Liberal Democracy in South Korea Jung Pak and Paul Park
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Civilian Control Over the Military in East Asia
Civilian Control over the Military in East Asia Aurel Croissant Ruprecht-Karls-Universität, Heidelberg September 2011 EAI Fellows Program Working Paper Series No. 31 Knowledge-Net for a Better World The East Asia Institute(EAI) is a nonprofit and independent research organization in Korea, founded in May 2002. The EAI strives to transform East Asia into a society of nations based on liberal democracy, market economy, open society, and peace. The EAI takes no institutional position on policy issues and has no affiliation with the Korean government. All statements of fact and expressions of opinion contained in its publications are the sole responsibility of the author or authors. is a registered trademark. © Copyright 2011 EAI This electronic publication of EAI intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Copies may not be duplicated for commercial purposes. Unauthorized posting of EAI documents to a non-EAI website is prohibited. EAI documents are protected under copyright law. The East Asia Institute 909 Sampoong B/D, 310-68 Euljiro 4-ga Jung-gu, Seoul 100-786 Republic of Korea Tel. 82 2 2277 1683 Fax 82 2 2277 1684 EAI Fellows Program Working Paper No. 31 Civilian Control over the Military in East Asia1 Aurel Croissant Ruprecht-Karls-Universität, Heidelberg September 2011 Abstract In recent decades, several nations in East Asia have transitioned from authoritarian rule to democracy. The emerging democracies in the region, however, do not converge on a single pattern of civil-military relations as the analysis of failed institutionalization of civilian control in Thailand, the prolonged crisis of civil– military relations in the Philippines, the conditional subordination of the military under civilian authority in Indonesia and the emergence of civilian supremacy in South Korea in this article demonstrates. -
Record of North Korea's Major Conventional Provocations Since
May 25, 2010 Record of North Korea’s Major Conventional Provocations since 1960s Complied by the Office of the Korea Chair, CSIS Please note that the conventional provocations we listed herein only include major armed conflicts, military/espionage incursions, border infractions, acts of terrorism including sabotage bombings and political assassinations since the 1960s that resulted in casualties in order to analyze the significance of the attack on the Cheonan and loss of military personnel. This list excludes any North Korean verbal threats and instigation, kidnapping as well as the country’s missile launches and nuclear tests. January 21, 1968 Blue House Raid A North Korean armed guerrilla unit crossed the Demilitarized Zone into South Korea and, in disguise of South Korean military and civilians, attempted to infiltrate the Blue House to assassinate South Korean President Park Chung-hee. The assassination attempt was foiled, and in the process of pursuing commandos escaping back to North Korea, a significant number of South Korean police and soldiers were killed and wounded, allegedly as many as 68 and 66, respectively. Six American casualties were also reported. ROK Response: All 31 North Korean infiltrators were hunted down and killed except Kim Shin-Jo. After the raid, South Korea swiftly moved to strengthen the national defense by establishing the ROK Reserve Forces and defense industry and installing iron fencing along the military demarcation line. January 23, 1968 USS Pueblo Seizure The U.S. navy intelligence ship Pueblo on its mission near the coast of North Korea was captured in international waters by North Korea. Out of 83 crewmen, one died and 82 men were held prisoners for 11 months. -
North Korea: a Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020
North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 May 5, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46349 North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Chronology ...................................................................................................................................... 3 1994 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 1998 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 2003 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2005 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2006 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2007 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2009 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2011 .......................................................................................................................................... -
Hell Joseon and the Politics of Mourning in the Shin Hae-Chul Episode of Hidden Singer
Situations 11.1 (2018): 19–38 ISSN: 2288–7822 Hell Joseon and the Politics of Mourning in the Shin Hae-Chul Episode of Hidden Singer Kee-Yoon Nahm (Illinois State University) Abstract This article examines the politics of public mourning after the death of South Korean celebrity Shin Hae-Chul and the Sewol Ferry disaster. I argue that grief became the impetus for meaningful political change, especially President Park Geun-hye’s removal, when it branched out into a wider affective range in digital culture. I focus on Hell Joseon, a hotly debated internet meme at the time of Shin’s fatal medical accident, and an episode of the television game show Hidden Singer memorializing Shin to identify alternative strategies of politicizing grief that thwart the government’s efforts to silence critical voices. Keywords: Hell Joseon, Shin Hae-Chul, Hidden Singer, Sewol Ferry disaster, mourning, grief, digital culture, Korean media 20 Kee-Yoon Nahm Introduction A few weeks after former President Park Geun-Hye was removed from office following her historic impeachment trial, the New York Times ran an article about the catastrophic sinking of the Sewol Ferry, noting that “the government’s botched rescue operation was a central grievance voiced against the president” in widespread public demonstrations dubbed the “candlelight protests.”1 While the protesters who gathered at Gwanghwamun Square and other public spaces certainly condemned Park and her inept administration, the expression of these grievances was also accompanied by a pervasive sense of grief. Tens of thousands of people visited the temporary memorial altar to the dead passengers— mostly high school students—in their hometown of Ansan while others tied yellow ribbons to fences at Mokpo Harbor, wishing for the safe return of the missing. -
Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy
Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy January 2018 Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy Scott A. Snyder, Geun Lee, Young Ho Kim, and Jiyoon Kim The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business execu- tives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; con- vening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with CFR members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S. foreign policy; sponsoring Independent Task Forces that produce reports with both findings and policy prescriptions on the most important foreign policy topics; and providing up-to-date information and analysis about world events and American foreign policy on its website, CFR.org. The Council on Foreign Relations takes no institutional positions on policy issues and has no affilia- tion with the U.S. -
U.S.-South Korea Relations
U.S.-South Korea Relations Mark E. Manyin, Coordinator Specialist in Asian Affairs Emma Chanlett-Avery Specialist in Asian Affairs Mary Beth D. Nikitin Specialist in Nonproliferation Ian E. Rinehart Analyst in Asian Affairs Brock R. Williams Analyst in International Trade and Finance October 8, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41481 U.S.-South Korea Relations Summary Overview South Korea (known officially as the Republic of Korea, or ROK) is one of the United States’ most important strategic and economic partners in Asia, and since 2009 relations between the two countries arguably have been at their most robust state in decades. Members of Congress tend to be interested in South Korea-related issues for a number of reasons. First, the United States and South Korea have been treaty allies since the early 1950s. The United States is committed to helping South Korea defend itself, particularly against any aggression from North Korea. Approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK and South Korea is included under the U.S. “nuclear umbrella.” Second, Washington and Seoul cooperate in addressing the challenges posed by North Korea. Third, the two countries’ economies are closely entwined and are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States’ sixth- largest trading partner and the United States is South Korea’s second-largest trading partner. South Korea has taken the first steps toward possible entry into the U.S.-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) free trade agreement negotiations. Strategic Cooperation and the U.S.-ROK Alliance Dealing with North Korea is the dominant strategic concern of the U.S.-South Korean relationship. -
Gregg, Donald P
Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project AMBASSADOR DONALD P. GREGG Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: March 3, 2004 Copyright 2008 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born and raised in New York Williams College US Army Joined the CIA c l951 Japan: CIA 1964-1973 Seoul, Korea: CIA Station Chief 1973-1975 Korean support in Vietnam Local culture Relations with North Korea Park Chung Hee Kidnapping of Kim Dae Jung Ambassador Phil Habib Korean CIA Blue House raid Defense of Seoul Economy Korean military Relations with US embassy Washington, D.C.; CIA Headquarters; Pike Investigation of CIA 1975-1980 (Additional Assignments) Fidel Castro Colby – Helms split Director Stansfield Turner The Carter White House; NSC; Asia Policy Specialist 1980-1981 Carter-Reagan Administration Transfer The Reagan White House: Director, National Security Council 1981- 1 US troops in South Korea Chum Doo-hwan visit Kim Dae Jung National Security Advisor for President George Bush Estimate of Bush Iran-Contra Ambassador to South Korea 1989-1993 Confirmation problems Iran-Conra issue North-South Korea relations China-South Korea relations US nuclear weapons in S. Korea Rice issue Embassy (Residence) attacked US-French aircraft sale competition Korea presidential elections Foreign diplomatic presence Recognition of China The two Kims Kwangju issue and visits Anti-Americanism Willy Brandt visit Industry Corruption North Korea threat Kim II Sung Chairman, the Korean Society Endowments Syracuse University & Kim Chhaek University of Technology (Pyongyang) Jimmy Carter visit to North Korea Council on Foreign Relations Task Force North Korea relationship Albright visit to North Korea Kim Dae Jung Sunshine Policy Question of opening relations Bush’s Axis of Evil speech Visit to North Korea 2002 Conversations with N. -
Mad Cow Militancy: Neoliberal Hegemony and Social Resistance in South Korea
Political Geography xxx (2010) 1e11 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Political Geography journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/polgeo Mad cow militancy: Neoliberal hegemony and social resistance in South Korea Seung-Ook Lee a,*, Sook-Jin Kim b, Joel Wainwright a a Department of Geography, Ohio State University, Columbus, OH 43210-1361, USA b Department of Geography, Konkuk University, Seoul 143-701, South Korea abstract Keywords: Massive protests shook South Korea through the summer of 2008. This political eruption which exhibited South Korea many novel and unexpected elements cannot be explained by pointing to basic political conditions in Candlelight protests South Korea (strong labor unions, democratization, and so forth). Neither does the putative reason for Neoliberalism them e to protest the new President’s decision to reopen South Korea’s beef market to the U.S. e Hegemony Geography of social movements adequately explain the social dynamics at play. In this paper, we examine the political geography of the ‘candlelight protests’ (as they came to be known), focusing in particular on their novel aspects: the subjectivities of the protesters, fierce ideological struggles, and differentiated geography. We argue that the deepening of neoliberal restructuring by the new conservative regime formed the underlying causes of these intense conflicts. In other words, the new protests should be seen as a response to the reinforced contradictions engendered by neoliberalization and a new alignment of social groups against the pre- vailing hegemonic conditions in South Korea. In this view, the huge demonstrations revealed vulnera- bilities in conservative hegemony but failed to produce a different hegemony. -
Building the Nation: the Success and Crisis of Korean Civil Religion
religions Article Building the Nation: The Success and Crisis of Korean Civil Religion Andrew Eungi Kim 1 and Daniel Connolly 2,* 1 Division of International Studies, Korea University, Anam-ro, Seongbuk-gu, Seoul 02841, Korea; [email protected] 2 Division of International Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul 02450, Korea * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Civil religion refers to a country’s beliefs, symbols, and rituals that bolster national unity and strengthen its citizens’ sense of identity and belonging. However, the literature on civil religion is divided between those who attribute it to bottom-up cultural spontaneity and those who see it as an ideological top-down construction. Moreover, there has been a relative lack of scholarly attention to Korean civil religion. This paper addresses both issues by arguing that a strong civil religion indeed exists in the country and that it has been an important part of the “nation-building” process since the founding of the Republic of Korea in 1948. The paper highlights how a succession of authoritarian regimes (1948–1987) successfully mobilized a strong civil religion for political purposes. The resulting civil religion targeted economic growth as the national goal to overcome all social ills, focused on the country’s ethnic and cultural homogeneity to boost national confidence and pride, exalted its traditional religions, especially Confucianism, as repositories of Korean traditional culture, and rendered sacred meanings to national symbols such as the flag and national anthem. Even after democratization, Korean civil religion remains largely ideological, as the Korean government is heavily involved in framing, planning, sponsoring, and promoting the country’s civil religion. -