The Millennial Generation's Plight in Contemporary South Korea
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The Changing Role of Employment Status in Marriage Formation Among Young Korean Adults
DEMOGRAPHIC RESEARCH VOLUME 36, ARTICLE 5, PAGES 145-172 PUBLISHED 10 JANUARY 2017 http://www.demographic-research.org/Volumes/Vol36/5/ DOI: 10.4054/DemRes.2017.36.5 Research Article The changing role of employment status in marriage formation among young Korean adults Keuntae Kim ©2017 Keuntae Kim. This open-access work is published under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution NonCommercial License 2.0 Germany, which permits use, reproduction & distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) and source are given credit. See http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/de/ Contents 1 Introduction 146 2 Background 146 3 Socioeconomic context of young adults in Korea 148 4 Data and methods 152 4.1 Data 152 4.2 Measures 153 4.3 Analyses 159 5 Results 159 6 Discussion and conclusion 165 References 169 Demographic Research: Volume 36, Article 5 Research Article The changing role of employment status in marriage formation among young Korean adults Keuntae Kim1 Abstract BACKGROUND Despite a persistent decline in Korea’s marriage rates over the past three decades, there is a striking lack of research on the transition to marriage among young Koreans. Similarly, few studies have examined how economic determinants have evolved over the past several decades, even as the Korean social and socioeconomic structure has undergone substantial transformation. METHODS This paper examines changes over time in the determinants of marriage formation in Korea, using employment history data from the Korean Labor and Income Panel Study (KLIPS) on three cohorts of young adults born in the 1950s‒1970s. -
Hell Joseon and the Politics of Mourning in the Shin Hae-Chul Episode of Hidden Singer
Situations 11.1 (2018): 19–38 ISSN: 2288–7822 Hell Joseon and the Politics of Mourning in the Shin Hae-Chul Episode of Hidden Singer Kee-Yoon Nahm (Illinois State University) Abstract This article examines the politics of public mourning after the death of South Korean celebrity Shin Hae-Chul and the Sewol Ferry disaster. I argue that grief became the impetus for meaningful political change, especially President Park Geun-hye’s removal, when it branched out into a wider affective range in digital culture. I focus on Hell Joseon, a hotly debated internet meme at the time of Shin’s fatal medical accident, and an episode of the television game show Hidden Singer memorializing Shin to identify alternative strategies of politicizing grief that thwart the government’s efforts to silence critical voices. Keywords: Hell Joseon, Shin Hae-Chul, Hidden Singer, Sewol Ferry disaster, mourning, grief, digital culture, Korean media 20 Kee-Yoon Nahm Introduction A few weeks after former President Park Geun-Hye was removed from office following her historic impeachment trial, the New York Times ran an article about the catastrophic sinking of the Sewol Ferry, noting that “the government’s botched rescue operation was a central grievance voiced against the president” in widespread public demonstrations dubbed the “candlelight protests.”1 While the protesters who gathered at Gwanghwamun Square and other public spaces certainly condemned Park and her inept administration, the expression of these grievances was also accompanied by a pervasive sense of grief. Tens of thousands of people visited the temporary memorial altar to the dead passengers— mostly high school students—in their hometown of Ansan while others tied yellow ribbons to fences at Mokpo Harbor, wishing for the safe return of the missing. -
Building the Nation: the Success and Crisis of Korean Civil Religion
religions Article Building the Nation: The Success and Crisis of Korean Civil Religion Andrew Eungi Kim 1 and Daniel Connolly 2,* 1 Division of International Studies, Korea University, Anam-ro, Seongbuk-gu, Seoul 02841, Korea; [email protected] 2 Division of International Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul 02450, Korea * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Civil religion refers to a country’s beliefs, symbols, and rituals that bolster national unity and strengthen its citizens’ sense of identity and belonging. However, the literature on civil religion is divided between those who attribute it to bottom-up cultural spontaneity and those who see it as an ideological top-down construction. Moreover, there has been a relative lack of scholarly attention to Korean civil religion. This paper addresses both issues by arguing that a strong civil religion indeed exists in the country and that it has been an important part of the “nation-building” process since the founding of the Republic of Korea in 1948. The paper highlights how a succession of authoritarian regimes (1948–1987) successfully mobilized a strong civil religion for political purposes. The resulting civil religion targeted economic growth as the national goal to overcome all social ills, focused on the country’s ethnic and cultural homogeneity to boost national confidence and pride, exalted its traditional religions, especially Confucianism, as repositories of Korean traditional culture, and rendered sacred meanings to national symbols such as the flag and national anthem. Even after democratization, Korean civil religion remains largely ideological, as the Korean government is heavily involved in framing, planning, sponsoring, and promoting the country’s civil religion. -
Nationalism in Crisis: the Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’Guksa)
Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) by Yun Sik Hwang A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto © Copyright by Yun Sik Hwang 2016 Nationalism in Crisis: The Reconstruction of South Korean Nationalism in Korean History Textbooks (Han’guksa) Yun Sik Hwang Master of Arts Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto 2016 Abstract South Korea has undergone considerable transitions between dictatorship and democracy under Korea’s extraordinary status as a divided nation. The nature of this division developed an intense political contestation in South Korea between the political Left who espouse a critical view of top-down national history, and the Right who value the official view of South Korea’s national history. Whether it is a national history or nationalist history, in terms of conceptions of national identity and nationalism in relation to Korean history, disagreement continues. The purpose of this thesis is not to support nor refute the veracity of either political position, which is divided between a sensationalized political Right and a caricaturized Left. The aim of this project is to evaluate a series of developments in Korean history textbooks that can be seen as a recent attempt to build new national identities. ii Acknowledgments There are countless people I am indebted as I completed this Master’s thesis. First and foremost, I would like to thank my professor and supervisor, Andre Schmid for his charismatic and friendly nature for the past 7 years. -
Analysis of the Effects of the Youth Basic Income Policy in Gyeonggi Province: Comparison of the Ex-Ante and Ex-Post Survey Yoo, Young Seong Et Al
Gyeonggi Research Institute Policy Study 2019-73 Analysis of the Effects of the Youth Basic Income Policy in Gyeonggi Province: Comparison of the Ex-Ante and Ex-Post Survey Yoo, Young Seong et al. Gyeonggi Research Institute Gyeonggi Research Institute Policy Study 2019-73 Analysis of the Effects of the Youth Basic Income Policy in Gyeonggi Province: Comparison of the Ex-Ante and Ex-Post Survey Yoo, Young Seong et al. Gyeonggi Research Institute Preface Gyeonggi Province has been implementing the Youth Basic Income (“YBI”) policy since April 1, 2019. Under this policy, every 24-year-old person who has lived in Gyeonggi Province with resident registration for at least three consecutive years or ten years in total is paid KRW 250,000 every quarter, or up to KRW 1 million a year, in local currency. Currently, the population of Gyeonggi Province is well over 13 million, and around 175,000 youths (aged 24) are eligible for the Gyeonggi Province YBI. Unlike Alaska’s Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD), which is paid from the revenue the State generates from its oil, this project is financed by the Gyeonggi Province government, with the budget estimated at around KRW 175 billion annually. Not surprisingly, the YBI project has been attracting a great deal of attention. Questions have been raised whether the project is having the intended effect. Against this backdrop, the Gyeonggi Research Institute (GRI) conducted a study to measure the policy effects of Gyeonggi Province YBI. The group of beneficiaries was compared with a control group, and both groups were surveyed before and after the implementation of the YBI project to enable comparison between the ex-ante and ex-post survey results. -
'Hell Joseon' Is More Like It As Economy Flounders
LUND UNIVERSITY • CENTRE FOR EAST AND SOUTH-EAST ASIAN STUDIES ‘Hell Joseon’ - Tales from a South Korean Youth Trapped Between Past and Present Author: Johan Cornelis Schoonhoven Supervisor: Erik Mobrand Master’s Programme in Asian Studies Spring semester 2017 Abstract This thesis takes its outset in the newly coined expression ‘Hell Joseon’ used by the youth in South Korea. ‘Hell Joseon’ is a comparison between today’s society and the pre-modern Joseon Dynasty. By asking “what are the main characteristics of life in ‘Hell Joseon’ from a youth perspective?”, I arrive at the following conclusion. Life in ‘Hell Joseon’ is highly characterized by discrepancies between rich and poor, old and young, men and women, global and local. This is a peculiar result of Korea’s double-compressed modernity which derives from a colonial legacy, top-down modernization in the post-war era and condensed transition to a neoliberal world economy, also known as the second modernity. Therefore, traditional and (post)modern elements coexist in Korea’s society, and is partly the reason why the youth are now drawing references to the pre-modern Joseon Dynasty. Life in ‘Hell Joseon’ thus implies frustrations over high unemployment rates, a new ‘spoon class’ class division, lack of social mobility, an education fever and a downright “gender war”. More than that, it shows traces of apathy in the fact that the young generation is giving up marriage, children, jobs, hope, housing etc., but also traces of transformation since the ‘Hell Joseon’ discourse have made the youth take it to the streets, last seen in the mass demonstrations against now impeached President Park Geun-hye. -
South Korea: the Next Strategic Surprise?
South Korea: The next strategic surprise? Dr Jeffrey Robertson Yonsei University East Asia Security Centre 东亚安全中心 Peer-reviewed Conference Paper 2019 U.S. Naval War College and East Asia Security Centre Conference Between Scylla and Charybdis: Is there a Middle Path for Middle Powers in the Indo-Pacific Region? https://easc.scholasticahq.com/ Published Version August 2020 For information about this paper or the East Asia Security Centre’s Peer-reviewed publishing site please contact the Editor-in-Chief Jonathan H. Ping East Asia Security Centre Abstract: South Korea’s foreign policy has traditionally exhibited a high degree of path dependence, marked by firm resolve, restraint, and close coordination with the United States. However, analytical expectations regarding South Korea’s foreign policy indicate the potential for strategic surprise that could result from the failure to recognize, or a willingness to ignore, the potential for change. This article demonstrates that domestic and external conditions provide a strong rationale for change. It further demonstrates that alternative policy options, which would fundamentally change South Korea’s foreign policy, and require decision makers to reassess basic assumptions, are currently under debate and/or being signaled. Analysts should not expect Seoul to follow the same well-worn foreign policy path forever. Foreign policy path dependence is coming to an end. It’s time now to prepare for radical change on the Korean peninsula. Keywords: Korea, United States, China, nuclear, foreign policy, middle power 2 South Korea: The next strategic surprise? Introduction On 8 March 2018, National Security Office Director, Chung Eui-yong, National Intelligence Service Director, Suh Hoon, and Ambassador Cho Yoon-je, announced to reporters gathered on the front lawn of the White House that President Trump had agreed to meet North Korean leader, Kim Jong-un. -
Ing-Yeo Subjectivity and Youth Culture In
Being Surplus in the Age of New Media: Ing-yeo Subjectivity and Youth Culture in South Korea A Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at George Mason University by Sangmin Kim Master of Arts Seoul National University, 2002 Bachelor of Science Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology, 1993 Director: Hugh Gusterson Affiliate Faculty, Cultural Studies, George Mason University Professor, Anthropology and International Affairs, George Washington University Fall Semester 2015 George Mason University Fairfax, VA This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License ii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to my parents, Boosoo Kim and Chaerip Song, and my parents-in-law, Chungsik Yu and Myungja Woo. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am honored to have worked with my dissertation committee. I would first like to express my sincere gratitude to my academic advisor and dissertation chair, Hugh Gusterson. His thorough scholarship and social engagement as a social scientist serve as a model for my academic life. I would like to thank Alison Landsberg and Tim Gibson for their generous and encouraging feedback as well as inspiring teaching in visual culture and media studies. In addition, I would like to thank Roger Lancaster, Denise Albanese, and Paul Smith for introducing me to the fascinating field of cultural studies. I am indebted to my many colleagues in the cultural studies program. I am especially grateful to my mentor Vicki Watts, who supported and encouraged me to overcome hardships during my early years. Rob Gehl, Jarrod Waetjen, Nayantara Sheoran, Fan Yang, Jessi Lang, Randa Kayyali, Cecilia Uy-Tioco, David Arditi, Dava Simpson, Ozden Ocak, and Adila Laïdi-Hanieh have all been wonderful colleagues. -
Liberal Democracy in South Korea Jung Pak and Paul Park
POLICY BRIEF Liberal democracy in South Korea Jung Pak and Paul Park Widespread protests leading to the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye revealed both the strengths of South Korean democracy as well as its weakness. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY prospects for substantive progress in making the government more responsive to the people. Hundreds of thousands of South Koreans took to the streets in the fall of 2016 to demand the resignation of then-President Park Geun- FLAMES FROM THE CANDLELIGHT hye for corruption, captivating the world with From October 2016 to March 2017, hundreds of this extraordinary display of peaceful collective thousands of South Korean citizens from all parts of action. However, what came to be known as the the country gathered every weekend in the streets of “candlelight protests” belied the weaknesses of Seoul demanding the resignation of then-President democratic governance in South Korea, a country Park Geun-hye for charges of corruption. Holding a that jettisoned autocracy 30 years ago. The candle in one hand and a placard that read, “You candlelight movement was emblematic of a culture call THIS a country?,” schoolchildren, young adults, of protest in South Korean society and it reflects families, and the elderly stood together in the the weakness of its representative democracy cold weather to voice their resentment toward the and lingering suspicion of governments that are abuse of power shown by the nation’s top public linked to the country’s history of military regimes. official. Now often referred to as the “candlelight This paper identifies some key challenges to South protests,” this extraordinary display of collective Korea’s liberal democracy, including the structural action eventually resulted in a first-ever decision by limits of a top-down authority and the inextricable the South Korean Constitutional Court to remove a relationship between the state and corporations. -
Because I Hate Korea
Volume 16 | Issue 11 | Number 4 | Article ID 5152 | Jun 01, 2018 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Because I Hate Korea Chang Kang-Myoung translation by Stephen J. Epstein and Mi Young Kim with an introduction by Stephen J. Epstein Abstract: Chang Kang-myoung’s provocatively also subject to ongoing fluctuations, had titled novel Because I Hate Korea (Han’gugi reached its highest level in seven years by the sireoseo) became a best-seller in 2015 and end of 2017. It has thus been tempting, even is among the most notable literary works to amidst the precariousness caused by the address rampant dissatisfaction amongvolatile standoff between North Korea and the South Korean millennials. In recent years, Trump administration, to see improvements in Chang, a former journalist (b. 1975), has the collective national mood of South Korea, a developed a reputation for adroit and prolific country that has languished in palpable malaise fictionalized expressions of local discontent. in recent years, especially after the sinking of Because I Hate Korea reflects a pervasive the Sewol ferry. Nonetheless, intractable desire on the part of the nation’s younger problems of social and economic structure people to escape from “Hell Joseon,” a coinage remain and are keenly felt, above all by the that has attained widespread circulation. This nation’s youth: the unemployment rate for piece briefly introduces the novel, setting it those aged 15-29 stood at a record annual high within its wider contemporary context, and in 2017. If one includes the so-called then provides a translation of the first chapter. -
Fall 2015 Newsletter
September - December 2015. Issue No. (23). A Newsletter Published as a Membership Service of Asia Society Korea Center. Asia Society Korea Center Become a Member Now! Lotte Hotel Seoul, Suite 615 For more information about our membership, 30 Eulji-ro, Jung-gu please contact us or visit us at our website at Seoul, Korea 04533, CPO Box 3500 www.asiasociety.org/korea. Tel: 82 2 759 7806 Fax: 82 2 757 0034 Email: [email protected] Chairman’s Message Looking back, 2015 was an eventful year for both the Asia Society Korea Center and for myself personally. Despite challenging circumstances, such as the MERS outbreak and fallout from the China financial crisis, the Korea Center was still able to host fruitful events and we look forward to building stronger programs into the future. Globally, the Asia Society continues to expand 아 and we have recently announced that we will be 시 opening a center in Switzerland, extending our network into Europe for the first time. This land- 아 mark European center will help forge under- 소 standing between the west and Asia and the Ko- 사 rea Center offers its warm welcome to our new 이 colleagues in Switzerland. The Texas Center, who this year will be celebrating its 35th anniversary, 어 is hosting a yearlong event recognizing all things 티 Korean, so please drop by if you are in the region. Domestically, I was pleased to attend our year-end dinner last December with our corporate 코 members, which was our last official event of the 2015 calendar. It was great to see many of our Korean members in attendance, including our Honorary Chairman, Dr. -
Uloga Slobodnog Vremena I Društvenih Mreža U Samoprocjeni Kvalitete Života Učenika Višeg Sekundarnog Obrazovanja
Uloga slobodnog vremena i društvenih mreža u samoprocjeni kvalitete života učenika višeg sekundarnog obrazovanja Rattinger, Marija Doctoral thesis / Disertacija 2020 Degree Grantor / Ustanova koja je dodijelila akademski / stručni stupanj: University of Zagreb, University of Zagreb, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences / Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Filozofski fakultet https://doi.org/10.17234/diss.2020.5540 Permanent link / Trajna poveznica: https://urn.nsk.hr/urn:nbn:hr:131:939542 Rights / Prava: In copyright Download date / Datum preuzimanja: 2020-10-21 Repository / Repozitorij: ODRAZ - open repository of the University of Zagreb Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Filozofski fakultet Marija Rattinger ULOGA SLOBODNOG VREMENA I DRUŠTVENIH MREŽA U SAMOPROCJENI KVALITETE ŽIVOTA UČENIKA VIŠEG SEKUNDARNOG OBRAZOVANJA DOKTORSKI RAD Zagreb, 2020. Filozofski fakultet Marija Rattinger ULOGA SLOBODNOG VREMENA I DRUŠTVENIH MREŽA U SAMOPROCJENI KVALITETE ŽIVOTA UČENIKA VIŠEG SEKUNDARNOG OBRAZOVANJA DOKTORSKI RAD Mentor: doc. dr. sc. Tomislav Topolovčan Zagreb, 2020. University of Zagreb Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Marija Rattinger THE ROLE OF LEISURE TIME AND SOCIAL NETWORKS IN SELF ASSESSMENT OF QUALITY OF LIFE OF STUDENTS IN UPPER SECONDARY EDUCATION DOCTORAL THESIS Supervisor: Assistant Professor Tomislav Topolovčan, PhD Zagreb, 2020. ZAHVALE Za ostvarivanje postavljenih ciljeva, kao i za većinu vrijednih stvari u životu, potrebno je puno rada i upornosti, ali i ljudi koji nas podupiru, bodre i vole. Stoga, od srca zahvaljujem svom mentoru, doc. dr. sc. Tomislavu Topolovčanu, na sigurnom vodstvu, podršci, ohrabrenju te znanstvenim, stručnim i prijateljskim savjetima tijekom rada na ovoj disertaciji. Zahvaljujem i članovima Stručnog povjerenstva za obranu rada, jednom od mojih uzora, prof. dr. sc. Nevenu Hrvatiću, na profesionalnom vođenju obrane i svakom savjetu kojeg mi je dao, kao i izv.