A Curing Ritual from Papua New Guinea. HEADLAND, TN, 19
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Hunting and Harvesting 95 ----------- , and M. MINNEGAL, 1989. The Supplication of the Crocodile: a Curing Ritual from Papua New Guinea. Australian Natural History, 22:490-2. HEADLAND, T.N., 1988. The Wild Yam Question: How Well Could Independent Hunter-Gatherers Live in a Tropical Rainforest Ecosystem?Human Ecology, 15:463-91. HYNDMAN, D.C., 1979. Wopkaimin Subsistence: Cultural Ecology in the New Guinea Highland Fringe. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Queensland, Brisbane. KELLY, R.C., 1988. Etoro Suidology: a Reassessment of the Pig’s Role in the Prehistory and Comparative Ethnology of New Guinea, in J. Weiner Mountain(ed.), Papuans: Historical and Comparative Perspectives from New Guinea Fringe Highlands Societies. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, pp. 111-86. KNAUFT, B.M., 1985. Good Company and Violence: Sorcery and Social Action in a Lowland New Guinea Society. Los Angeles, University of California Press. MODJESKA, N., 1982. 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Subsistence and Social Organization in a New Guinea Society. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. GRASS, GRERB OR WEED? A BULMERIAN MEDITATION ON THE CATEGORY MONOTE IN NUAULU PLANT CLASSIFICATION Roy Ellen The University of Kent at Canterbury Weed . a herbaceous plant not valued for its use or beauty, growing wild and rank, and regarded as cumbering the ground or hindering growth or superior vegetation . an unprofitable, troublesome, or noxious growth .. any herb or small (OEDplant vol.l2(1933):251). INTRODUCTION The contribution of Ralph Bulmer to the study of folk biology has been marked by at least four characteristics: a scrupulous attention to ethnographic detail, a respect for the knowledge of individual informants, an insistence on the necessity to embed classificatory abstractions in overall social and cultural contexts, and a scepticism (often witty, though never disrespectful) of the universalist-evolutionist generalisations of others (e.g. Bulmer 1974; 1985). In my own work on the ethnobiology of the Nuaulu of south central Seram, eastern Indonesia, I have tried to emulate, though not always successfully, Bulmerian standards. As a tribute to those standards, I wish here to take up a particular theme and treat it with as much thoroughness and good sense as I can muster. The theme is the merging of what Brent Berlin has called general purpose and special purpose categories, particularly with respect to the notion of ‘life-form’; and I take my cue from Bulmer’s repeated observation (e.g. Bulmer 1975:23) that categories (and especially more inclusive and ‘primary’ categories) are defined as much by cultural significata as by their objective biological characteristics. The subject is the Nuaulu plantmonote term and the categories we may infer from it.1 THE CATEGORY MONOTE IN NUAULU ETHNOBOTANY Of the 700+ labelled Nuaulu terminal categories for plants, about 48 (and about the same number of Linnaean species) were recorded in the field as being affiliated in some way to the more inclusive category monote(Table 1). This is about six percent of all labelled plants. Of those recorded only 13-14 were habitually prefixed bymono in ordinary speech in such a way as to suggest that this was an intrinsic part of the term. In some cases this is clearer than in others; thusmono nuaeis an obligatory binomial, sincenuae 96 Roy Ellen by itself means only ‘sea’, serving here as an adjectival qualifier. There are a small number of terms which are optionally binomial and uninomial with respect to the prefix mono - panu-panu.e.g. (mono)Some, despite being unequivocally placed in the broader category monote are never prefixed by mono,I think mainly because the trinomials which would result (some even containing reduplicated elements, such as soka-sokae msinae) would be clumsy constructions in everyday communication, or because semantically they would anyway be redundant. There is no reason to believe that because a term is prefixed by mono it is therefore a more acceptable member of the category, though for the ethnographer it is perhaps more easily located. Indeed, where terms have been deliberately marked, especially where the second element in the binomial is an adjectival qualifier, we might expect the terms to be recent additions and therefore semantically peripheral. None of this in itself is hardly remarkable, and we have long ago got used to the idea that there is no simple uniform relationship between semantic content and morphosyntactic structure. The term monoteis used by the Nuaulu specifically to refer to spontaneously-occurring plants of little practical utility found in the village area, in first year swiddens(nisi honue), second year swiddens(nisi monae)and old swiddens of the first phase of vegetative regeneration(nisi ahue). Monotegrow rapidly in young gardens, some being hardly affected by burning. Little attempt is made to control them, although the presence of some broad-leafed cultigens, such as taroXanthosoma, and inhibit their development. The growth pattern changes as a swidden gets progressively older, and also varies from place to place within and between swiddens. Spatial variation depends on the cultigens grown, the preceding vegetative cover, existing vegetation surrounding the plot, as well as topography and soil. For example, on low land hidden from direct sunlight the growth after two years is dominatedEuphorbia by hirta and a fern of the genusP ter is (kau-kau). By contrast, high sloping land and ridges exposed to direct sunlight are dominated by composites, such as mono manhutananeand mono mahusine.The interstitial growth of groveland is also predominantly pteridophyte (again, a speciesP of teris ), but also notably containingCyperus diffusus andSelaginella. Various species of bamboo may appear at an early stage (Ellen, 1978:177-8). A fraction of the plants to which the term monoteis routinely applied are listed in Table 1. What is distinctive about the category in formal botanic terms is its outrageous diversity: at least 16 families - mainly monocotyledoneae but also dicotyledoneae, largely angiosperms but with a significant (hardly incidental) number of cryptograms (Polypodiaceae and Selaginaceae). In terms of that gross morphology typically reflected in folk-botanical distinctions, it includes grasses (but not all grasses), bamboos (but not all bamboos), fems (but not all ferns),2 young tree saplings suchHomalanthus as populifolius (which in its mature form may reach a height of 12 metres), and vines (the brambleRubus moluccanus), as well as herbs. That such physically salient plant types should cut across the boundary of a category is surely significantly diagnostic. From an ecological and phytogeographical standpoint most monote (at least 69 percent) are common pan- tropical heliophilic weeds3 introduced accidentally during the historical period, a pedigree reflected in the absence of obviously cognate terms in other genetically related and local languages. Taxonomically, pan- tropical weeds have a pretty clear profile, being well-represented in the following families: Amaranthaceae, Leguminosae, Euphorbiaceae, Malvaceae, Labiatae, and most frequently Compositae. Amongst these, perhaps the most ubiquitous types below the family level in the Indo-Pacific regionDesmodium are andEuphorbia hirta, the latter having been originally disseminated as an ornamental species of American origin (Merrill 1954:118-31). However, not all pan-tropicals are placed by the Nuaulumonote, in an example being the musk plant, Abelmoschus moschatus Medic. (Malvaceae). Neither is this true of all grasses, such as two varieties of Miscanthus (niune), a reed used in binding. Of the bamboos, the most surprising omissionSchizotachyum is (suenie). Though not without its applications, in functional terms this is the most intrusive and fast-growing of the lot; in short the most ‘weedy’. But if what professional botany agrees to describe as ‘weeds’ are not to be confined to the category monote,then by the same token not all of those that are included are without their uses. Some serve as important indicators of the state of secondary regrowth and the condition of underlyingTrema orientalis, soil. Euphorbia hirta andHomalanthus populifolius are typical of the first phase of secondary regrowth during the first year after cutting and burning a swidden (Ellen 1978:117), and used by the Nuaulu to assess future planting strategies. Of the more obvious technical applications, the flowersDesmodium of sequax are chewed with salt and placed on wounds to afford some degree of protection, while the