Syrian Democratic Forces

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Syrian Democratic Forces Omran for Strategic Studies An independent think tank and policy center focusing on presenting an objective understanding of Syria and the region to become a reference for public policies impacting the region. Omran began in November 2013 in Istanbul, Turkey. It publishes studies and policy briefs regarding Syrian and regional affairs in the areas of politics, economic development, and local administration. Omran also conducts round-table discussions, seminars, and workshops that promote a more systematic and methodical culture of decision making among future leaders of Syria. Omran’s work support decision making mechanisms, provide practical solutions and policy recommendations to decision makers, identify challenges within the Syrian context, and foresee scenarios and alternative solutions. Website: www.OmranStudies.org Email: [email protected] First Published in Arabic on October 31, 2017 Publish date in English: January 23, 2018 © All rights reserved to Omran for Strategic Studies Translated by Obaida Hitto Military and Security Structures of the Autonomous Administration in Syria Definitions and Abbreviations PYD Democratic Union Party SDF Syrian Democratic Forces Democratic Autonomous Administration: Autonomous Administration is DAA what the members of the DAA call their territory, but the official title remains as it is described above. PKK Kurdistan Worker's Party YPG People's Protection Units YPJ Women's Protection Units HPX Self-Defense Units HPC Civilians' Defense Forces (Hêzên Parastina Cewherî) HPG People’s Defense Forces Hêzên Antî Teror Asayîşa Rojavayê Kurdistanê (HAT) or Special HAT Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) Units IFB, Turkish version International Freedom Battalion, also known as Enternasyonalist Özgürlük if IFB – EOT Taburu DBK Kurdistan Supreme Committee MGRK People’s Council of West Kurdistan KDP Kurdish Democratic Party PUK Patriotic Union of Kurdistan ENKS Syrian Kurdish National Council MLKP Marxist Leninist Communist Party Jazira (Cizre) A province of the DAA; the term “canton” means province. Canton TIKKO Liberation Army of the Workers and Peasants of Turkey RMCO Roj Mine Control Organization Movement for a Democratic Society: This is the umbrella organization of TEV-DEM the PYD. KCK Kurdistan Communities Union MFS Syriac Military Council Sotooro Christian forces, allied with the YPG Pro Regime Sotooro Christian forces, allied with the regime Jabhat Al Nusra, Al Qaeda’s branch in Syria, which changed its name to JN, JFS, HTS Jabhat Fateh al Sham and then to Hayat Tahrir al Sham IS, ISIS, Daesh The so-called “Islamic State” CENTCOM The United States Central Command _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ عمران للدراسات اﻻستراتيجية Omran for Strategic Studies page:1 Military and Security Structures of the Autonomous Administration in Syria Contents Definitions and Abbreviations .................................................................................................................. 1 Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 4 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................................... 9 Political Backgrounds and Military Formations ............................................................................ 10 Part I: Military Structures in the DAA .............................................................................................. 14 First: People’s Protection Units ........................................................................................................ 14 1. People’s Protection Units, Yekîneyên Parastina Gel (YPG) ................................................ 15 2. Women’s Protection Units, Yekîneyên Parastina Jinê (YPJ) ............................................... 15 3. Human and Administrative Structure ................................................................................... 16 4. Restructuring the YPG .......................................................................................................... 20 Second: Auxiliary Foreign Forces of YPG and YPJ ......................................................................... 24 Third: Self-Defense Forces (HPX) ................................................................................................... 25 Mandatory Training Courses Held in Jazira Canton ..................................................................... 27 Military Discipline Units .............................................................................................................. 29 Self-Defense in Afrin .................................................................................................................... 31 Self-Defense in Kobani Canton .................................................................................................... 33 Fourth: Christian Forces ................................................................................................................... 35 Sotooro Forces of the Syriac Union Party..................................................................................... 35 Sotooro - The Regime ................................................................................................................... 36 Assyrian Forces ............................................................................................................................. 36 PART TWO: Internal Security Forces: Asayish Rojava............................................................. 37 First: Central Administration: Asayish Rojava ................................................................................. 37 Conditions for Joining ................................................................................................................... 40 Second: Traffic Police “Traffic Rojava" ........................................................................................... 40 Third: Counter Terrorism Forces (SWAT): HAT ............................................................................. 41 Fourth: Women’s Asayish ................................................................................................................ 41 Fifth: Civilians' Defense Forces “Hêzên Parastina Cewherî” (HPC) ................................................ 41 Sixth: Other organizations ................................................................................................................ 43 Checkpoint security ...................................................................................................................... 43 Asayish General Security .............................................................................................................. 43 Anti-Organized Crime Branch ...................................................................................................... 44 Asayish Demining Specialists and the Rojava Mine Control Organization ................................. 44 Part Three: The Military Coalition: Syrian Democratic Forces .............................................. 45 Formation and Organizational Structure ........................................................................................... 45 Syrian Democratic Forces Numbers ................................................................................................. 46 _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ عمران للدراسات اﻻستراتيجية Omran for Strategic Studies page:2 Military and Security Structures of the Autonomous Administration in Syria SDF Structure ................................................................................................................................ 48 Forming the Regiments ................................................................................................................. 50 Second: Main Military Forces in the SDF ........................................................................................ 51 1. Founding Forces .................................................................................................................... 51 2. Forces that joined after SDF formation ................................................................................. 53 3. Elite Forces allied with SDF ................................................................................................. 54 Third: External Support .................................................................................................................... 54 Armament Support ........................................................................................................................ 54 American Support to the SDF ....................................................................................................... 55 Foreign Military Presence ............................................................................................................. 56 Fourth: Internal Relations of the Syrian Democratic Forces ............................................................ 58 Conflict with the Elite Forces ....................................................................................................... 59 Conflict Between the YPG and the Sanadeed Army ...................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Offensive Against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area Near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS
    June 23, 2016 Offensive against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) fighters at the western entrance to the city of Manbij (Fars, June 18, 2016). Overview 1. On May 31, 2016, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a Kurdish-dominated military alliance supported by the United States, initiated a campaign to liberate the northern Syrian city of Manbij from ISIS. Manbij lies west of the Euphrates, about 35 kilometers (about 22 miles) south of the Syrian-Turkish border. In the three weeks since the offensive began, the SDF forces, which number several thousand, captured the rural regions around Manbij, encircled the city and invaded it. According to reports, on June 19, 2016, an SDF force entered Manbij and occupied one of the key squares at the western entrance to the city. 2. The declared objective of the ground offensive is to occupy Manbij. However, the objective of the entire campaign may be to liberate the cities of Manbij, Jarabulus, Al-Bab and Al-Rai, which lie to the west of the Euphrates and are ISIS strongholds near the Turkish border. For ISIS, the loss of the area is liable to be a severe blow to its logistic links between the outside world and the centers of its control in eastern Syria (Al-Raqqah), Iraq (Mosul). Moreover, the loss of the region will further 112-16 112-16 2 2 weaken ISIS's standing in northern Syria and strengthen the military-political position and image of the Kurdish forces leading the anti-ISIS ground offensive.
    [Show full text]
  • Squaring the Circles in Syria's North East
    Squaring the Circles in Syria’s North East Middle East Report N°204 | 31 July 2019 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 149 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Search for Middle Ground ......................................................................................... 3 A. The U.S.: Caught between Turkey and the YPG ........................................................ 3 1. Turkey: The alienated ally .................................................................................... 4 2. “Safe zone” or dead end? The buffer debate ........................................................ 8 B. Moscow’s Missed Opportunity? ................................................................................. 11 C. The YPG and Damascus: Playing for Time ................................................................ 13 III. A War of Attrition with ISIS Remnants ........................................................................... 16 A. The SDF’s Approach to ISIS Detainees ..................................................................... 16 B. Deteriorating Relations between the SDF and Local Tribes ....................................
    [Show full text]
  • Policy Notes for the Trump Notes Administration the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2018 ■ Pn55
    TRANSITION 2017 POLICYPOLICY NOTES FOR THE TRUMP NOTES ADMINISTRATION THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ 2018 ■ PN55 TUNISIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN IRAQ AND SYRIA AARON Y. ZELIN Tunisia should really open its embassy in Raqqa, not Damascus. That’s where its people are. —ABU KHALED, AN ISLAMIC STATE SPY1 THE PAST FEW YEARS have seen rising interest in foreign fighting as a general phenomenon and in fighters joining jihadist groups in particular. Tunisians figure disproportionately among the foreign jihadist cohort, yet their ubiquity is somewhat confounding. Why Tunisians? This study aims to bring clarity to this question by examining Tunisia’s foreign fighter networks mobilized to Syria and Iraq since 2011, when insurgencies shook those two countries amid the broader Arab Spring uprisings. ©2018 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ NO. 30 ■ JANUARY 2017 AARON Y. ZELIN Along with seeking to determine what motivated Evolution of Tunisian Participation these individuals, it endeavors to reconcile estimated in the Iraq Jihad numbers of Tunisians who actually traveled, who were killed in theater, and who returned home. The find- Although the involvement of Tunisians in foreign jihad ings are based on a wide range of sources in multiple campaigns predates the 2003 Iraq war, that conflict languages as well as data sets created by the author inspired a new generation of recruits whose effects since 2011. Another way of framing the discussion will lasted into the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution. center on Tunisians who participated in the jihad fol- These individuals fought in groups such as Abu Musab lowing the 2003 U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Heirs of the Prophet: Islamic Authority and International Politics in the 21 Century by James A. Mikulec, Jr. B.A., Mercyhurst C
    Heirs of the Prophet: Islamic Authority and International Politics in the 21 st Century by James A. Mikulec, Jr. B.A., Mercyhurst College, May 2005 M.A., George Washington University, August 2007 A Dissertation submitted to The Faculty of The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 31, 2014 Dissertation directed by Marc Lynch Professor of Political Science and International Affairs and of Media and Public Affairs The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University certifies that James A. Mikulec, Jr. has passed the Final Examination for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as of December 13, 2013. This is the final and approved form of the dissertation. Heirs of the Prophet: Islamic Authority and International Politics in the 21 st Century James A. Mikulec, Jr. Dissertation Research Committee: Marc Lynch, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs and of Media and Public Affairs, Dissertation Director Nathan Brown, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Committee Member Martha Finnemore, University Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Committee Member ii © Copyright 2014 by James A. Mikulec, Jr. All rights reserved iii Dedication I dedicate this dissertation to Jessica and to my family, especially my parents, James and Donna Mikulec, and my grandparents, Peter and Joyce Izzi and Joseph and Laura Mikulec, who always encouraged me to pursue the things that I love. Without their constant support, I would not be here today. iv Acknowledgements This dissertation was written during (and, in some cases, was an eyewitness to) a particularly important, but volatile period in the political and social history of the Middle East and the Muslim world.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
    Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • Young Man Freed Eight Years After Plea; Prosecutor to Talk
    15 International FRIDAY, JUNE 10, 2016 Ghana chef works against waste to feed the hungry ACCRA: Excess and waste are usually considered sympto- matic of the affluent West but trained chef Elijah Amoo Addo knows these are problems too in his home country, Ghana. One day he saw a homeless man collecting food scraps to feed others in the capital, Accra. Watching someone pick up food no-one else would eat for people no-one was helping, got him thinking. Amoo Addo believed there was enough food in the west African nation to feed all of its nearly 27 million people, but more had to be done to educate and inspire people to help those in need. The result was a charity, now called Food For All Ghana. The process is simple and not unlike recent French legislation that forces supermarkets to donate unsold food to charities and food banks, which campaigners want to see spread across Europe. Food manufacturers and suppliers are asked for unused and excess food or products approaching their best-before dates. Every weekend volunteers visit orphanages, hospitals, schools and communities using donated goods to cook for those in need and hand over ingredients for future use. “We have kids who are out of school just because they can’t get food to eat,” Amoo Adoo, 25 said. “We have families who sometimes in the day can’t even afford a plate of food. —AFP Over 130 IS fighters killed in battle for Syria’s Manbij BEIRUT: More than 130 Islamic State group fighters have been killed in a US-backed offensive on the key jihadist-held city of Manbij in northern Syria, a monitoring group said yes- terday.
    [Show full text]
  • Call for Solidarity with Efrîn
    Call for Solidarity with Efrîn 12.03.2018 Preface This document includes declaration of several NGO’s and humanitarian organizations. Contents - NGOs and Humanitarian Actors signed on the statement. - Efrîn - Detailed file on the committed massacres done by the Turkish airstrikes and its allies on Efrîn. - Suspirations of using chemical weapons in Efrîn. - Civilian suffers in photos - Documented Victims in the period 20.1.2018 until 23.2.2018 - Detailed document on children victims of Turkish attacks on Efrîn. - Detailed document about women women victims o Turkish attacks on Efrîn. - Report about Basuteh massacre. - Attachment (signs and stamps of the NGOs) Annex - Map of the Efrîn 2 We the undersigning NGOs and humanitarian organizations, on the basis of the following statements and documentation reported by the Kurdish Red Crescent and other Humanitarian actors, deplore the aggression moved by Turkey against Efrîn region in north Syria, from where we get reports showing that the violations of human rights have reached to tragic levels. There are evidents that the Turkish state is braking international law and opposing the international conventions and resolutions during the ongoing massacres against the indigenous peoples of the region and also against the persons displaced in the same area. The Turkish state and some Free Syrian Army groups started this military attack on the 20th of January 2018 with an intensive shelling by Turkish warplanes, targeting both military sites and civil buildings in Efrîn such as houses, schools and hospitals. The Kurdish Red Crescent documented the death of 227 civilians, among those 32 child and 28 women, and 651 civilian are injured, among those 87 children and 93 women, due to Turkish attacks until 26’th of February.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq 2019 Human Rights Report
    IRAQ 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Iraq is a constitutional parliamentary republic. The 2018 parliamentary elections, while imperfect, generally met international standards of free and fair elections and led to the peaceful transition of power from Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi to Adil Abd al-Mahdi. On December 1, in response to protesters’ demands for significant changes to the political system, Abd al-Mahdi submitted his resignation, which the Iraqi Council of Representatives (COR) accepted. As of December 17, Abd al-Mahdi continued to serve in a caretaker capacity while the COR worked to identify a replacement in accordance with the Iraqi constitution. Numerous domestic security forces operated throughout the country. The regular armed forces and domestic law enforcement bodies generally maintained order within the country, although some armed groups operated outside of government control. Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) consist of administratively organized forces within the Ministries of Interior and Defense, and the Counterterrorism Service. The Ministry of Interior is responsible for domestic law enforcement and maintenance of order; it oversees the Federal Police, Provincial Police, Facilities Protection Service, Civil Defense, and Department of Border Enforcement. Energy police, under the Ministry of Oil, are responsible for providing infrastructure protection. Conventional military forces under the Ministry of Defense are responsible for the defense of the country but also carry out counterterrorism and internal security operations in conjunction with the Ministry of Interior. The Counterterrorism Service reports directly to the prime minister and oversees the Counterterrorism Command, an organization that includes three brigades of special operations forces. The National Security Service (NSS) intelligence agency reports directly to the prime minister.
    [Show full text]
  • In Pursuit of Freedom, Justice, Dignity, and Democracy
    In pursuit of freedom, justice, dignity, and democracy Rojava’s social contract Institutional development in (post) – conflict societies “In establishing this Charter, we declare a political system and civil administration founded upon a social contract that reconciles the rich mosaic of Syria through a transitional phase from dictatorship, civil war and destruction, to a new democratic society where civil life and social justice are preserved”. Wageningen University Social Sciences Group MSc Thesis Sociology of Development and Change Menno Molenveld (880211578090) Supervisor: Dr. Ir. J.P Jongerden Co – Supervisor: Dr. Lotje de Vries 1 | “In pursuit of freedom, justice, dignity, and democracy” – Rojava’s social contract Abstract: Societies recovering from Civil War often re-experience violent conflict within a decade. (1) This thesis provides a taxonomy of the different theories that make a claim on why this happens. (2) These theories provide policy instruments to reduce the risk of recurrence, and I asses under what circumstances they can best be implemented. (3) I zoom in on one policy instrument by doing a case study on institutional development in the north of Syria, where governance has been set – up using a social contract. After discussing social contract theory, text analysis and in depth interviews are used to understand the dynamics of (post) conflict governance in the northern parts of Syria. I describe the functioning of several institutions that have been set –up using a social contract and relate it to “the policy instruments” that can be used to mitigate the risk of conflict recurrence. I conclude that (A) different levels of analysis are needed to understand the dynamics in (the north) of Syria and (B) that the social contract provides mechanisms to prevent further conflict and (C) that in terms of assistance the “quality of life instrument” is best suitable for Rojava.
    [Show full text]
  • Avrasya Incelemeleri Merkezi Center for Eurasian Studies
    AVRASYA İNCELEMELERİ MERKEZİ CENTER FOR EURASIAN STUDIES U.S.-BACKED SYRIA FORCE CLOSES IN ON IS-HELD CITY; SLOW IRAQ ADVANCE CAUSES RIFT - 07.06.2016 Reuters, 06 June 2016 U.S.-backed Syrian fighters have surrounded the Islamic State-held city of Manbij from three sides as they press a major new offensive against the jihadists near the Turkish border, a spokesman for the fighters said on Monday. But in a sign of the difficulty world powers have faced in building a coalition to take on the self- declared caliphate, the slow pace of a separate assault by the Iraqi army on a militant bastion near Baghdad caused a rift between the Shi'ite-led government and powerful Iranian-backed Shi'ite militia. The simultaneous assaults on Manbij in Syria and Falluja in Iraq, at opposite ends of Islamic State territory, are two of the biggest operations yet against Islamic State in what Washington says is the year it hopes to roll back the caliphate. The Syria Democratic Forces (SDF), including a Kurdish militia and Arab allies that joined it last year, launched the Manbij attack last week to drive Islamic State from its last stretch of the Syrian- Turkish frontier. If successful it could cut the militants' main access route to the outside world, paving the way for an assault on their Syrian capital Raqqa. Last week Iraqi forces also rolled into the southern outskirts of Falluja, an insurgent stronghold 750 km down the Euphrates River from Manbij just an hour's drive from Baghdad. The SDF in Syria are backed by U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Syriac Christians on “Genocide Watch”
    Syriac Christians on “Genocide Watch” Our people, the Syriacs (Chaldean-Assyrian-Aramean), as well as the Armenian people are the grandchildren of the survivors of the Ottoman Turkish Genocide that happened in 1915. On the 10th of October 2019, the Turkish army invaded our lands and attacked our people using former ISIS, Al Qaeda and other radical Islamic fighters. These fighters, which are paid by NATO ally Turkey, have committed human rights abuses, declared they will ethnically cleanse the area and support the same ideology as groups like ISIS. Despite the relative stability of the area due to the SDF and International Coalition Forces fighting to destroy and keep all radical groups out of this area of Syria, Turkey has now allowed them to enter freely and furthermore has armed and paid 1 these radical Islamic fighters. Initially, when the Islamic State fighters attacked our homes in NE Syria they succeeded to take control of towns such as Deir ez-Zor, Raqqa, the villages of Khabour and Tal Abyad. This led to a large migration of Christians and the decrease of their numbers. Whereas the population in this area east of the Euphrates was about 300’000, now there are about 100’000. We are distributed all along the very same border areas (from Derik till Kobane) that Turkey wishes to occupy and expel all the residents in order to replace them with Syrian refugees mostly from other areas inside Syria. Turkey plans to ethnically cleans our towns such as Derik, al-Qamishli, al-Hassaka and Tel Tamer villages of Khabour region.
    [Show full text]
  • The Not-So-Great Game in Syria, and How to End It by Andrew J
    MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds The Not-So-Great Game in Syria, and How to End It by Andrew J. Tabler Nov 4, 2015 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew J. Tabler Andrew J. Tabler is the Martin J. Gross fellow in the Geduld Program on Arab Politics at The Washington Institute, where he focuses on Syria and U.S. policy in the Levant. Articles & Testimony Russia has greatly complicated an already-fraught situation by picking a fight with Syria's majority Sunni rebels and tripping into other regional players' spheres of influence. n the last few weeks, Russia has returned to the Middle East through a direct military intervention in Syria. In I doing so, it has entered the Great Game for the heart of that country and the region. Early speculation that Russia intervened unilaterally to prop up the Bashar al-Assad regime has since been undermined by evidence that Russian air strikes are coordinated with an Iranian-supported regime offensive near Aleppo. In fact, it is likely that a June 2015 visit to Moscow by Qassem Suleimani, leader of Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps, was part of the planning for the eventual Iranian-Russian intervention. Assad apparently invited the Russian strikes, which has given them some degree of legitimacy, as has Moscow's concurrent promotion of negotiations, which started in Vienna last week. But by intervening on behalf of what Russian officials call a "mosaic" of Iranian-supported forces, Moscow has picked a fight with Syria's majority Sunni rebels and their brethren in the region. It has also tripped into other regional players' spheres of influence, including those of Turkey, the Gulf countries, the Kurds, Jordan, and Israel.
    [Show full text]