for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Classics 1 Diogenes of Babylon: A Stoic on Music and Ethics I, Linda Helen Woodward, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 ABSTRACT The aim of this thesis is to analyse Diogenes of Babylon's musico-ethical theories, to place them into their historical context, and to examine the possible influences on his thought. Earlier treatments of this Stoic's work have been hampered by the lacunose state of Philodemus' surviving text, the major source, and in some cases an opponent's views have been mistakenly attributed to Diogenes. Conversely, the state of the text together with erroneous column numbering, have resulted in part of Diogenes' philosophy being ascribed to his Epicurean opponent. Taking Professor Delattre's recently reconstructed edition of Philodemus’ De musica as my starting point, I attempt to more fully analyse Diogenes' theory of music and ethics. Following a short introductory chapter, I briefly examine Diogenes' other interests, analyse his psychology compared with that of earlier Stoics, and examine how that fits into Diogenes' view on music in education. I outline Diogenes' general view on music, and compare the musical writings of Plato, Aristotle and the early Peripatetics with those of Diogenes, particularly in relation to education, and outline areas that might have influenced the Stoic. I also look at later writings where they can be seen as evidence for Diogenes' work.
    [Show full text]
  • Persaeus on Prodicus on the Gods' Existence and Nature
    Philosophie antique Problèmes, Renaissances, Usages 18 | 2018 L’athéisme antique Persaeus on Prodicus on the Gods’ Existence and Nature Another Attempt Based on a New Reconstruction of Philodemus’Account Christian Vassallo Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/philosant/1030 DOI: 10.4000/philosant.1030 ISSN: 2648-2789 Publisher Presses universitaires du Septentrion Printed version Date of publication: 1 November 2018 Number of pages: 153-167 ISBN: 978-2-7574-2372-1 ISSN: 1634-4561 Electronic reference Christian Vassallo, « Persaeus on Prodicus on the Gods’ Existence and Nature », Philosophie antique [Online], 18 | 2018, Online since 01 November 2019, connection on 02 November 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/philosant/1030 ; DOI : 10.4000/philosant.1030 La revue Philosophie antique est mise à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. PERSAEUS ON PRODICUS ON THE GODS’ EXISTENCE AND NATURE Another Attempt Based on a New Reconstruction of Philodemus’Account Christian Vassallo University of Notre Dame / University of Calabria [email protected] Résumé. Cet article analyse le problème de l’« athéisme » prétendu de Prodicos. Un ré-examen des sources à notre disposition et, surtout, une nouvelle reconstruc- tion des témoignages fournis par le Sur la piété de Philodème, dont l’un est consacré à la théologie du stoïcien Persaïos, démontre que Prodicos n’était pas un athée mais un critique virulent de la conception traditionnelle des dieux. Summary. This paper analyzes the problem of the alleged ‘atheism’ of Prodicus. A re-examination of the sources at our disposal and, above all, a new reconstruction of the testimonia handed down by Philodemus’ On Piety, one of which is devoted to the theology of the Stoic Persaeus, demonstrate that Prodicus was not an atheist but only a scathing critic of the traditional conception of the gods.
    [Show full text]
  • 4Reek Philosophy
    OUTLINES OE THE HISTORY OF 4reek philosophy BY Dr. EDWARD ZELLER TRANSLATED WITH THE AUTHOR'S SANCTION BY SARAH FRANCES ALLEYNE AND -ABBOTT tJNlVEBSITi t NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 1S86 IN' MEMORIAM SARAH FRANCES ALLE7NE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. F or some years it has been my intention to respond to a request arising from various quarters, and add to my larger work on the Philosophy of the Greeks a short sketch of the same subject. But until the third edition of the History was brought to a conclusion I had not the leisure for the work. Sketches of thi3 kind will proceed on different lines according to the aim which is held in view. My object has been primarily to provide students with a help for academical lectures, which would facilitate preparation, and save the time wasted in writing down facts, without interfering with the lecturer’s work or imposing any fetters upon it. Hence I have made it my task to give my readers a pic­ ture of the contents of the philosophical systems, and the course of their historical development, which should contain all the essential traits— and also to put into their hands the more important literary references and sources. But as in the last points I have not gone beyond what is absolutely necessary, so in the historical account I have as a rule indicated the parts very briefly with which historical considerations of a general kind or special explanations and inquiries are connected, or in viii AUTHOR'S PREFACE. which, it seemed proper to supplement my earlier work.
    [Show full text]