Bachelor Thesis

Conflict-Related Sexual

Violence Against Men A thematic analysis of the phenomenon in mass media

Author: Mikaela Eriksson Supervisor: Susanne Alldén

Examiner: Manuela Nilsson Term: HT20 Subject: Peace and Development

Level: Bachelor

Course code: 2FU33E

Abstract Conflict-related sexual violence against men is a largely unrecognized and forgotten perspective in both research and international policies. Reports document that conflict-related sexual violence affects men, yet detailed consideration of the issue remains missing due to the lack of comprehensive research. The existing research is scarce and focuses primarily on the policy perspective or call for increased attention towards recognizing the subject. This study has sought to increase the understanding of the phenomenon through the perspective of mass media. The objective of the study has been to examine how the subject is portrayed by the media, including how male survivors in media describe their own experiences of sexual violence regarding masculine norms and stigma. The study has been conducted as a qualitative desk study by using empirical data from news articles in online newspapers. The study has followed an abductive approach and applied an analytical framework consisting of the two theories Social Stigma and Hegemonic Masculinity. A thematic analysis was used to interpret the empirical data and three main themes were identified. The findings suggest that the subject tends to be portrayed as unusual or as an exceptional phenomenon. The news articles use similar words to describe the subject, such as hidden, silent, ignored, and underreported. The subject is also deeply associated with stigma and masculine norms, both by the survivors and in the articles. The male survivors tend to illustrate how they feel ashamed, humiliated and stigmatized as a result of their experiences. The survivors also reflect upon a sense of loss in their masculine identity and have either avoided speaking about it or been rejected by society due to normative masculine expectations.

Key words

Sexual violence, male survivors, male victims of sexual violence, conflict-related sexual violence, masculine norms, stigma

Table of contents Introduction 1 1.1 Introduction to the Research Topic 1 1.2 Research Problem and Relevance 2 1.3 Objective and Research Questions 3 1.4 Structure of the Thesis 3 Background 5 2.1 The Term Survivor 5 2.2 Conflict-related Sexual Violence 5 2.3 Sexual Violence Against Men in Conflict and War 6 Literature Review 8 Analytical Framework 12 4.1 Theoretical Approach 12 4.2 Gender, Masculinity and Femininity 12 4.3 Power 14 4.4 Hegemonic Masculinity 15 4.5 Social Stigma 17 Methodological framework 19 5.1 Methodological Approach 19 5.2 Data Selection 20 5.3 Analytical Method 21 Coding and Thematic Process 22 5.4 Discussion of Sources 24 Why Use the Media as a Source for the Study? 24 Critical Discussion of Sources 24 5.5 Delimitations and Limitations 25 5.6 Ethical considerations 26 Findings 27 6.1 The Narrative in Media 27 6.2 Stigmatizing Culture 30 6.3 Masculine Expectations 32 Analysis 36 7.1 Sexual Violence Against Men, Stigma and Masculine Norms 36 7.2 The Portrayal of CRSV Against Men in the News Articles 39 7.3 Analytical Reflection of the Theoretical Framework 41 Conclusion 43 References 45

List of Abbreviations CRSV Conflict-Related Sexual Violence SVM Sexual Violence against Men DRC Democratic Republic of the Congo UN The United Nations WHO The World Health Organization UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

Introduction

1.1 Introduction to the Research Topic Different forms of sexual violence occur in a variety of contexts and circumstances; however, the focus of this thesis will be on conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). The term conflict-related sexual violence refers to sexually violent acts that are directly or indirectly linked to a conflict perpetrated against women, men, girls, or boys. Generally, sexual violence in war and conflict has become an increasingly researched topic over the past years and the international community has focused immensely on implementing effective strategies to combat the issue (UN, 2019, p. 3).

CRSV is often primarily referred to and associated with sexual violence against women and girls, yet it is significantly important problem in relation to men and boys as well. According to WHO (2002, p.154), sexual violence against men and boys, with exception of childhood abuse, has been largely neglected in research. Yet, sexual violence against men (SVM) in conflict situations has been documented in over 25 countries over the last decade (Apperley, 2015) and, according to a recent report made by the UN (2019), reports have been confirming that men and boys continue to suffer from CRSV. Violations against men have been reported in The Central African Republic, The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), South Sudan, Burundi, Sri Lanka, and The Syrian Arab Republic. The report also acknowledges that men and boys face physical and psychological consequences as a result. In addition, there are often no legal provisions implemented in regard to the rape of men, and fear of being prosecuted for same-sex conduct disrupt reporting further (UN, 2019, p. 6).

Generally, myths and strong prejudices in society surrounding male sexuality prevent men from coming forward, which makes the problem highly

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underreported and the extent of the problem is, therefore, difficult to grasp. There is still much to be done in most countries before this issue can be adequately acknowledged and discussed without factors such as denial and shame. A need for further development in this area is necessary since it could facilitate more comprehensive preventive measures and support for male survivors (WHO, 2002, pp. 154,155).

1.2 Research Problem and Relevance The research problem that has been identified for this study is that the general research on the topic CRSV against men is scarce. Scholars on the subject state that SVM occurs in conflict settings and that it should be acknowledged more in research and policies. Yet, CRSV against men and its surrounding factors is still not widely researched, nor acknowledged in-depth, in almost all contexts. Contemporary research on the subject focuses mainly on the policy perspective and how to adequately include male survivors into the concept of sexual violence. Hence, there is a prevalent gap in research that calls for further and more detailed research on the subject.

The absence of focus on recognizing SVM is problematic. An increased focus of SVM in conflict-settings should be implemented, not to shift the focus from women and girls, but to also include male survivors in the discussion. Linos (2009) emphasizes that there is growing concern that SVM has not received enough attention. The human rights discourse used in research while examining contemporary wartime sexual violence tend to maintain the male- perpetrator and female-victim paradigm, which offers an incomplete picture of the issue and may be potentially damaging for male survivors. By analyzing the phenomenon through media, an increased understanding of how and if media strengthens traditional notions of men, masculine norms and stigma can be developed. Research in this field is relevant for developing effective and inclusive strategies that aim to prevent sexual violence in the international,

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national, and local contexts. By researching the issue, I wish to highlight the phenomenon and promote a further inclusive view of sexual violence.

1.3 Objective and Research Questions This study aims to contribute to the limited research on the subject CRSV against men by examining the phenomenon from two perspectives. The objective is to analyze the general mass media discourse on CRSV against men to examine how the phenomenon is portrayed. The study will also analyze how male survivors describe their own experiences of sexual violence to develop a further understanding of how masculine norms and stigma may affect them. The research questions will thus adopt two perspectives that in combination enables a deeper understanding of the subject.

The study will be conducted by analyzing the phenomenon through news articles in online newspapers. The research questions guiding the study are the following:

• How is the subject CRSV against men portrayed in the news articles? What is the main pattern(s)? • How do the male survivors in the news articles describe their own experiences of CRSV in regard to masculine norms and social stigma?

1.4 Structure of the Thesis The thesis consists of eight chapters, including the Introduction. The second chapter, Background, explains the key terms of the study, including a background section of the topic SVM in conflict and war. The third chapter, Literature Review, presents the contemporary research on the subject of CRSV against men including the topic in relation to research on mass media. The fourth chapter present the Analytical Framework chosen for the study. The analytical framework consists of a description of the key concepts that constitutes the foundation of the theoretical framework which are gender,

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femininity, masculinity and power. This is followed by a description of the two theories chosen, namely, Hegemonic Masculinity and Social Stigma. The fifth chapter, Methodological Framework, present the methodology and research approach used for the study. The methodological framework consists of one section explaining how the empirical material was collected. Followed by a description of the analytical research method, thematic analysis, that was used to interpret the empirical material. Finally, a discussion of the sources as well as the delimitations, limitations and ethical considerations for the study are outlined in this chapter. The sixth chapter, Findings, present the results of the study and the three themes that were identified during the thematic analysis. Chapter seven present the Analysis, where the findings are analyzed in relation to the analytical framework, the research questions and the research objective. The final chapter present a Conclusion and recommendations for future research on the subject.

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Background

2.1 The Term Survivor The phrase survivor is used throughout the thesis when referring to a person who has been subject to some form of sexual violence or abuse. The word survivor may be a synonym to the word victim. However, the term victim may have a negative connotation attached to it while the term survivor offers a more empowering term for a person who has been subject to sexual violence. The terms victimhood and victimization are still used for describing the victimizing culture that a person may experience after they have been exposed to sexual violence.

2.2 Conflict-related Sexual Violence The term CRSV has become increasingly more recognized in the past years. A definition of the concept is presented by the UN (2019, p. 3):

The term “conflict-related sexual violence” refers to rape, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, forced abortion, enforced sterilization, forced marriage and any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity perpetrated against women, men girls or boys that is directly or indirectly linked to a conflict.

However, sexual violence in conflict settings or war is not a new phenomenon. It has historically been considered an inevitable by-product of war but, today, CRSV constitutes a crime that is preventable and punishable under International Human Rights Law, International Humanitarian Law, and International Criminal Law. The UN Security Council declared the extensive, systematic, and organized rape in the former Yugoslavia as an international crime at the beginning of 1992. The issue has since then received more attention internationally and improved legalization has been implemented (Bigio & Vogelstein, 2017, p. 3). CRSV is generally motivated by political, military, or economic objectives or used as a tactic in war, as well as a tactic

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for violent motives of extremism and terrorism. It is frequently used to target civilians for a variety of reasons, for instance, to cause long-term trauma, humiliation, for triggering displacement or fracturing families and the social fabric (UN, n.d). CRSV can be perpetrated by actors such as army members, members of non-state armed groups, terrorist organizations, or civilians. Perpetrators are predominantly men but cases from DRC and Rwanda demonstrates that women can play active roles in armed conflict as well, including perpetrating and ordering rape (Bigio & Vogelstein, 2017, p. 3)

2.3 Sexual Violence Against Men in Conflict and War Women and girls are often considered more vulnerable to sexual violence than men because of patterns of gender discrimination and inequality. However, it is confirmed that men and boys can be subject to different forms of sexual violence and abuse. Different forms of Conflict-related SVM may refer to castration, sterilization, genital shocks and beatings, oral and anal rape, forced masturbation of self and others. Men and boys may also be forced to perform sexual acts on other people or forced to watch sexual violence against others (UNHCR, 2017, p. 12).

The general extent and prevalence of CRSV against men still remain unclear because of the lack of comprehensive research on the subject. Existing research on SVM in conflict settings has, however, indicated that the issue has been severely underestimated. Possibly because of factors such as the focus on sexual violence against women and girls, under-reporting, and narrow legal frameworks that fail to criminalize SVM or protect survivors. A handful of studies have been undertaken in conflict-affected settings. One study from 2010 of men in specific conflict-affected territories in eastern DRC found for example that an estimated 760, 000 men (23,6%) had experienced sexual violence (UNHCR, 2017, p. 13). Another example from The Refugee Law Project in Uganda indicate that more than one third (38.5%) of 447 adult male refugees have experienced sexual violence in their lifetime. Another study

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found that men (and women) are notably vulnerable in detention centers, 50 to 80 percent of male torture survivors has reported sexual violence (UNHCR, 2017, p. 14).

UNHCR (2017, p. 8) has conducted a report of SVM and boys in the Syria crisis. They found numerous barriers that limit effective prevention and response mechanisms to male survivors. The report acknowledges that there are indicators such as strong social stigmatization, absence of effective identification mechanisms in place, generally a lack of awareness on the issue, and also dismissive attitudes among humanitarian workers. The UNHCR (2017, pp. 15, 16) report also acknowledges that there are several myths and common misperception about SVM. Myths outlined are for example that men are less affected by sexual violence than women, that male perpetrators of sexual violence against other males are gay or bisexual or that male survivors of sexual violence are or will become gay or bisexual. Such barriers, including gendered stereotypes, prejudice, social taboos, homophobia, and biased legal frameworks prevent male survivors from accessing effective care. In addition, male survivors generally struggle to reveal their experiences of sexual violence and seek support because of social constructions of masculinity and its incompatibility with victimization.

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Literature Review

Even though previous literature on the topic of sexual violence is mostly focused on women, increased attention on the perspective of CRSV against men have begun to emerge in research. Most of the scholars on the topic call for increased attention towards recognizing SVM and advocates for including both genders into the concept of sexual violence (see Sivakumaran, 2007; Carpenter, 2006; Apperley, 2015; Linos, 2009; Toquet, Gorris, 2016; Féron, 2017; Solangon, Patel, 2012). However, opinions are a bit scattered on how to adequately include the male survivor perspective in the concept of sexual violence. There is a discrepancy in whether an increased focus on men should be included in the framework of gender-based violence, which previously has been used mostly in relation to women, or if future policies on this issue should be implemented as gender-neutral.

Sivakumaran (2007) states that non-governmental and intergovernmental organizations have started to note in their reports that sexual violence can affect men as well, yet detailed consideration of the issue is missing. Touquet and Gorris (2016) hold a similar view and argue that although the problem is recognized to some extent, in-depth analysis of male survivors’ needs and men’s vulnerability to particular forms of sexual violence falls short.

Apperley (2015) argues that the lack of evidence and research on the issue distances survivors from both media coverage and the political agenda and that there is a need to further recognize men as vulnerable and weak, to avoid further stigma. Morever, Apperley states that the international community is not addressing the issue of sexual violence against men properly and future development should ensure a gender-neutral understanding.

Further, Schulz (2018) address that contemporary research on the topic of wartime SVM focuses on how SVM is silenced on a policy level. His research of CRSV in Uganda aims to further add to the emerging research, by

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examining the culture of silence among male survivors. Schulz research analyzes how compounded silences may affect survivors, by examining their experiences through a masculinity framework and argues that this perspective remains largely absent in the existing research. Schulz (2018) argues further that male survivors in Uganda frequently choose to remain silent about their experiences due to shame or fear of stigmatization. Male survivors are overlooked by political actors and institutions as well as by medical and psycho-social services because of gendered stereotypes that dismisses that men can be subject to sexual violence.

Furthermore, even though there is some research emerging on the general subject of SVM in conflict settings, research specifically focused on the discourse of SVM in mass media is very scarce. Féron (2017, 2018) is one of few who specifically discusses the discourse of wartime SVM. Féron (2018, p. 203) argues that when wartime SVM is brought to attention in media it is often done by portraying it as an exceptionality or as a new problem recently discovered. The occurrence of male rape in war has been documented for long, yet the general picture in media seem to rediscover the issue each time a new story is published. Hlavka (2017) discuss the invisibility and the minimization of male sexual victimization and argues that normative expectations regarding masculinity act as barriers for male survivors. Dominant discourses predominantly position men as sexual aggressors and women as sexual victims. The lack of recognition of male sexual victimization provides an insufficient picture and the perspective of female and same-sex perpetrators is thus being neglected, both in terms of research and public information.

Féron (2017) states similarly that the discourse on wartime sexual violence is strongly embedded with associating men and masculinity with power, strength, and violence, while women are usually portrayed as vulnerable victims to a patriarchal order. However, the patriarchal order and the masculine agents that support it are usually not questioned nor considered

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thoroughly. Further, Féron (2017) argues that it is problematic and counterproductive to silence male survivors since it strengthens patriarchal discourses. By not considering that men can be vulnerable, existing gender representations may be further reinforced.

Moreover, the varying effects and influence that mass media have on society, people, institutions and culture have been debated through a range of different theories and research. There seem to be consensus in research that media has some impact on different dimensions of social life and structure, yet the extent and strength of the influence is debated. One of the commonly unintended effects found in research of media is the effects of media bias on stereotyping (Perse & Lambe 2017, pp. 1, 7).

Fagerström and Nilson (2008, pp. 25, 26) notes similarly that people’s opinions and values about the world is likely affected by media. They argue that media may represent normative stereotypes of people and treat people differently based on their gender, ethnicity or sexuality. Fagerström and Nilson (2008, p. 129) argues, for example, that there is a general over representation of well-educated white men in traditional news media while women are generally underrepresented. Studying mass media from a gender perspective is thus necessary to expose news media’s often traditional representation and imbalance between men and women.

As mentioned, scholars that analyze the phenomenon of CRSV against men in media is largely absent. Easteal, Holland and Judd (2015) attempt to conceptualize the influence media may have on the portrayal of violence against women. They argue that there is a key aspect in media’s influence that refers to the capacity media has to promote a dominant reality by exposing people to experiences and events that are beyond their own life space. Through this framed reality, media may shape people’s beliefs and perceptions of certain events.

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Easteal, Holland and Judd (2015) further discuss the news media’s potential to frame public debate by presenting certain issues in a certain way. News media creates narratives and frames events in which some actors play a vital role while other actors are marginalized or ignored. Easteal, Holland and Judd emphasize that there are several factors which may influence how journalists decide to construct an issue in news stories. Social norms, values as well as ideological and political orientations may be reflected in narratives of journalists. Journalists use different techniques when framing stories, and words and images may likewise be used in a certain manner. Media stories can also, in this sense, be influenced by gendered narratives shaped by a societal landscape and cultural norms of masculinity and femininity. Media play a central role in defining social issues as the reality that is presented in media is usually taken for granted in reflecting things as they are.

In conclusion, the general research debate of CRSV against men acknowledges that there is a further need to recognize the phenomenon in different contexts, yet detailed analysis of the issue remains missing. There is little focus on analyzing how the phenomenon CRSV against men is recognized in the mass media discourse, including possible consequences of this. There is also a need to analyze how male survivors are affected by stereotypical masculine expectations and social stigma in-depth. Research acknowledges that male survivors are affected by factors such as stigma, masculine norms and myths about SVM. Yet, detailed consideration of how they are affected is scarce (see Hlavka, 2017; Javaid, 2015; Schulz 2018). These two perspectives are almost absent in research and this study, therefore, aims to contribute with research on the subject by examining the perspectives in mass media.

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Analytical Framework

This chapter presents the analytical framework chosen for this study. The theoretical concepts of gender, femininity, masculinity and power that constitutes the foundation of the theoretical framework are outlined. Furthermore, the two theories, Hegemonic Masculinity and Social Stigma are presented and elaborated.

4.1 Theoretical Approach The analytical framework is based on the two theories, Hegemonic Masculinity and Social stigma. Hegemonic masculinity offers a valuable perspective on gender roles, inequalities, power, and dominance. A theoretical perspective of masculinity particularly contributes with an important framework for how normative notions about men may be constructed and assembled in society. Further, the concept of stigma offers a helpful analytical approach for analyzing constructions of gender stereotypes. It also provides a framework for understanding the stigmatizing culture that surrounds the phenomenon SVM. In this study, the theoretical framework offers an analytical tool that enables a deeper understanding of how masculine norms and stigma may be interrelated with media and how male survivors may be consequently affected. The two theories will thus be used as a frame to understand how the subject is constructed and expressed in the mass media.

4.2 Gender, Masculinity and Femininity The concepts gender, masculinity and femininity are interrelated with the two theories hegemonic masculinity and social stigma. This section will therefore shortly summarize the concepts that underpins the theoretical framework.

To define masculinity and femininity it is essential to first introduce a definition of gender. Connell (2005, p. 71) describes gender as

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… a way in which social practice is ordered. In gender processes, the everyday conduct of life is organized in relation to a reproductive arena, defined by the bodily structures and processes of human reproduction.

Connell (2005, p.71) emphasizes the focus of describing gender as a social practice organized by a reproductive arena rather than a biological base. Gender should therefore not be understood as a fixed set of biological determinants because it rather refers to historical and social processes involving the body. Fagerström and Nilson (2008, p. 7) states similarly that gender is a social and cultural construction and gender is something that all people shape into.

Moreover, the concepts of masculinity and femininity can be understood as positions in this social construction of gender. Connell (2005, p. 71) argues that masculinity and femininity are operating in a process and system of gender relations. Men and women conduct gendered lives through social processes and relationships. Masculinity and femininity essentially refer to their position in these gender relations and also refer to the effects that these practices have on bodily experience, personality, and culture.

Schippers (2007) states that masculinity refers to a set of practices and characteristics understood as “masculine” and these practices can in turn have widespread cultural and social effects when embodied. Likewise, femininity can be related to the role of women and a set of practices, characteristics, or associations to what it means to be “feminine”. It can be understood as a set of identity features to a woman’s gender identity.

Furthermore, the form of femininity that is described in the hegemonic masculinity framework is specified as emphasized femininity. Connell (1987, pp. 186,187) states that “all forms of femininity are constructed in the context of the overall subordination of women to men”. Therefore, no femininity can be in a hegemonic position. Further, Connell (1987, pp. 188, 183) argues that emphasized femininity has been developed and organized in adaption to men’s

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power. This form of femininity operates in a subordinate position to men and accommodate the interests and desires of men. Emphasized femininity can shortly be understood, in this view, as a cultural construction operating in a gendered social order.

4.3 Power Gender, femininity and masculinity involves certain dimensions of power that is essential to discuss. Power relations between men and women, masculinity and femininity are formed within a hierarchical gender order and power may also reinforce these gender structures.

Power is difficult to describe because of its complex nature. Mullany and Mills (2011, p. 57) conceptualize a view of power influenced by Foucault’s theorization of power. In this view, power is not something that one easily possesses in relation to another, power is something that operates fluidly and needs to be enacted within interaction. From this perspective, power and power relations does not only refer to something that is imposed from above but can rather be understood as something that is “everywhere”. Power differences manifest themselves in everyday experiences and become more related to a day-to-day element.

Similarly, Fagerström and Nilson (2008, pp. 12, 13) argue that power is not something that one possesses, it is rather something that is exercised. Hence, everyone can exercise power or act from a position of power, but no one owns power. Power may for example be exercised in the discourses that surrounds us, through our language, what we say and think as well as in our actions. Discourses may, in this sense, also create and reinforce certain mind-sets and patterns for how we should act.

From this perspective, power is something that is “everywhere”, and it may be present in all contexts, including in different interactions between people. One

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person may exercise power over another person in a particular situation, but power may also be evident as something that operates fluidly in society.

4.4 Hegemonic Masculinity Masculinity studies are concerned with the social constructions that frame the concept of men. The idea is that both women and men are shaped by gender, and masculinity studies analyze private attributes of men’s embodiment, sexuality, and emotion that form the notion of men as gendered persons (Gardiner, 2002, p. 10).

The term hegemonic masculinity has been developed as a concept branched from masculinity studies and has had a large impact on gender studies across many academic fields (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). While referring to Connell (1987), Jewkes et al. (2015) address that hegemonic masculinity is an analytical instrument that identifies attitudes and practices among men that preserve gender inequality. It involves practices of dominance, both men’s domination over women but also the power men have over other men, often minority groups. To argue that a particular form of masculinity is hegemonic, the notion is that its power maintains a structure of oppression and dominance through the gendered order (Donaldson, 1993). Donaldson (1993) argues further that hegemonic masculinity forms a structure in which most men benefit from having control over women and for a few, from control over other men. In this sense, hegemonic masculinity does not refer to or represent a certain type of man but rather represents an unequal relationship between men and women, masculinity, femininity, and among masculinities (Messerschmidt, 2018, p. 122).

The understanding and creation of power relations between and among gender is an essential part of understanding how hegemonic masculinity operates. According to Messerschmidt (2018, p. 122), power is an important structural feature of sex, gender, and sexual relations. Socially structured power relations

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among men and women have been formed historically on basis of sex, gender, and sexual preferences. In specific situations, some women and men hold greater power over other women and men. Some genders hold greater power over other genders, and some sexualities hold more power over other sexualities. Power then, not only creates social structures of interactions and relationships between men and women, but also among men and women. The capacity to exercise power is thus, often also reflected in people’s position in this social construction, based on their sex or gender.

In addition to this, the concepts of masculinity and femininity are connected to heteronormativity. Heteronormativity refers to the social construction of sex and in which heterosexuality has been known as the norm or the “normal”. This assumption is based on the idea that men’s and women’s bodies are natural and compatibly made for each other, while homosexual attraction has been defined as the “abnormal” or different. Essentially, heteronormativity is reproducing a sexual social structure that can be understood as a sexual hegemony. Gender hegemony and sexual hegemony combines in the sense that masculinity and heterosexuality are believed to be superior. While femininity and homosexuality are judged to be inferior (Messerchmidt, 2018, pp. 123, 124).

The construction of power and relationships between men and women, masculinity and femininity create a strong social structure that has to a large extent established itself in our understanding of the world. It can be argued that hegemonic masculinity shapes a sense of reality for both men and women in specific situations. It is frequently renewed, re-created, and defended by social actions, even though it is complex and operates diffusely (Messerschmidt, 2018, p. 122)

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4.5 Social Stigma Another theoretical concept closely related to the formation of social identities and stereotypes is the concept of stigma. Goffman (1986, pp. 17, 18) argues that society categorizes people and connects people to certain attributes related to their social identity. Typically, anticipations and categorizations of people are often made unconsciously. People make assumptions and perceptions of how other people ought to be and usually connect them to certain attributes and by doing such, creating stereotypes. The categorization of people is also connected to a set of complementary attributes related to what is considered ordinary or natural for members of each of these categories.

Stigma can thus be defined as the relationship between certain attributes and a stereotype, where people associate other people, the stereotype, with undesirable characteristics. Stigma can also be understood in relation to social norms. In this perspective, stigma relates to certain negative and deviant characteristics of a person that is contrary to normative perspectives and expectations of how a person should behave at a particular time (Link & Phelan, 2001). The person that is stigmatized is thus considered to be contrary to what is “normal”. Goffman (1986, pp. 23, 24) identifies three different types of stigma. The first is associated to abominations of the body and various physical deformities. Secondly, a stigma relating to a perceived irregularity in the individual character, for example, mental disorder, homosexuality, imprisonment and addictive behavior and alcoholism. Finally, the third type of stigma refer to individual identifications, such as race, nationality and religion. When referring to Goffman (1967), Hlavka (2017) argues that people may develop certain strategies to protect their identities in certain situations, to avoid being stigmatized. People may, for instance, act or behave in an expected way to present a favorable impression of one-self to other people.

The understanding of what is considered stigmatizing or deviant in our contemporary society may have changed somewhat since Goffman originated

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his view of stigma. However, Hlavka (2017) offers a particularly interesting perspective and discussion of contemporary stigma and how male survivors may experience a stigmatizing culture today.

Male victimhood contradicts the notion of “being a man” and the attributes that are related to the male role, such as being strong, powerful and self- sufficient. Men who are sexually victimized have to confront a stigmatizing culture in society and therefore often experience negative feelings of shame, embarrassment, and guilt as a result. Male survivors of sexual assault can be seen to have failed their masculine role and their responsibility to protect themselves. Hlavka (2017) argues that there is a complex relationship between rape myths, cultural ideas of masculinity, and the construction of male victimization. Attitudes and rape myths about men form a cultural acceptance of victim-blaming that to a large extent dismisses male victimization. There is a general belief in society that male sexual assault is not possible or that it is not a traumatic experience. Men, therefore, meet an immense resistance to being recognized as survivors because of a stigmatizing culture that lead to certain assumptions or expectations of how men should and should not behave (Hlavka, 2017).

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Methodological framework

This chapter presents the methodological framework used for conducting the study. The chapter begins with a section describing the research approach and follows with a section explaining how the empirical material has been collected. Further, the thematic analysis that has been chosen as the analytical method is presented and outlined. This is followed by a final discussion on the sources as well as the delimitations, limitations, and ethical considerations of the study.

5.1 Methodological Approach This study has been conducted as a desk study by using a qualitative method to collect data and abductive reasoning as the research approach. A qualitative method refers essentially to a research strategy that focuses on the interpretation of words rather than the quantification of numbers for collecting and analyzing data (Bryman, 2011, p. 340). A qualitative method offers a research approach where different texts or documents can be analyzed closely. By applying a qualitative approach in this study, underlying themes and structures in the news articles can be discovered and interpreted thoroughly.

Abductive reasoning has been chosen because it enables the use of the analytical framework as a lens to understand the phenomenon CRSV against men, as expressed in news media, further. Abductive reasoning offers a research approach where a phenomenon can be further developed and conceptualized by interpreting a new set of ideas to an original framework of ideas. Abductive reasoning can thus develop a deeper understanding of a phenomenon by approaching it from a new perspective and provide new insights into the phenomenon (Danermark et al. 2002, p. 91). The theoretical approach applied in this thesis can thus influence the findings and draw extended conclusions based on the result. By using an abductive approach, the theoretical framework can provide new insights into the understanding of how

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gender norms, masculine notions and stigma can be formed and reproduced in society.

5.2 Data Selection The empirical material used in this study consists of news articles from several different online newspapers from the years 2010 to 2020. This particular timeframe was initially decided because I wanted to analyze the phenomenon in contemporary mass media but still ensure a sufficient amount of material. Nevertheless, no articles on the subject were found before 2010 so this timeframe was suitable to keep throughout the process.

The online news articles collected have been mainly found by using Google search and the news section in Google search. News articles have also been collected by searching through selected online newspaper sites to find articles that might not appear through Google search. I have also searched for articles in Swedish in which I found one that was appropriate for the study. The selection of data has to a large extent been based on material availability. It became evident early in the search process that there is a limited amount of news articles written on the subject of SVM in conflict settings in English and Swedish. Therefore, an extensive search for articles has been made and articles have been selected based on their relevance to the research objective and the research questions. To gather enough data for the analysis, the selection of articles ranges from different genres and different online newspapers, such as debate articles, interview articles, and news articles. The decision to use articles from several different newspapers is also to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the issue by looking at it from different perspectives.

To identify relevant articles, different words and phrases have been used in combination with each other. The words and phrases that have been used are the following: sexual violence against men, sexual abuse against men, sexual

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torture against men, male rape, male survivors of sexual violence, male victims of sexual violence. All of the words in combination with conflict or war.

Even though specific words of “men” and “male” were used in the search, a substantial number of the articles found were not relevant for the thesis. A large amount of the articles concerned violence against women. Because of the lack of results on men, the search in Google directed me towards different online newspaper sites where I have, in their databases, also searched for further articles on the topic. Moreover, a thorough reading of the articles was conducted to select the most relevant for the study. Since the focus of the thesis is to analyze the perspective of SVM in conflict-related settings, articles that did not concern the phenomenon in war or conflict was excluded. However, articles that refer to the subject of SVM in refugee-camps have been included because of its relevance to conflict-settings.

The final selection resulted in 20 articles from the following online newspapers: two articles from Aljazeera, one from NBC News, two from Fox News, two from The Independent, seven from The Guardian, one from The New York Times, one from Time Magazine, one from CNN, one from BBC News, one from The Telegraph, and finally one article from the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet.

The Guardian happened to be overrepresented solely because they had several articles relevant to the research objective, compared to other newspapers.

5.3 Analytical Method To clarify how the empirical material has been used in the study, a presentation of the analytical process will be outlined in this section. Bryman (2011, p. 510) states that qualitative data can be difficult to interpret because it often generates a large and sometimes overwhelming amount of different material. To facilitate the study’s research process, the empirical data collected have

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been interpreted and analyzed by using an analytic method of thematic analysis. A thematic analysis offers an analytic method that enables the researcher to identify and analyze reoccurring patterns within the data (Braun & Clarke, 2008). Hence, it offers a useful and flexible method for analyzing qualitative data and allowed for a deeper interpretation of the empirical material. Thematic analysis can be conducted in a variety of different ways but the framework that has been used in this study follows from examples outlined by David and Sutton (2016) and a framework provided by Braun and Clarke (2008).

Coding and Thematic Process At the beginning of the process, I read through the articles several times to familiarize myself with the material. I highlighted various sections, phrases, and words in the texts, and gave them certain labels, or codes. This process is described as the coding process. Coding in thematic analysis is a process where certain codes are applied to a text to find similarities and dissimilarities between and within the texts. Codes are key terms, themes, or expressions describing or corresponding to actual terms in the text (David & Sutton 2016. p. 271). I used an inductive and open form of coding meaning that codes were formed and applied after the first interpretation of the data. However, I had the two research questions in mind when reading the material, meaning that the process cannot be considered entirely inductive (David & Sutton, 2016, p. 274). The codes that I found were taboo topic, not considered a man, homosexuality, stigma, shame, unknown, little awareness, ignored, under- reported.

In the next step, I looked for patterns between the different codes and structured them into broader themes. A theme represents some level of patterned responses or meaning within the data sets, in relation to the research questions. A theme is not necessarily dependent on quantifiable measures, such as how many times something is mentioned. The researcher’s judgment

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determines the theme and whether it reflects something important to the research questions (Braun & Clarke, 2006).

I formed three different themes that reflect the main patterns for how the articles portray the phenomenon of CRSV against men and also how survivors portray and describe their own experiences in regard to stigma and masculine norms. The themes stigma and masculine expectations are somewhat related to each other but were divided into two different themes because of the large amount of content within each theme.

Table 1. Overview of the thematic analysis codes and themes

Codes Themes • Under-reported • The narrative in media • Unknown • Ignored • Little awareness

• Shame • Stigmatizing culture • Taboo topic • Stigma

• Homosexuality • Masculine expectations • Not considered a man

The table above illustrates how the different codes that were identified in the thematic analysis were formed into three main themes: The narrative in media, Stigmatizing culture and Masculine expectations.

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5.4 Discussion of Sources

Why Use the Media as a Source for the Study? CRSV against women has gained more attention in recent years, both in terms of research and media coverage. The decision to use media as a source for empirical data stems from the interest of investigating if there has been an equal development regarding SVM. Apperley (2017) argues that male survivors are distanced from media coverage and that there is a need to recognize men as vulnerable and weak to avoid stigma. This sparked my interest in conducting a study that focuses on whether the subject is acknowledged in the media and if so, how it is acknowledged. Accordingly, the decision to use media as a source seemed relevant for the study and the research problem. Also, the choice of using online newspaper articles as a source came rather naturally because of their easy accessibility and it was therefore considered to be the most suitable alternative for this study.

Critical Discussion of Sources Bryman (2011, p. 499) argues that authenticity issues and credibility can be difficult to determine when using mass media documents as a source in qualitative research. The authorship of the article is often unclear, and it can therefore be difficult to know whether the article is reliable and written by someone with the necessary knowledge. It is thus important to keep in mind that the newspapers and the authors may provide a biased or misrepresented view of a particular event or situation. However, the study has aimed to critically examine newspapers, and reflections of whether the articles promote a neutral view or not have thus been considered rather naturally in the study.

To increase the reliability and validity of the sources as representative to the study and the perspective seen in general mass media, articles from large and widely known newspapers have been chosen. Articles from newspapers that have a clear association or background of discussing specifically humanitarian

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issues were excluded to avoid a biased perspective. It is further important to note that the newspaper articles that have been selected are not representative for providing a generalizing view for all mass media. The findings that I present for the study refer exclusively to tendencies found in the articles selected for the study and it is thus impossible to claim any generalizations in other contexts (Bryman, 2011, p. 369).

Additionally, the themes found during the thematic analysis is based on my interpretation of the articles and what I perceive as important for the research questions. Qualitative research is to a large extent affected by the researcher’s interests and interpretations. What is perceived as important or significant for the study can thus differ from person to person. Bryman (2011, pp. 368, 269) argues that this is one of the commonly stated critiques of qualitative research since it is almost impossible to replicate a qualitative study. If someone would replicate this study, they would possibly find other themes or other sources that would produce a different result.

5.5 Delimitations and Limitations One delimitation in this study has been the choice to use exclusively written news articles on the topic since I found enough material for the study from online newspapers. I have therefore not included other media sources such as news films or video clips in the study. Another delimitation is the focus of only analyzing SVM from a conflict-related perspective. The general discourse on sexual violence is very broad and I wanted to focus particularly on the phenomenon in conflict.

Also, the thesis does not include other factors that could be relevant while analyzing the phenomenon, such as conflict backgrounds or the economic context. However, the aim is to analyze the phenomenon in media and, therefore, other background factors have been excluded in this research. Further, perspectives from lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender survivors,

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as well as human trafficking survivors have not been discussed in the thesis. These perspectives could be relevant and interesting to analyze in this context but since this has not been the main focus, I have not actively searched for articles to include on the topic. However, one article in the empirical material includes perspectives from lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender survivors because it also discusses the phenomenon of CRSV against men, regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity.

Limitations in this study relate mainly to the limited ability to collect articles on the subject. A limitation has been the focus of only analyzing mass media articles from online newspapers written in English and Swedish because of my language limit. Additionally, in terms of time, it has not been possible to search through every online newspaper site or search engine for articles and this may have limited the number of sources. I have made a comprehensive search for material, but I am aware that articles relevant to the study may have been missed due to this.

5.6 Ethical considerations The subject sexual violence can be considered ethically sensitive; however, the study has relied on secondary material already published and accessible through internet. It is worth noting that some of the survivors’ names in the quotes have been changed by the news articles to ensure anonymity. Apart from that, no specific ethical considerations need to be discussed here.

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Findings

This chapter presents the three themes that were identified during the thematic analysis of the empirical material. These themes present, with regard to the two research questions, the main patterns for both how the news articles portray the phenomenon CRSV against men and also how survivors illustrate their own experiences in regard to masculine norms and stigma. The three themes: the narrative in media, stigmatizing culture, and masculine expectations are presented separately.

6.1 The Narrative in Media This theme reflects a pattern for how the different articles discuss and portray the phenomenon CRSV against men. The articles note repeatedly that the phenomenon is rarely acknowledged by using words and phrases that address that the issue is silent, unknown, underreported, understudied, or ignored. Several quotes are presented to illustrate how the phenomenon is portrayed, including a small description of the context of the article.

It’s talked about in whispers, if at all. But men and boys are all-too frequently subjected to sexual violence, particularly in times of conflict, forced confinement or war. The problem is persistent and global. For the most part, though, nobody wants to talk about it (Rauhala, 2011).

Of all the secrets of war, there is one that is so well kept that it exists mostly as a rumour. It is usually denied by the perpetrator and his victim. Governments, aid agencies and human rights defenders at the UN barely acknowledge its possibility. Yet every now and then someone gathers the courage to tell of it (Storr, 2011).

The first quote above is from an article that discusses the general phenomenon and prevalence of male rape in war. The second one is from an interview article with perspectives of male rape in Uganda. The two quotes indicate that the phenomenon is barely acknowledged by the rest of the world. Even though

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people know about it, few want to mention it or discuss it and the issue, therefore, remains largely untold.

Sexual violence against men and boys in conflict remains largely hidden and ignored, neglected in terms of recognition, resources and policy provision, despite being documented in nearly every armed conflict in which sexual violence is committed (Goodley, 2019).

Sexual violence and rape have long been woven into the fabric of conflict and viewed as an instrument of torture; from the Democratic Republic of Congo to Rwanda, and most recently, Syria. While women and girls face increased risks, sexual violence against men is both more prevalent than one assumed and almost never reported (McEachran, 2013).

The two quotes above are from two articles that report that the international community has been neglecting the issue of CRSV against men. They use examples from different countries, such as DRC, Syria, Rwanda, and Liberia when writing about the phenomenon. The two quotes illustrate that the issue has been neglected and underreported. Similar to the two other quotes above, they indicate that issue is prevalent, yet seldom fully recognized.

Despite the prevalence of sexual violence against men for many years, the silence on the issue has been deafening. In the last decade or so, there has been some limited progress. Today, there is often acknowledgment that men are subjected to sexual violence during wartime, and there are occasional media reports on the subject (Sivakumaran, 2013).

Sexual violence against men does occasionally make the news: the photographs of the sexual abuse and humiliation of Iraqi men at the Abu Ghraib prison, for example, stunned the world (Stemple, 2011).

It is one of the darkest, most secretive weapons used in war. But slowly, the widespread nature of the sexual abuse of boys and men is being cast under anguished limelight as survivors and activists seek more awareness and perpetrator accountability (McKay, 2019).

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The three quotes above address that the phenomenon has received some occasional attention even though the issue is silent. The second quote illustrates that when SVM occasionally makes the news, it is perceived as something shocking. The first and second quotes are from two articles that report on the general prevalence of wartime rape in different countries and state that the phenomenon has been ignored. The last quote is from an article reporting that rape has been used as a weapon of war in Syria and address that this issue has only now come to light.

The articles also portray the subject by addressing that male survivors are neglected in different ways. For example, the two quotes below reflect that male survivors have to suffer in silence and that male rape is ignored by society.

“Male victims suffer in silence. We have a care gap – young male victims of sexual violence in conflict are not being recognized as victims, let alone being treated as such,” Bradbury said (McKay, 2019).

Our failure to acknowledge male rape leaves it in the shadows, compounding the humiliation that survivors experience (Stemple, 2011).

Further, another article portrays CRSV against men by addressing how unknown the issue is, even for the author of the article. The article reports on male rape and sexual torture in the Syrian war. The two quotes below illustrate how surprised the author was over the prevalence of the phenomenon.

When Sarah Chynoweth was asked to report on sexual violence against men and boys in the Syria crisis, she had no idea of the scale of the problem (Chynoweth, 2017).

Drawing on a few existing reports, I assumed some boys were being victimised, as well as some men in detention centres, but that sexual violence against males was not common. I worried that few refugees would have heard of any accounts and that they wouldn’t talk to me

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about such a taboo topic anyway. I couldn’t have been more wrong (Chynoweth, 2017).

Generally, the quotes altogether illustrate that the articles tend to emphasize how unexplored the issue is in different ways. There seem to be an overall tendency for the articles, with some few exceptions, to use rather dramatic words when describing SVM. Additionally, the articles tend to frame and portray the subject, rather than the survivors, in a certain way.

6.2 Stigmatizing Culture This theme illustrates a pattern for how the survivors speak about their own experiences of sexual violence in regard to stigma, as well as how the articles portray the phenomenon by associating it with a stigmatizing culture. References to shame, stigma, and taboo are frequently used by both the authors and survivors.

The three quotes below are statements from two survivors describing their feelings after they been exposed to sexual violence in DRC. The article reports on how male survivors fight stigma in Uganda even after they have fled from DRC to Uganda.

After what they did to me, I felt ashamed. It was a bad experience of my life. I left Congo when I was broken and confused. I felt like I had lost my dignity, with too much pain on my body (Natabaloo, 2013).

Likewise, Kamba said he also felt great shame. He said he desperately tried to hide the heavy bleeding from his anus from his rescuers when they found him at a roadside. After he reached Uganda, it was years before he could bring himself to tell a doctor what really happened (Natabaloo, 2013).

For Kamba, he said his sense of pride has been stolen and he feels guilt over what happened to him. Kamba said he is scared to go to the one place he believes could provide salvation. I fear to go to church. How do

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I stand before God? Should I repent, ask for forgiveness, or say thank you? I am unclean to face God … I am a curse (Natabaloo, 2013).

The quotes reflect how the survivors felt great shame over what has happened and how this has affected them in different ways. Both survivors describe feelings of loss of dignity and pride afterwards.

The three quotes below are statements from another survivor from DRC who also fled to Uganda after he was subject to sexual violence. The survivor describes that he avoided to tell others about what has happened because of the taboo of the topic. The first quotes indicates that he was afraid that people would treat him differently if he would tell them. He also illustrates how he felt undermined by being the only man treated for sexual violence-related injuries at the hospital.

If I talked about it, I would have been separated from the people. Even those who treated me would not have shaken my hands (BBC, 2017).

“I hid that I was a male rape survivor. I couldn't open up - it's a taboo, “he said (BBC, 2017).

” I felt undermined. I was in a land I didn’t belong to, having to explain to the doctor how it happened. That was my fear.” (BBC, 2017).

Furthermore, the quotes below illustrate several examples for how the articles tend to describe the topic SVM. In the first quote, the author points out that he has received a rare opportunity to investigate further into the topic due to the taboo. In the second quote the author illustrates how underreported the issue is by pointing out that this is due to the shame that survivors experience.

I've come to Kampala to hear the stories of the few brave men who have agreed to speak to me: a rare opportunity to find out about a controversial and deeply taboo issue (Storr, 2011).

However, the number of male victims is also suspected to be high. Most cases remain unknown because men, like women, are often too ashamed to come forward and talk about their ordeal (Natabaloo, 2013).

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Further, the quotes below illustrate similarly how the different authors describe the phenomenon by referring to stigma or social discrimination. They indicate that survivors are too ashamed to speak about their experiences and therefore remain silent or use other words to describe what has happened.

These people suffer twice – from the act itself, and from the social discrimination they endure as a result of it (Eastey & Thust, 2020).

Shame and social stigma silence many survivors. They are often plagued by injury, ashamed and wary of speaking out (Rauhala, 2011).

The extreme shame and stigma surrounding the issue, causes many victims to remain silent, while those who do present often mask their experiences in the more masculine language of ‘torture’ rather than ‘rape’ (Goodley, 2019).

The quote below is from another article reporting about how male rape is used as a weapon of war in Libya. The author describes how male rape can be used as a strategy especially because of the taboo that surrounds the topic.

The atrocity is being perpetrated to humiliate and neutralise opponents in the lawless, militia-dominated country. Male rape is such a taboo in Arab societies that the abused generally feel too damaged to rejoin political, military or civic life (Allegra, 2017).

The findings presented in this theme illustrate how the subject tend to be associated with stigma or shame in different ways. The authors and the male survivors use similar ways to portray how stigmatizing or taboo the topic is.

6.3 Masculine Expectations This theme presents a pattern for how different references to homosexuality and masculine norms are found throughout the articles. Masculine notions and misperceptions about male rape and homosexuality are frequently identified as an issue for male survivors. Survivors discuss similarly how masculine expectations have affected them in different contexts. It is discussed in several

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articles that SVM can be used as a strategy in conflict to undermine men and make them feel like they have lost their sense of masculinity. In the quotes below, experiences from survivors illustrate examples of this.

One survivor from DRC describes how government forces attacked him and his family before he fled to Uganda. In the first quote he expresses how they used rape as a way to show him that he is not a man. Further, the second quote describe how he was rejected by the pastor after the attack and how this made him leave his home.

They said: ‘You support the rebels. We’ll show you that you are not a man (Eastey & Thust, 2020).

Alain underwent surgery in the hospital, after which he said the pastor there told him that he would never again be considered a real man. He felt he had no choice but to leave the country, so he took a bus to neighbouring Uganda (Eastey & Thust, 2020).

Another survivor from Kenya describes his experiences after he was attacked by a group of men. He describes the attack by referencing to how he felt like a woman or a homosexual.

They did a very bad thing to me. They made me their wife, they made me a homosexual. They removed all my clothes and [left] with them (Staufenberg, 2016).

Furthermore, two survivors in the quotes below state that stories from male survivors are not heard. They state that everyone knows that it can happen to women, but no one knows that it can happen to men. The second quote below reflect how one of the survivor’s fear to tell his brother about the experiences. In the last quote, the other survivor express that male survivors are confused with being gay and he wants to speak about his experiences to create awareness about the issue.

“That was hard for me to take," Owiny tells me today. "There are certain things you just don't believe can happen to a man, you get me? But I

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know now that sexual violence against men is a huge problem. Everybody has heard the women's stories. But nobody has heard the men's.” (Storr, 2011).

His brother keeps asking what's wrong with him. "I don't want to tell him," says Jean Paul. "I fear he will say: 'Now, my brother is not a man.' (Storr, 2011)

“Still now, there is a confusion between you and the gay community," said Mamadou, adding people don't realize that men can be rape victims, too. "What happened to females is already known everywhere, but we are trying to break the silence." (Hayden, 2019).

The quotes below illustrate how another survivor from DRC express similar experiences of how male survivors are neglected due to masculine norms.

As a man, I can't cry. People will tell you that you are a coward, you are weak, you are stupid (BBC, 2017).

They killed my father. Three men raped me, and they said: 'You are a man, how are you going to say you were raped?' It's a weapon they use to make you silent (BBC, 2017).

“When I asked the police, they said that if it has anything to do with penetration between a man and a man, it is gay," he said (BBC, 2017).

If it happens to a woman, we listen to them, treat them, care and listen to them - give them a voice. But what happens to men? (BBC, 2017).

Additionally, the quotes below offer a few examples for how the subject is discussed by some of the articles. The quotes are from four different articles and describe how male survivors are affected by masculine norms and misperceptions about male rape.

“It breaks the victims down so much, it is often impossible for them to talk openly,” he said. “There is so much stigma, so much taboo. For the perpetrator, it’s about dominance and control that destroy a victim internally, make them feel no longer male.” (McKay, 2019).

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In Uganda, survivors are at risk of arrest by police, as they are likely to assume that they're gay – a crime in this country and in 38 of the 53 African nations. They will probably be ostracised by friends, rejected by family and turned away by the UN and the myriad international NGOs that are equipped, trained and ready to help women. They are wounded, isolated and in danger. In the words of Owiny: "They are despised." (Storr, 2011).

Furthermore, in many countries the domestic legal framework does not recognise men as potential victims of sexual violence, where legal definitions of rape only apply to females. And in countries where same- sex acts are illegal, survivors who come forward risk criminalisation and homophobic backlash (Goodley, 2019).

Many of the victims who spoke to Al Jazeera at the conference said when they reported the experiences to doctors or policemen they were not believed, and some were even told that male rape does not exist (Natabaalo, 2013).

The findings in this theme illustrate how there are certain normative expectations of men that contradict with SVM. The survivors express, for example, that they feel a sense of loss in their masculine identity or that they have been rejected by society in different ways, due to masculine expectations. The survivors also expressed that they have avoided speaking about their experiences and that there is general confusion about the subject.

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Analysis In this chapter, the study’s objective and the two research questions are analyzed with the findings and the analytical framework. The two theories, Hegemonic Masculinity and Social stigma has been used as a frame to interpret the findings. The chapter has been divided into three sections where the two research questions are analyzed separately, this is followed by a final section that presents an analytical reflection of the theoretical framework.

7.1 Sexual Violence Against Men, Stigma and Masculine Norms The problematic nature of SVM and the number of barriers that male survivors face can be understood by applying the two theories of stigma and hegemonic masculinity. The two theories interrelate in the sense that the hegemonic masculine structure might stigmatize those that do not conform to cultural notions of masculinity. Hlavka (2017) argues that hegemonic masculinity and heterosexuality are assumed as the natural and expected and anything that contradicts these notions might position men and boys into deviant or stigmatized identities. Boys and men who are homosexual are, for example, marginalized within this framework. Young men learn from an early age to accept a cultural “boy code” related to expected behaviors for how a man should act. This cultural code insists on invulnerability by enforcing a social construction of what it means to be a man for instance via certain phrases and indications such as “be a man” and “boys don’t cry”. Through such masculine expectations, a victimization paradigm that conceals male victimization may be reinforced (Hlavka, 2017).

Hlavka (2017) states that stigmatizing responses in society promote feelings of shame, guilt, and embarrassment for male survivors. Accounts from male survivors indicate that men feel ashamed for being unable to defend themselves, humiliated, and embarrassed by being sexually assaulted. Male survivors fear, due to masculine norms, to be considered weak, and are

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generally unwilling to disclose their experiences due to fear of homophobic accusations or homosexual labels.

It is possible to find similarities to the arguments stated by Hlavka (2017) and the experiences described by the survivors in the articles. Some of the survivors express that they have avoided to talk about their experiences and to show emotions since this could threaten their masculine role. For example, one survivor describes that he has avoided telling his brother due to fear that he would say that he is not a man (Storr, 2011). Another survivor describes that men cannot cry and if they do, they will be perceived as stupid, weak, or as a coward (BBC, 2017). In addition, the survivors tend to express similar feelings of shame, loss of pride and guilt as a result of their experiences.

Male rape contradicts heteronormative notions of sex and male sexuality. These notions expect men to be sexually dominant, powerful, and in control. When male survivors are exposed to sexual violence, codes of male heterosexuality and masculinity are strongly disrupted (Javaid, 2015). One survivor illustrates his experience of rape by referring to it as he was made into a wife or a homosexual (Staufenberg, 2016). His reaction reflects how he refers to rape as something that happens solely to a woman and his sense of masculinity is therefore lost. He also associates his experiences with homosexuality, possibly to illustrate how humiliating it was for him to be subject sexual violence.

Messerschmidt (2018, p. 122) argues that hegemonic masculinity shapes a sense of reality for both men and women. Masculine normative expectations are so powerful that men may suffer intense pressure to conform to their expected identity, even though it might clash with their own inner beliefs and feelings (Javaid, 2015). This sense of reality and the expectations of men to conform to a masculine identity does in turn lead to a great fear for survivors to become stigmatized. Hlavka (2017) argues that people may develop certain strategies to avoid stigmatization and protect their identities. The survivors in

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the articles express similarly that they have avoided to speak about their experiences and hidden that they have been subject to sexual violence or abuse, sometimes for several years.

Additionally, the findings illustrate that there seems to be widespread confusion about the subject in general, both in society and among survivors. One survivor expresses for instance that there is confusion between male survivors and the gay community and that people do not realize that men can be exposed to sexual violence (Hayden, 2019). Another survivor states that there are certain things you cannot believe can happen to a man, but he knows now that SVM is a huge problem (Storr, 2011). Strongly embedded masculine norms that dismiss male victimization produce a general perception and assumption that men cannot be vulnerable or exposed to sexual violence. This will possibly, combined with a general lack of recognition of the subject, contribute to an overall confusion of the subject. Sexual violence has become so deeply associated with the traditional female-victim male-perpetrator view that it is difficult for male survivors to admit for others, and possibly even for themselves that they have been subject to sexual violence.

As such, with regard to the research objective, the findings illustrate that men who have been subject to sexual violence suffer intense pressure to conform to a dominant masculine structure and their masculine identity. Otherwise, they might become stigmatized or alienated from society. It is thus evident that male survivors are deeply affected by masculine norms and stigmatizing responses in society that in different ways neglect the issue or the survivor. This can, in turn, be problematic since this hinders men from receiving adequate support for their experiences and further reinforce the notion that men cannot become subject to sexual violence.

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7.2 The Portrayal of CRSV Against Men in the News Articles There are three main patterns found in the news discourses portrayal of CRSV against men. The articles refer frequently to the problem as an exceptional occurrence or mentions masculine norms and social stigma in relation to the phenomenon. It seems that the phenomenon is deeply associated with a stigmatizing culture that is also reflected in the news articles. The articles associate the subject with a stigmatizing culture, for example, by stating that it is extremely taboo or shameful for male survivors to be subject to sexual violence.

The findings also show that when the news articles discuss the phenomenon, it is usually referred to as something unusual or exceptional. Media have different strategies to attract readers and they may therefore use overly emotional or dramatic words to draw attention (Easteal, Holland & Judd, 2015). Yet, there might be a problematic dimension related to portraying and framing the phenomenon as such. It may produce a view of the phenomenon as something that is abnormal or deviant from the norm, which in turn may also reinforce the stigma that surrounds the phenomenon.

There are similarities between the findings of this study and Féron’s (2018, 2017) research about wartime SVM in media. This study may therefore confirm and strengthen the view that tend to be seen in media. The issue is largely presented as dramatic and sporadic and the general picture seen in media seems to repeatedly rediscover the issue each time a new story is published. Féron (2017) argues further that SVM does not fit into the narratives of wartime sexual violence and since it is portrayed as an exceptional occurrence, it is ineffective for making sense of the larger picture. Several examples from the findings in this study correlate with these arguments. For instance, one article addresses that SVM is talked about in whispers, if at all. Men and boys are frequently subjected to sexual violence, but for the most part, though, nobody wants to talk about it (Rauhala, 2011).

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Another article describes the phenomenon by stating that it is one of the most hidden secrets of war; however, now and then someone gathers the courage to speak of it (Storr, 2011).

It is also possible to find another perspective in the articles that seem to want to acknowledge the phenomenon and give it attention in different ways. The articles tend, for instance, to include stories from male survivors and addresses potential consequences of neglecting the issue. I would, therefore, argue that some of the news articles partially deny traditional notions and stereotypes of men and masculinity since they acknowledge the view that men can be vulnerable and exposed to sexual violence. I would not argue that articles portray or frame the survivors in a certain way, for example, as weak or vulnerable, but they indicate that men can be subjected to sexual violence in conflict and war settings.

Hence, the articles may challenge traditional notions about men and the traditional male-perpetrator-female-victim paradigm to some extent by giving the subject attention in different ways. However, I would argue that there is a critical aspect to the overall tendency for the articles to portray the phenomenon as something that is unusual or exceptional. Words commonly used when describing the topic can be perceived with a negative connotation such as dark, silent, unknown, hidden, or ignored, since this could indicate that the subject is deviant or abnormal.

Because of the lack of attention to the subject, the image constructed by media may alter the view of the phenomenon by addressing it repeatedly as an exceptional occurrence or as an already stigmatizing subject. It is particularly problematic concerning the power that the media may have to influence people’s beliefs and perceptions. As mentioned, media play a key role in defining social issues and the reality that is presented in the media is usually taken for granted (Easteal, Holland & Judd, 2015). As illustrated, male survivors face many barriers and consequences due to a stigmatizing culture.

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If the view that is seen in the news also indicates that the phenomenon is deviant or abnormal this could lead to increased problematic consequences for male survivors. The view seen in the news may thus strengthen the already misinterpreted view of the subject and prolong the stigma that surrounds the phenomenon. This will possibly make it increasingly difficult for male survivors to challenge normative masculine expectations and a stigmatizing culture, which may potentially also further marginalize them.

Furthermore, with regards to the limited number of articles that I found on the subject, the perspective of SVM in conflict tend to remain largely distanced from media coverage. Even though a few news articles discuss the phenomenon, it does not necessarily mean that this will change the general perception of the phenomenon in society. Javaid (2015) addresses that, due to the leading norm that hegemonic masculinity and heterosexuality has in society, society expects independently that men should want, initiate and pursue sex with women only. In a culture where male superiority and male power are emphasized, men are not supposed to be seen as weak, subordinate, and powerless. It is thus evident that SVM contradicts a powerful and dominant social structure and this could possibly also explain why the subject remains largely unknown or neglected by the media.

7.3 Analytical Reflection of the Theoretical Framework The subject is as illustrated, widely associated with stigma and masculine norms. The theoretical framework has therefore been particularly useful for developing an increased understanding of CRSV against men and the research objective. Hegemonic masculinity has offered a valuable theoretical framework for understanding how dominant masculine structures may become manifested in society and how this may result in several barriers for male survivors. Additionally, it has proven to be a useful framework for understanding why the subject has become overlooked or ignored due to stereotypical gender expectations of men that contradict and deny male

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victimization. Stigma has also shown to be closely related to constructions of masculinity and male victimization. Stigma has thus contributed with an important framework for understanding how society perceives the phenomenon. It is for instance, with consideration to the theoretical framework, possible to understand why SVM is used effectively as a weapon in war and conflict. Dominant masculine structures combined with heteronormative notions, allows men to dominate and use rape to feminize other men. This may, in turn, place the survivor in a stigmatizing and alienated position that results in devastating consequences for male survivors.

It has been possible to draw parallels between the theoretical framework and the media’s portrayal of the phenomenon. However, the framework has not been able to explain or offer a specific framework for why the subject may be portrayed in a certain way by media. Assumingly, stories in media may be shaped and influenced by the author, the societal landscape, and cultural norms of masculinity and femininity (Easteal, Holland & Judd, 2015). However, the study would possibly have benefited from applying a theoretical framework that is specifically focused on mass media and mass media’s ability to influence or frame issues in a certain way.

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Conclusion

This study has sought to increase the understanding of how the subject CRSV against men is portrayed in mass media, as well as how male survivors describe their own experiences of sexual violence in regard to masculine norms and stigma. The findings illustrate that there is generally a limited number of news articles on the topic and when the phenomenon occasionally receives attention, it tends to be portrayed as an unusual phenomenon or as an exceptional occurrence.

The news articles describe the phenomenon similarly by using rather dramatic words such as silent, hidden and ignored to illustrate how concealed the subject is. The articles also portray the phenomenon by associating it with a stigmatizing culture, masculine norms, and misperceptions about male rape and homosexuality. The articles repeatedly state that the topic is taboo, and that it is greatly stigmatizing, shameful, and humiliating for male survivors to be subject to sexual violence due to normative masculine expectations. The male survivors make similar associations when describing their experiences, by stating that the topic is taboo or stigmatizing. They express feelings such as shame, embarrassment, loss of pride, and a sense of loss of their masculine identity. The survivors reflect, for instance, how there are certain masculine expectations in society and, therefore, men cannot cry or speak about their experiences to others. They also express that there is confusion about the subject in society and that people do not realize that men can be subject to sexual violence.

The findings illustrate that the topic is deeply associated and interrelated with stigma and masculine norms. Cultural normative expectations of men dismiss male victimization and assume that men cannot be vulnerable or become subject to sexual violence. SVM is seen as something unusual or exceptional, possibly because it conflicts with a widespread heteronormative view of sexual

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violence that reflects solely the female-victim male-perpetrator view. Male survivors fear to become stigmatized and they may therefore also develop certain strategies to protect their identity to avoid stigmatization. Male survivors refrain from reporting or disclosing their experiences and it is thus difficult to grasp the full extent of the problem. All these factors may, in turn, contribute to the general sensitivity and absence of discussion on the topic in generally all contexts, including the media.

However, there is a need for further research on the subject to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the different relationships between SVM, stigma, masculine norms, and the mass media. Future studies in this area might benefit from applying a theoretical framework that is specifically focused on mass media to develop a deeper understanding of why the subject is portrayed or framed in a certain way. Future research could be conducted similarly to this study, by examining the portrayal of CRSV against men in other media contexts, such as in documentaries and news films, to examine if there are any differences or similarities in how the subject is portrayed. Future research could also be focused on news media but use news articles from non-English news sites to reflect another perspective.

Additionally, this study has become centred on the male survivor and male perpetrator perspective. Yet, it could also be interesting to focus on how male survivors perceive their experiences with stigma and masculine norms when there is a female perpetrator, including how the subject is portrayed or discussed in media when there is a female perpetrator, since this perspective has not been covered in this study.

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