Hunters and farmers in the North – the transformation of traditions and distribution patterns of key artefacts during the and transition in southern

Lasse Sørensen

Abstract There are two distinct ceramic traditions in the Mesolithic (pointed based vessels) and Neolithic (flat based vessels) of southern Scandinavia. Comparisons between the two ceramic traditions document differences in manufacturing techniques, traditions and usage in rituals. The pointed based vessels belong to a hunter-gatherer pottery tradition, which arrived in the Ertebølle culture around 4800 calBC and disappears around 4000 calBC. The flat based vessels are known as Funnel Beakers and belong to the Tragtbæger (TRB) culture, appearing around 4000 calBC together with a new material culture, depositional practices and agrarian subsistence. Pioneering farmers brought these new trends through a leap- frog migration associated with the Michelsberg culture in . These arriving farmers interacted with the indigenous population in southern Scandinavia, resulting in a swift transition. Regional boundaries observed in material culture disappeared at the end of the Ertebølle, followed by uniformity during the earliest stages of the Early Neolithic. The same boundaries reappeared again during the later stages of the Early Neolithic, thus supporting the indigenous population’s important role in the neolithisation process.

Zusammenfassung

Keywords: Southern Scandinavia, Neolithisation, Late Ertebølle Culture, Early Neolithic, pottery traditions, material culture, distribution patterns

Schlagwörter: Südskandinavien, Neolithisierung, Späte Ertebølle-Kultur, Frühneolithi- kum, Keramiktraditionen, materielle Kultur, Verbreitungsmuster

1 Introduction indigenous population. The transition towards an agrarian society could therefore The abrupt disappearance of the pointed- occur at different speed in various regions, based vessels during the Late Ertebølle thus supporting the possibility of cultural Culture and the emergence of the flat- dualism in certain areas, where a gradual based vessels during the Funnel Beaker integration and assimilation occurred Culture have always played a cardinal between hunter-gatherers and pioneering role in the discussion of how, why and farmers (Sørensen/Karg 2012). when the shift from hunter-gatherers to It has also been argued that these farmers began in southern Scandinavia migrations are not random expansions, but (Fischer/Kristiansen 2002). The aim part of a large-scale advance of agrarian of this contribution is to scrutinize the societies around 4000 calBC originating technological similarities and differences in the area of the Michelsberg Culture. between the pointed-based and flat-based The introduction of and a new ceramics and to investigate the distribution agrarian ideology happened at the same of ceramic material and other key artefacts time in both Britain and South Scandinavia, in order to discuss trends of continuity and thus arguing for clear technological and changes during the late 5th and early 4th functional break between the Ertebølle and millennium calBC. It is hereby possible to Funnel Beaker ceramics (Klassen 2004; in gain a more nuanced understanding of the press; Klassen et al. 2012). In this model transitional processes towards an agrarian the funnel beakers are originating from society on both a regional and a northern Central European agrarian societies, whereas European scale. the pointed-based pottery in the Ertebølle Culture is interpreted as having an eastern origin associated with -established Main hypothesis hunter-gatherer societies in the eastern Researchers have argued that the coarse Baltic, Finland and on the Russian plain Ertebølle ceramics evolved into the during the 7th to the 5th millennium calBC finer Funnel Beaker ceramics based on (Hallgren 2008; Hartz 2008; Müller independent innovation, which occurred 2008; Gronenborn 2009). without any larger interference from The proposed models often focus on outsiders, thus supporting a gradual the neolithisation process from either a adaptation of agriculture between the late 5th regional or large-scale perspective, thus and early 4th millennium calBC (Troels- resulting in an increased or limited focus on Smith 1954; Jennbert 1984; Koch 1998; the indigenous population or the incoming Persson 1999; Fischer 2002; Andersen farmers. Trends of continuity have in many 2008a; 2008b; Craig et al. 2011). In this cases been associated with the archaeological model the funnel beaker of type 0 could material from coastal or lake shore sites, exemplify a transitional pottery between whereas signs of change have been related to the Ertebølle Culture and Funnel Beaker inland sites located on easy-workable arable Culture (Koch 1998). Other scholars have soils (Sørensen/Karg 2012). It is however claimed that Funnel Beaker vessels emerged important to acknowledge that early agrarian as a consequence of a small-scale leap-frog societies supplemented their subsistence with migration of farmers from Central Europe, , fishing and gathering. Signs of thus supporting a cultural change towards continuity will therefore always be present an agrarian society from 4000 calBC in the choices of subsistence even in well- onwards (Becker 1947; Schwabedissen established agrarian societies (Skaarup 1968; 1972; Rowley-Conwy 2011). This 1973; Koch 2003; Marciniak 2005; hypothesis argues that these pioneering Sheridan 2010; Hachem 2011; Hartz/ farmers were the prime movers of agrarian Schmölcke 2013). ideas. They brought with them a new set At the same time, the ideology changes of pottery with different sizes and shapes with the arrival of agrarian societies, as used for new functional purposes, which farmers have a different perception of nature was quickly adapted as a new trait by the and negotiation with nature, thus resulting

2 Fig. 1. Distribution of pointed based Ertebølle vessels and their regional variation (after Jennbert 1984; Nielsen 1994b; Petersen 2001; Andersen 2008c).

in a different symbolic behavior and rituals. based Ertebølle pottery has shifted from The ideological aspects could have been western European “subneolithic groups” the most important faculties in connection to hunter-gatherer groups on the Russian with the expansion of agrarian societies. plains (Hulthén 1977; Van Berg 1990; It is therefore important to investigate the Louwe Kooijmans 1998; Timofeev 1998; symbolic aspects of key artefacts together Raemaekers 1999; Gronenborn 2009). with their chronology, and A connection between the Ertebølle and distribution patterns from the Late Ertebølle Swifterbant pottery should however not be Culture and Funnel Beaker Culture in order totally dismissed, because we have limited to gain a more nuanced understanding of knowledge of Late Mesolithic pottery this transitional process. finds from Lower Saxony and the northern parts of the Netherlands (Deichmüller 1969; Schindler 1962; De Roever Chronology and typology 2004; Hartz 2008). Around 4000 calBC of ceramic assemblages the characteristic pointed-based pottery The hunter-gatherers of the Late Ertebølle disappeared together with the characteristic Culture began to produce pointed-based lamps (Fischer 2002; Meurers-Balke vessels and flat-based blubber lamps 1983). Continued use of the lamps in the approximately between 4800 calBC and Early Neolithic was formerly only supported 4600 calBC (Mathiassen 1935; Andersen by data from sites like Siggeneben-Süd and 2008c; Brinch Petersen 2008b; Hartz Åkonge, where it is difficult to separate the 2008) (Fig. 1–2). The distribution of stratigraphic layers from the Late Ertebølle Ertebølle ceramics concentrates in southern and Funnel Beaker Culture. However, Scandinavia, northern and a lamp from the Polish site Dąbki 9 was Poland. The proposed origin of the pointed- decorated with nail impressions, similar

3 Fig. 2. Various sizes of pointed based Ertebølle vessels (after Andersen 2008c).

to the ornamentation found on early whereas the Volling vessels are dominated Funnel Beaker vessels, thus arguing for a by two-ply cord (Koch 1998, 45). In Scania continuation of the lamps into the earliest and Blekinge the beakers are ornamented part of the Funnel Beaker culture (Czekaj- in Svenstorp/Mossby/Siretorp styles. These Zastawny et al. 2011, 61). styles are as yet vaguely defined and are Funnel beakers emerge in southern difficult to separate from one another, as Scandinavia around 4000 calBC together they are all dominated by two-ply cord with flasks, bowls, discs and spoons (Fig. 3). impressions. The Vrå style concentrates in The distribution of the funnel beakers covers eastern central Sweden and is characterized most of South Scandinavia including parts by twisted cord impressions, cord stamps, of Central Sweden (Hallgren 2008). toothed stamps and pit impressions (Bagge/ Traditionally, the earliest types of funnel Kjellmark 1939; Larsson 1984; 1992; beakers in southern Scandinavia have been Hallgren 2008). Other, still unnamed associated with various typological groups, beaker groups with twisted cord impressions primarily based on the study of rim ornaments and stamps, possibly influenced by Vrå and the shape of the vessels (Becker 1947; beaker style, have been observed in western Nielsen 1984; 1994b; Madsen/Petersen parts of Sweden and in southern and 1984). The earliest groups were associated southwestern parts of (Hallgren with either the A-group or the Oxie/Wangels 2008) (Fig. 20). The beakers from southern group belonging to the earliest phase of the Norway are characterized by a wall-thickness Early Neolithic dated approximately to over 1 cm and tempering inclusions of up 4000–3800 calBC (Becker 1947; Nielsen to 1 cm in size (Skjølsvold 1977, 336; 1984; 1994b; Larsson 1984; Müller Nærøy 1987, 118; Olsen 1992; Åstveit 2008; Hartz 2008). These beakers were 1999; Hallgren 2008; Åhrberg 2011). characterized by having a short neck and A rare find of short-necked funnel beakers, simple rim ornamentations of either nail or found in a shallow pit at Dønski near stamp impressions. This phase was followed Oslo, shows similarities with beakers from by a B-group and the non megalithic C-group the B-group in southern Scandinavia. The in Becker’s typology, which belongs to the funnel beakers from Dønski were less than later stages of the Early Neolithic dated to 1 cm thick and contained temper less than approximately 3800–3500 calBC (Fig. 4). 5 mm in size (Demuth/Simonsen 2010). The beakers from the B-group were sub- The typological classification as funnel divided into several regional groups based beakers was supported by a radiocarbon date on minor differences in the ornamentation of a piece of charcoal from the pit at Dønski and its placement on the vessels. Volling from 3761 to 3521 calBC (T-19326: 4850 beakers are concentrated in Jutland, ± 50 BP). Beakers from Schleswig-Holstein whereas Svaleklint beakers concentrate and on Langeland are associated with the on Zealand. The difference between them Siggeneben-Süd/Sattrup/Stengade II group, can be observed in the rim ornamentation, which contains typical vessels belonging which is dominated by stick-stabs and stab- to the A and B group (Meurers-Balke/ and-drag ornaments on Svaleklint vessels, Weninger 1994, 261p).

4 Fig. 3. Funnel beaker vessels, discs and spoons belonging to the A-group (after Nielsen 1994b). Scale 1:4.

5 Fig. 4. Funnel beaker assemblage belonging to the B-group (after Nielsen 1994b). Scale 1:4.

6 The B-group is followed by the C-group, 2008). This interpretation was based on which has been dated to approximately radiocarbon dates of charcoal from features 3500–3300 calBC and can be regarded as belonging to barrows, clustering to 4000– a transitional style pointing towards the 3800 calBC (Tab. 1). Several of these long Middle Neolithic (Nielsen 1993; Koch barrows contained Volling ceramics as grave 1998). The C-group is characterized by goods. If this interpretation is correct, then vertical stripes on the belly of the vessels long barrows came to southern Scandinavia and rim ornaments like whipped cord around 4000 calBC together with the first patterns combined with different types of farmers. Volling beakers do have parallels impressions. The C-group has also been in the Chasséen culture from around sub-divided into several groups, based on 4500 calBC and within the Michelsberg minor differences in the ornaments. The ceramic assemblages since 4200 calBC, thus Bellevuegård group is observed in Scania, indicating that these types of vessels could the Virum group is concentrated in the appear in southern Scandinavia from the eastern part of and the Fuchsberg earliest of the Early Neolithic (Müller group in the western part (Ebbesen/ 2008). However, there are many problems in Mahler 1980; Andersen/Madsen 1978, placing the Volling group before the Oxie 142, Larsson 1984; Madsen/Petersen group. Firstly, all discussed radiocarbon 1984). dates from the long barrows are conventional Generally there are many spatial dates, thus giving a lower time resolution. overlaps between the Early Neolithic Secondly, many of these radiocarbon groups based on ornamental trends, which dates may have originated from previous is why other scholars have distinguished the occupations during the Early Neolithic, funnel beakers into certain types through which have been observed below several of standardized measurements of vessel- the barrows in question (Madsen 1975; profiles Salomonsson( 1970). Especially Skaarup 1975; Madsen/ Petersen 1984; the height of the neck of the vessels was Liversage 1981; 1992; Larsson 2002; of typological importance (Koch 1998). Rudebeck 2002; Beck 2009). This would Short necked beakers (type 0-I) belonged suggest that the dates are not to be interpreted to the A-group. Funnel beakers having a as dates for the Volling group at all. Thirdly, medium neck height (type II and III) could the dated charcoal may have originated from be associated with the B-group, whereas large trees, which could be 200 to 300 the C-group was related to beakers having old, thus giving earlier radiocarbon longer necks (type IV and V.1) (Koch 1998, dates. Fourthly, stratigraphic observations 81pp). The proposed typology by Koch was from the Norsminde kitchenmidden have more or less confirmed by radiocarbon confirmed that Volling ceramics are found in dates on the food crusts of different types layers above the Oxie ceramics (Andersen of vessels, although some dates had to be 1993, 91). Finally, several new AMS discarded (Fischer 2002). These dates did radiocarbon dates of charcoal from pits or not take into account the value of cultural layers containing Volling ceramics effect, which could result in radiocarbon concentrates between 3800 and 3600 calBC dates being several hundred years older (Skousen 2008; Ravn 2008). All these depending on local variations (Bowman arguments points towards an introduction 1990). The relation between radiocarbon of the Volling ceramics and the long barrows dates and overlaps between ceramic groups around 3800 calBC, which could be part of from the Early Neolithic can also lead to a secondary impulse from central European misinterpretations. agrarian societies.

Is the Volling group earlier Radiocarbon dates and ceramics than the Oxie group? from the Early Neolithic Recently the Volling group has been re- A recent survey of published radiocarbon interpreted as being synchronic or even dates of either food crusts on funnel earlier than the Oxie group (Müller beakers or contexts containing Early

7 Tab. 1. Radiocarbon Neolithic beakers from all over southern development of the funnel beakers emerges. dates from different Scandinavia has been compiled (Fig. 5, Detailed typological studies combined with long barrows in South Tab. 2). The dates for short-necked beakers series of radiocarbon dates might be able to Scandinavia containing of type 0 cluster to 4000–3800 calBC, develop a more detailed local chronology. Volling, Svaleklint and whereas the dates for type I concentrate Such a study has been initiated on the Svenstorp vessels. in the period 4000–3600 calBC. The early funnel beaker ceramics on Bornholm following type II and III were dated (Nielsen 2009). Here it was possible to 3800–3500 calBC. The results indicated distinguish between funnel beakers of type I, an overlap between the A-group/Oxie II and III (Fig. 6). The research was based on a style/type 0–I and the B-group/Volling/ series of radiocarbon dates of pits or postholes Svaleklint/Svenstorp styles/type II–III. containing beakers. These results were Perhaps funnel beakers of type I, such combined with systematic measurements as the one found in the male Dragsholm of the neck height and compared with the grave, was in use for a longer period of time diameter of the rim, thus creating a neck compared to type 0. However, a careful index for each type of beakers. Type I was review of the radiocarbon dates associated dated 4000–3800 calBC, whereas dates for with type I funnel beakers reveals that the type II cluster to 3800–3700 calBC and dates from Muldbjerg and Värby are old type III dates around 3600 calBC. Based on conventional dates giving uncertainties these overall results I therefore interpret the of several hundred years. The latest dates A-group/Oxie ceramics to be short necked from Sigersted are also problematic, as they funnels beakers of type 0 and 1 within the were some of the first AMS dates, where typology suggested by Koch (1998) and there could have been problems concerning Nielsen (2009). These short necked funnel the cleaning of the samples. If these dates beakers can be associated with the first are discarded together with the dates agrarian societies in southern Scandinavia, made on food crusts, then the main bulk which rather suddenly appeared all over of radiocarbon dates cluster around 4000 southern Scandinavia, while the pointed- to 3800 calBC. A general overview of the base pottery disappeared.

8 1998). och K Fig. 5.Fig. Radiocarbon dates of various types of funnel beakers 0, (type I, II, III and vessels) Volling in southern Scandinavia (after

9 Tab. 2. Radiocarbon dates of food crusts and contexts containing funnel beakers from the Early Neolithic in southern Scandinavia.

10 Stratigraphy and developing trends Ertebølle nor funnel beaker vessels have Fig. 6. Radiocarbon dates been found together in the same layers of archaeological contexts The disappearance of the Late Ertebølle on any kitchenmidden sites containing containing funnel beakers pottery has often been interpreted as an a well-defined stratigraphy (Andersen of type I, II and III from abrupt change, but very little is known 2008c). Some coastal and lake shore sites Bornholm (after Nielsen 2009). about the development of the pointed-base do contain layers with both funnel beakers vessels from 4800 to 4000 calBC and the and Ertebølle vessels. However, all these transition towards the production of funnel sites have been characterized as having an beakers (Brinch Petersen 2008b). In unclear or intermixed stratigraphy caused many cases it has been impossible to observe by water transgressions or the dynamic any development of the Ertebølle pottery, sedimentations in (Bagge/Kjellmark because many of the sites are intermixed 1939; Becker 1939; Mathiassen et al. (Jennbert 1984; Koch 1998; Hartz 2008). 1942; Schindler 1955; Schwabedissen In contrast, the Ertebølle site Ringkloster 1972; 1979; Meurers-Balke 1983; does contain some stratigraphic information Jennbert 1984; Noe-Nygaard 1995; of the pottery found in the depositional Hartz 1999; Fischer 2002; Lübke 2004; layers (Andersen 1998). Sherds from the Hirsch et al. 2007; Glykou 2008; lower layers were predominately H-built and Terberger et al. 2009). How should we had an average thickness of 1.2 cm, whereas interpret these observations? Are we dealing the upper layers predominantly contained with ongoing improvements of the Ertebølle N-built sherds and had a thickness around ceramic technology, with no relation to the 1 cm. Furthermore some smaller pointed- development of funnel beaker vessels, or a base cups were found in the upper layers, gradual change towards the emergence of thus indicating a larger variety of vessels sizes funnel beakers? In order to discuss these in the latest part of the Ertebølle culture. questions it is necessary to investigate the Additionally, some narrow, rounded bases, technological, functional and symbolic described as a “transitional type” between characteristics of the pointed-base vessels Ertebølle and Funnel Beaker vessels have and the flat-based funnel beakers. been found in thin transitional horizons dated to around 4000 calBC at Ertebølle, Function and Technology Bjørnsholm, Krabbesholm and Ringkloster (Andersen 1993; 2008c). The pointed-base vessels are characterized by Another possible transitional vessel having an S-curved or cylindrical profile and has been proposed for type 0 in Koch’s containing no handles or knobs, whereas typology (1998). Nevertheless, it is im- the flat-based beakers are associated with a portant to acknowledge that neither greater variety of forms and shapes, which

11 Fig. 7. Different coiling have been used as cooking pots. Recent techniques observed on lipid studies of funnel beaker vessels show Ertebølle vessels and funnel a continuation of the processing of marine beakers (after Hulthén and freshwater resources during the Early 1977; Koch 1987; Neolithic (Craig et al. 2011). This analysis Andersen 2008c). thus seems to indicate that life continued as before. It should be reminded that the selected funnel beakers in this study came from either coastal or lake shore sites, where the potential for engaging with agrarian activities are relatively low. Future studies of this kind could benefit from integrating besides beakers also includes bowls and funnel beaker vessels from sites located on flasks (Figs 1–3). Other new forms like clay easily arable soils, where the potential for spoons and discs have also been observed finding changes in the subsistence is better. in the earliest part of the Early Neolithic This hypothesis is supported by recently and occur commonly in central European published lipid analyses from selected funnel agrarian societies at the transition between beakers from the inland oriented site of the 5th and 4th millennium (Klassen Skogsmossen in Västmanland. Cooking of 2004). Especially the clay discs have been milk was discovered together with traces interpreted as baking plates (Backteller) for of plant, aquatic and terrestrial resources making flat bread, thus connecting them (Isaksson/Hallgren 2012). These results with an agrarian subsistence (Lüning 1967; have been interpreted as the introduction of Davidsen 1974). This interpretation is dairy products from domestic animals (cow, further supported by the straw-tempering or ) during the Early Neolithic. found in the clay discs from St. Valby and However, isotopic values of milk fat seem Lisbjerg Skole (Becker 1954; Skousen to overlap with fatty acids, which make 2008). However, the clay discs do not it hard to distinguish if milk actually was show any significant traces of soot, thus being cooked in these vessels (Evershed questioning their function as baking plates. et al. 2002; Craig et al. 2005). Nevertheless, experiments have shown that the clay discs might have been placed near The base of the vessels the fire place, where the radiant heat from the fire baked the flat bread without getting any One of the major differences between soot on the discs (Lüning 1967). Previously the Ertebølle and funnel beaker vessels the clay discs have been interpreted as lids, is associated with the shape of the base. but the diameters of the discs are ranging Hunter-gatherer societies seem to prefer from 15 to 20 cm, and they are therefore pointed-base vessels, because experiments showing less variation compared to the rim- have shown, that they can withstand diameter on the funnel beakers. The rim- being moved a lot without breaking, diameter of the funnel beakers varies from thus corresponding to a more mobile smaller (5–6 cm) and medium (10–15 cm) lifestyle (Helton-Croll 2010). However, to larger (15–20 cm) vessels, thus supporting experimental studies with larger Ertebølle the interpretation of discs being used as vessels indicate a higher fragmentation rate, baking plates (Davidsen 1974). because of their considerable weight, their Pointed-base vessels have similar sizes thickness of more than 1 cm and coarse based on their rim-diameter, but preliminary tempering, thus arguing that the larger studies have shown that larger pots were vessels have been used as stationary cooking preferred during the Ertebølle Culture. In pots (Inger Hildebrandt personal comment). contrast, the Funnel Beaker Culture favoured Generally, a close connection between the medium-sized beakers (Koch 1987). past mobility and change of ceramics has Whether these differences reflect what was been investigated through ethnographic cooked in the pots is still unknown, although studies of the Protohistoric period (1450– both Ertebølle vessels and funnel beakers 1700 AD) in south-western USA. These

12 studies confirm that the transition from pointed-base to flat-based vessels occurs synchronic with the transition towards a more sedentary mobility pattern together with changes in subsistence and cooking methods (Linton 1944; Mills 1984). The pointed-base vessels can be put directly in the fire, thus indicating a different heating and perhaps cooking method compared to the funnel beaker vessels. One of the aims of the Ertebølle cooking method Fig. 8. Fabrication stages of pointed-based Ertebølle vessels (after Koch 1987). could be the desire to shorten the boiling time by placing the vessel directly in the fire. This observation is supported by the location of the food crusts on the lower half of the pots on pointed-base vessels from the Ertebølle Culture (Koch 1987). Furthermore, investigations of the Ertebølle vessels show that the base had been exposed to temperatures of up to 800oC (Hulthén 1977). This strategy would result in a low variability of vessels, where only a few preferred shapes and sizes would be used, Fig. 9. Fabrication stages of funnel beaker vessels (after Koch 1987). which is a characteristic of Ertebølle ceramics (Andersen 2008c) (Fig. 2). The funnel beakers have not been vessels (Fig. 8). All these traits enable the standing directly in the fire, but near the pottery maker to gain a better control of fireplace or in embers of a fire, as food crusts standardizing the shape of the vessel, which are located on the upper half of these vessels. makes it possible to produce a wider range of These observations indicate a more prolonged various vessels as flasks, jars, jugs and bowls. boiling time and simmering of food, thus The Ertebølle vessels seem to have been built- indicating that a different cooking method up either in the lap of the potter or around is to be associated with the Early Neolithic. a wooden , thus resulting in rather The fact that vessels with narrow rounded variable and sometimes awkward shapes of bases are found in Late Ertebølle layers dated the vessels (Tr anekjer 2013; Hildebrandt to approximately 4000 calBC argues for a personal comment). The pointed-base vessels gradual adaptation of new cooking methods began by shaping a lump of clay into a cone. and funnel beakers by the indigenous Then some clay coils were laid on top of the population (Koch 1987). However, the cone and pressed onto the underlying one narrow rounded bases of these vessels have often by using ones fingertips, resulting in been made with the same technology as either an H-built or U-built ware (Figs 7 the pointed bases. The vessels with narrow and 8A). The funnel beakers must have been rounded bases could therefore represent local standing on a movable surface, when they Ertebølle hunter-gatherer attempts to copy were being made. The surface could have the shape of the funnel beakers, but without been made out of braided plant materials, as grasping the exact technology behind the it is not unusual to find impressions of chaff making of funnel beakers (Andersen or grass leaves on base sherds (Koch 1998). 2008c). The base of the funnel beakers is The typical H-technique is observed made out of two discs, with clay coils in on many pointed-based vessels, but not between them (Fig. 9). In certain cases the any funnel beakers, thus indicating an direction of the clay coils on the funnel important technological difference between beakers changes either at the midpoint or the two types of vessels. Nevertheless, the at the transition to the neck (Fig. 9), which N-technique has been observed on some is a trait not observed on any pointed-base Ertebølle vessels, which could be interpreted

13 Fig. 10. Two funnel beaker ornamentation just below or upon the rim, sherds from pit A 2087 which could suggest that some vessels also on Lisbjerg Skole dated had a symbolic usage (Koch 1998). One of 4000–3800 calBC. The the major differences between the vessels sherds show different tem- from the Ertebølle culture and the Funnel pering material of either fine sand or smaller pieces Beaker culture is to be formed within their of granite. symbolic meaning within the two societies.

Domestic and symbolic usage Currently there are only a few sites connecting the Ertebølle vessels to a symbolic usage (Koch 1998; Asingh 2000). One of the more convincing finds comes from the lake shore site of Maglelyng XL, where two Ertebølle vessels were found upright leaning against a pole, thus arguing for an offering. But the unique character of this find does not point towards a standardized tradition of depositing ceramics in wetland areas during the Ertebølle culture. The emergence of the smaller pointed-base vessels during the later parts of the Ertebølle Culture has also been interpreted as the introduction of a kind of ceremonial drinking pots, similar to the as a gradual technological change towards smaller funnel beakers (Fischer 2002). Yet the making of funnel beakers. However, the again this interpretation is based on a very N-technique is often seen on certain sloping limited number of sites (Andersen 2008c). parts of the Ertebølle vessels. Furthermore, Other rare finds of Ertebølle vessels have the clay coils of N-built Ertebølle vessels show various types of ornamentations (fish net finger impressions, which are unknown on pattern, series of small dots or small shallow N-built funnel beaker vessels (Koch 1998; marks), which indicate that these pots may Tr anekjer 2013). The N-technique on have had symbolic meaning. But if this Ertebølle vessels therefore seems to represent symbolic meaning was significant within a practical solution and improvement in Ertebølle society, then one would expect a pottery techniques. greater number of ornamented vessels, as Other technological aspects have shown is characteristic of funnel beaker ceramics considerable overlaps. These aspects are (Koch 1998). the tempering size and material, the wall- Ornamental patterns have also been thickness and the vessel sizes (Hulthén observed on Ertebølle artefacts of bone, 1977; Koch 1987; 1998). Nevertheless antler and (Andersen 2008c). the funnel beakers tend to be thinner The ornamented artefacts within the Late and contain a more regular and higher Ertebølle Culture have all been found tempering density. This allowed the beakers in common ’depositional layers’, which to withstand thermal shock better, thus beside flint flakes and tools also contain prolonging their usage. Moreover some ceramics, antler , amber beads and stray funnel beakers from Early Neolithic sites finds of human bones (Brinch Petersen are showing tempering grains of only fine 2001). Some of these layers might contain sand, which makes it easier to make thin- intentionally deposited artefacts. However, walled beakers and detailed ornaments it is currently very difficult to separate the without breaking the vessels (Nielsen intentionally deposited artefacts from normal 1984; Koch 2004; Skousen 2008) settlement garbage (Sørensen 2012). Some (Fig. 10). Early Neolithic funnel beakers artefacts probably had a symbolic meaning are characterized by having a simple within the Ertebølle society, but the

14 pointed-base vessels points more towards contained bones of domesticated animals, a general domestic usage. The emergence charred cereals, quern stones, short-necked of funnel beakers around 4000 calBC can funnel beakers, clay discs and a high be associated with the emergence of a new concentration of pointed-butted axes, thus and more formalized symbolic tradition of connecting them to an agrarian economy. depositing ceramics and unused pointed- Studies of the faunal remains show that butted flint axes in wetland areas (Koch certain parts of the animals were deposited 1998; Hallgren 2008; Sørensen 2012) in the pits, in particular the skulls of various (Fig. 11; Tab. 3). The changes in ceremonial domesticated animals. Many of the pits were practices have been associated with placed next to one another, and produced offerings, which might have been part of a similar diagnostic artefacts from the Early cycle of social gatherings within agrarian Neolithic, which is why they have been societies. Funnel beakers are also found in interpreted as being paired pits. A few of the exemplified by the Dragsholm man presumed paired pits at Almhov contained (Brinch Petersen 1974; 2008a; Price a considerable amount of bones from wild et al. 2007). The changed ceremonial species (primarily red deer), whilst most practices around 4000 calBC also resulted were dominated by bones of domesticated in new depositional practices on dry land, animals (primarily ). These patterns where whole funnel beakers have been could either be the result of different refuse found in pits near or inside possible house management for wild and domesticated structures (Nielsen 2009). Furthermore fauna, or represent intentional depositions some large ceramic assemblages of funnel connected with new symbolic behaviour beakers, bowls and flasks including discs and (Rudebeck 2010; Macheridis 2011). spoons have been found in larger pits. The Perhaps these paired pits from Almhov, ceramic assemblages from these sites belong together with the repeated depositional to the A-group. The introduction of beakers practices, represent the earliest evidence resulted in new methods of storing food or of social gathering places associated with liquids or other practical or symbolic ways seasonal feasts, which were used by the first of deposing ones garbage from 4000 calBC generations of pioneering farmers in South onwards (Mathiassen 1940; Becker 1954; Scandinavia (Rudebeck 2010). Salomonsson 1970; Andersen 1977; Many funnel beakers have also been Larsson 1984; Nielsen 1984; Skousen found on kitchen sites, which 2008; Rudebeck 2010). Generally, the contain very few pits. These sites represent depositions of ceramic assemblages in continuity from the Ertebølle Culture pits represent a new behaviour connected in terms of site use and depositional primarily with Early Neolithic sites located on practices. However, the material culture easily arable soils. The pits contained various (funnel beakers and lithics dominated by types of vessels including discs and spoons. flaking tools) from the Early Neolithic Similar ceramic assemblages have been layers on these kitchen midden sites can found in pits from earlier Neolithic sites in be associated with Neolithic traits. These Western Europe. It is to be debated whether kitchen midden sites of the earliest phase of the content of the pits can be interpreted as the Early Neolithic might represent a swift an intentional deposition connected to large acquisition of Neolithic habits and material offerings related to various social events. culture by the local Ertebølle population, Generally it is difficult to separate normal but perhaps without integrating any new garbage from ritual depositions within these symbolic behaviour in their depositional pits, especially if destruction of artefacts is a practice. part of the symbolic behaviour (Andersen 2000; Andersson 2003). Origin of the Funnel Beaker culture The Early Neolithic site of Almhov in Scania is one of the most important inland- It has previous been suggested that the oriented sites located on easily worked funnel beaker of type 0 could exemplify a arable soil, at which several large pits were transitional vessel between the Ertebølle excavated (Rudebeck 2010). The pits culture and Funnel Beaker culture, thus

15 16 indicating an independent evolvement of The ceramic material from Flintbek has the funnel beakers (Koch 1998). It has to be parallels with vessels from the Michelsberg reminded that type 0 vessels have parallels culture (phase II–III), which could be in the early stages of the Michelsberg culture the place of origin for these pioneering dated to 4400–4000 calBC, which suggests farmers in Schleswig-Holstein (Lüning that the type came to southern Scandinavia 1967; Schwabedissen 1979; Laux 1986; through direct or indirect contacts with Zich 1993; Höhn 1998; Klassen 2004; agrarian groups around 4000 calBC Jansen et al. 2013). Radiocarbon dates (Lüning 1967). The new practice of of charcoal from the pit on Flintbek LA 48 ceramics pit depositons points towards are approximately 200 years earlier than the direct contact between pioneering farmers first beakers in southern Scandinavia, thus and people from the Michelsberg culture supporting an early impulse of pioneering (Biel et al. 1998; Jeunesse 2011) (Fig. 12). farmers in Schleswig-Holstein (Fig. 5). This interpretation is supported by finds of This early impulse also includes domestic type 0 funnel beakers, discs and spoons in animals, which therefore also arrived around a pit from the site Flintbek LA 48, which 100 years earlier in Schleswig-Holstein than is one of a few inland sites located on easily in southern Scandinavia (Hartz et al. arable soils in Schleswig-Holstein (Fig. 5). 2007; Sørensen/Karg 2012).

Fig. 11. Map of southern Scandinavia, northern Germany and northern Poland with sites with short- necked funnel beakers of type 0 and I. 1. Tisvilde Bymose, 2. Manderup Søgård, 3. Roskilde Fjord, 4. Svaleklint, 5. Ejby Mose, 6. Målevgård, 7. Bloksbjerg, 8. Præstelyngen, 9. Tømmerup II, 10. Øgårde I/II, 11. Bodals Mose, 12. Magleø, 13. Dragsholm, 14. Svinninge Vejle, 15. Jordløse Mose X, 16. Jordløse Mose XIII, 17. Jordløse Mose XIV, 18. Sandhuse Mose C, 19. Olsbjerg, 20. Ragelbjerg, 21. Maglelyng, 22. Muldbjerg, 23. Hørsø Mose, 24. Sigersted III, 25. Høed, 26. Store Valby, 27. Himlingeøje, 28. Havnelev 1922, 29. Hammeren, 30. Simblegård, 31. Borgen, 32. Gudhjem Syd, 33. Åstrup, 34. Dagsmose, 35. Aggersund, 36. Vadgård, 37. Tolstrup/Bakkegård, 38. Kolind, 39. Nørrestrand, 40. Kolding Fjord, 41. Värby V22, 42. Hässleberga 24:1, 43. Önsvalla, 44. Skabersjö, 45. Löddesborg, 46. Håkanstorp 3, 47. 21, 48. Simrishamn, 49. Oxie 7, 50. V. Kärrstorp 7:2, 51. St. Råby, 52. Sturup 1:88, 53. Sturup 1:107, 54. Bistoft LA 11, 55. Rüder LA 2, 56. Satrup- Pöttmoor LA 70, 57. Klenzau, 58. Rosenhof LA 58, 59. Siggeneben-Süd LA 12/24, 60. Bjørnsholm, 61. Norsminde, 62. Visborg, 63. Barkær, 64. Lisbjerg Skole, 65. Erantisvej, 66. Vallensgård I, 67. Ålykken, 68. Wangels, 69. Hamburg-Boberg 15/20, 70. Hansestadt Stralsund, 71. Baabe, 72. Parow-Sportboothafen 4, 73. Dąbki 9, 74. Dagstorp SU21, 75. Almhov, 76. Skumparberget, 77. Tjugestatorp, 78. Kallmossen, 79. Skogsmossen, 80. Veddige, 81. Sperrestrup Mose, 82. Øgårde 8/11, 83. Åkonge, 84. Øgårde 19, 85. Jordløse Mose XXXII, 86. Garbølle Mose, 87. Rødkildegård, 88. Krabbesholm, 89. Oustrup Præstegårdsmose, 90. Häggsta II, 91. Fågelbacken, 92. Mossby, 93. Magleholm, 94. Maglemosegård, 95. Åbenrågården, 96. Marevadgård, 97. Oddershedegård III, 98. Helenelyst, 99. Rønnevang, 100. , 101. Neustadt LA 156, 102. Flintbek LA 48, 103. Bebensee LA 76, 104. Klein Meinsdorf, 105. Løjesmølle Skov, 106. Sørbylille II, 107. Hjuleregård, 108. Teglhøjen, 109. Stilling Trehøje I, 110. Vangdrup, 111. Kornumgaard, 112. Øsløs, 113. Lønt, 114. Brunn 17, 115. Karlstrup Mose, 116. Lavringe Mose, 117. Lollikhuse, 118. Christiansholm Mose, 119. Øgårde 23/30, 120. Verup Mose V, 121. Havnø, 122. Svendestykket, 123. Glumsø-Gelstad, 124. Granåsen, 125. Vieholmgård I, 126. Kollekolle, 127. Rude Skov, 128. Grønbjerggård, 129. Slevad, 130. Eskholm, 131. Nygård, 132. Klintebakke, 133. Baltic Sea A, 134. Baltic Sea C, 135. Brünnshög, 136. Råga Hörstad, 137. N. Möinge, 138. Ö. Grevie 41:1, 139. Håkantorp, 140. Vätteryd, 141. Östra Torn 29:1, 142. Skjutbanorna 1A, 143. Vällkärra, 144. Järrestad, 145. Kristineberg, 146. Döserygg, 147. Siretorp, 148. Trössla norra, 149. Anneberg, 150. Smällan, 151. Nettelsee, 152. Schlamersdorf LA 5, 153. Lübeck-Genin, 154. Hüde 1, 155. Südensee-Damm LA 1, 156. Schönermark, 157. Sarnowo, 158. Redecz Krukowy 20, 159. Meimersdorf, 160. Tarnewitz, 161. Tangermünde, 162. Haldensleben, 163. Burgdorf, 164. Schöningen, 165. Hundisburg, 166. Bernitt, 167. Liessow, 168. Böhlendorf, 169. Niendorf, 170. Gross Methling, 171. Dargun, 172. Moritzhagen, 173. Moltzow, 174. Sadenbeck, 175. Neuenkirchen, 176. Prenzlau, 177. Pinnow, 178. Niederlandin, 179. Kosin, 180. Berlin-Britz, 181. Gozd, 182. Witaszkowo, 183. Kotowo, 184. Sobota, 185. Gorzyce, 186. Wrocław-Pracze, 187. Smigiel, 188. Lekno, 189. Wdowin, 190. Strzelce, 191. Swietoslaw, 192. Czamaninek, 193. Nowiny, 194. Sadłużek, 195. Lipnica, 196. Płužnice, 197. Karlshem, 198. L. Köpinge 7:3, 199. Kabusa, 200. Tønder, 201. Walmstorf 10, 202. Søvind Mark, 203. Łącko woj.

17 Tab. 3. Compiled data of sites from southern Scandinavia, northern Germany and northern Poland, with short-necked funnel beakers, discs and spoons.

18 Tab. 3. Continuation.

19 Tab. 3. Continuation.

20 Tab. 3. Continuation.

21 Fig. 12. Map of Michels- berg sites in central Europe and sites with short-necked funnel beakers in southern Scandinavia, northern Germany and northern Poland (after Lüning 1967).

Similarities to the Michelsberg culture had impressions of a rush mat, similarto phase III/IV can also be observed in the those on clay discs from the Michelsberg tulip-shaped beakers from Brunn 17 in site of Rübeland-Baumannshöhle in the Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (Vogt 2009) Harz mountains (Klassen 2004; Skousen (Fig. 13). On the Danish islands, only 2008). Pit A2247 from Lisbjerg Skole also one tulip-shaped beaker has been found contained a pointed-butted flint , which at Øgaarde 19 in Åmosen. This indicates has been interpreted as an imitation of a either limited contact or a regional rejection jade axe (Klassen in press). Pointed-butted of this type of vessels (Koch 1998) (Fig. 14). axes of diabas and flint with a length of Typical Michelsberg culture ceramic over 25 cm have been interpreted as local elements have also been reported from the imitations of various types of jade axes Early Neolithic site of Lisbjerg Skole in (Klassen 2004; Sørensen 2012). Even eastern Jutland. The site contained several the jade axes themselves have been found pits, which have been dated to 4000– as stray finds in southern Scandinavia 3800 calBC. A clay disc from pit A 2087 (Klassen et al. 2012). The exotic jade

22 Fig. 13. Tulip-shaped funnel beakers from Brunn 17 in Mecklenburg- Vorpommern (after Vogt 2009). Scale 1:4.

Fig. 14. A tulip-shaped beaker from Øgårde 19 on Zealand (after Koch 1998). Scale 1:4.

23 Fig. 15. Distribution of pointed-butted flint axes, flint mines and important flint sources in southern Scandinavia and northern Germany (partly after Østmo 1986; Hernek 1988; Blomqvist 1990; Brauer 1999; Hallgren 2008; Hirsch et al. 2007; Nielsen 2009; Vogt 2009; Sørensen 2012).

axes have been interpreted as mediators butted flint axes (including preforms) was of the agrarian ideology, which connected located close to or in the flint mines at different Neolithic societies across Europe Hov in northern Jutland, Stevns on eastern (Pétrequin et al. 2012; Sørensen Zealand and Sallerup in Scania (Becker 2013).The pointed-butted flint axes can 1980; 1993; Olausson et al. 1980; be characterized as being imitations of Rudebeck 1998) (Fig. 15). The further jade axes, which also suggests an extensive manufacture of pointed-butted axes has contact with the Michelsberg culture. been observed on the site of Almhov, which Radiocarbon dates of the various is located near the flint mines at Sallerup, contexts with pointed-butted flint axes in Scania (Rudebeck 2010). Large assemblages southern Scandinavia concentrate from of several hundred kilos of flakes from the 4000 to 3600 calBC. The pointed-butted various manufacturing stages were found in flint axes have been regarded as being partly the many pits at Almhov. Up to 40 pointed synchronic with thin-butted axes of type butted axes were found at the site, making I–IV. While the dated contexts of the thin- it the largest assemblage of this kind in butted axes cluster to 3700–3300 calBC, southern Scandinavia. The production scale there exists some overlap between these suggests a systematic manufacturing process, axe types (Sørensen 2012). However, axe where many axes were intended for further hoards have shown that pointed-butted axes distribution to neighbouring regions poor in of type 1 have not been found together with flint resources Fig.( 15). Radiocarbon dates any thin-butted axes, thus suggesting that of charcoal and animal remains found in pointed and thin-butted axes are not used the mineshafts at Hov in Northern Jutland at the same time (Nielsen 1977; Karsten and Södra Sallerup in Scania suggest 1994). A large production site of the pointed- systematic flint mining activities from

24 Fig. 16. Distribution of pointed-butted flint axes, flint mines and important flint sources in western Europe (after Åberg 1912; Brandt 1967; Schut 1991; Bostyn/Lanchon 1992; Barber et al. 1999; Brauer 1999; Collet et al. 2004: 151ff; Pétrequin et al. 2010; De Grooth et al. 2011, 77pp; Giligny et al. 2012, 1167; Sørensen 2012).

4000 calBC onwards (Sørensen 2012). both Britain and southern Scandinavia by These southern Scandinavian mines are migrating farmers from Central Europe almost synchronic with other flint mines in (Fig. 16). All these observations indicate Central Europe and Britain, where a similar that the origin of the Funnel Beaker culture pattern occurs with high concentrations of should be connected to the expansion of pointed-butted axes near the flint mines pioneering groups, which derived from or (Bostyn/Lanchon 1992; Barber et had close social relations with people from al. 1999; Collet et al. 2004: 151ff;De the Michelsberg culture. Grooth et al. 2011: 77ff; Giligny et al. Previously it was proposed that the 2012: 1167; Sørensen 2012). Deep mining Funnel Beaker culture derived from the after flint is a characteristic feature of the Polish Plain. This hypothesis was based Central European Michelsberg culture on the many sites containing typical (4400–3500 calBC) and it is possible, that funnel beaker ceramics, especially in the this technical knowhow was introduced to Kujavia region (Becker 1947; Lichardus

25 Fig. 17. Distribution of causewayed enclosures in central Europe (after Andersen 1997; Jeunesse 1998; Nielsen 2004; Raetzel-Fabian 2009; Geschwinde/ Raetzel-Fabian 2009; Klatt 2009; Cooney et al. 2011; Whittle et al. 2011; Lützau Pedersen/Witte 2012; Andersson/Wallebom 2013; Andresen 2013; Klassen in press; personal communication P. Østergård Sørensen, Roskilde Museum and C. Casati, Folkemuseet Hillerød).

1976; Midgley 1992; Persson 1999). Funnel Beaker culture can be characterized This interpretation was supported by one as a crucible receiving a wide spread of radiocarbon date (GrN-5035, 5570 ± 60 BP), impulses from various Neolithic societies in deriving from a charcoal found in a pit Europe. In this context regional preferences with short-necked funnel beakers, located could emerge through style drifts (Klassen below a on the site Sarnowo 2004; Sheridan 2010). Some of these (Gabałówna 1970; Wiklak 1982). regional preferences could result in the However, several new radiocarbon dates lack of tulip-shaped beakers in southern on charcoal from pits containing funnel Scandinavia and the absence of pointed- beakers, jars, flasks, discs and spoons from butted flint axes east of the river Oder the site Redecz Krukowy 20 now cluster (Koch 1998; Sørensen 2012). to 4000–3800 calBC (Wstępne 2012, 216). These results support the argument Reasons for the expansion of of a large-scale synchronic introduction of the Michelsberg culture funnel beakers from Michelsberg societies in many parts of northern Europe (Höhn That the impulses from the Michelsberg 2002; Klassen 2004; Sheridan 2010). The culture had such an important impact in first impulses in the creation of the Funnel northern Europe might be explained by the Beaker culture appear to have originated expansion of interconnected immigrating from Central European Neolithic societies, groups. This hypothesis is supported by but there are also influences from the concentrations of causewayed enclosures eastern parts of Central Europe in the shape dated to the period 4200–3500 calBC in polygonal battle axes, copper artefacts Lower Saxony and Sachsen-Anhalt. They and import of highly decorated pottery at resemble the architectural trends (oval shaped Dąbki originating from the Bodrogkersztür structures with frequent ditches or dykes) culture (Zápotocký 1992; Klassen 2000; of earlier enclosures from the Michelsberg Hallgren 2008; Czekaj-Zastawny et culture (Andersen 1997; Geschwinde/ al. 2011; Sørensen 2012). Generally the Raetzel-Fabian 2009; Klassen in press)

26 (Fig. 17). The reason why the Michelsberg Recently a causewayed at Starup culture expanded is still debated and several in southern Jutland and Döserygg in Scania suggestions involving population pressure, was dated to 3800–3500 calBC, thus being conflicts or changes have been the earliest dated enclosures in southern proposed (Gronenborn 2007; Shennan Scandinavia (Lützau Pedersen/Witte 2009). It is clear that a reorganization of 2012; Andersson/Wallebom 2013; social gatherings within the core area of Klassen in press). The first pioneering the Michelsberg culture probably resulted farmers probably consisted of a very in major building activities of causewayed limited number of people, where the main enclosures in the period 4400–4000 calBC, objective was to clear the forest for agrarian promoting a further expansion towards new activities. Marking territories was probably territories in central Germany (Lüning not necessary until several centuries later, 1967). Some causewayed enclosures could when long barrows from 3800 calBC have served as fortified refuges in times of onwards were constructed on top of former conflict, based on their location in landscape Early Neolithic sites from the A-group and the considerable size of the ditches (Madsen 1975; Skaarup 1975; Madsen/ (Andersen 1997; Gronenborn 2010). Petersen 1984; Liversage 1981; 1992; Signs of conflict and violence are found in Rudebeck 2002). The impulses from the the Michelsberg culture, as some human Michelsberg/Baalberg cultures seem to skeletons found in pits on settlements or in continue with the introduction of different ditches of the enclosures are showing signs of structures such as long barrows head fractures (Wahl/Höhn 1988; Nickel from c. 3800 calBC and from 1997; Christensen 2004). Increasing c. 3500 calBC in southern Scandinavia territorial demands in certain regions could (Midgley 1992; Kaul 1998; Rassmann have resulted in a higher degree of conflicts 2011; Rzepecki 2011; Ebbesen 2011). The and building of enclosures, which could emergence of the Funnel Beaker culture is have led some groups of people to migrate therefore closely related to the Michelsberg further north. However, if pioneering culture. These pioneering groups of farmers farmers migrated from central parts of probably established themselves in smaller Germany to southern Scandinavia, then it is colonies, where they interacted with the strange that no enclosures have been dated indigenous populations. Currently the to around 4000 calBC in this region. archaeological evidences points towards a Maybe the population of these process of leap-frog, punctuated or sporadic pioneering farmers was to wide spread and immigration, which could be responsible social gatherings may have materialized for the expansion of agrarian societies into in more simple constructions during the southern Scandinavia (Madsen 1987; earliest parts of the Early Neolithic, like Klassen 2004; Rowley-Conwy 2011). the pair pits on the Almhov site? These Leap-frog colonization is described as simple constructions could be hiding within pioneering groups of humans, that settle in the complex stratigraphy of the regular targeted areas, thus forming smaller colonies causewayed enclosures or below long among the indigenous populations, which is barrows, thus pushing the social gatherings followed by a phase of integration (Zilhão back to the beginning of the 4th millennium 1993; Moore 2001). Nevertheless, other (Madsen 2009; Klassen in press). The combinations of movement and contact first regular causewayed enclosures were such as folk migration, demic diffusion, elite built some centuries later in southern dominance, infiltration or frontier mobility Scandinavia, when a more centralized could also be responsible for the expansion social organization of the agrarian societies of the agrarian societies (Zvelebil 1998). had emerged around 3500 calBC (Ander- The indigenous population plays an active sen 1997; Geschwinde/Raetzel-Fabian role in the creation of social networks and 2009). However, radiocarbon dates from alliances with the pioneering farmers, which ditches should be treated with caution, as could be revealed by some distribution they could be dating later recuts or refills patterns of key artefacts from the period and not the earliest phases of the structure. 4400–3500 calBC.

27 Fig. 18. Distribution of T-shaped antler axes and Limhamn greenstone axes in southern Scandinavia (after Petersen 1984; Andersen 1998; Nicolaisen 2009; personal communication S. Hartz).

Distribution patterns of ceramics Scania is dominated by thick sherds made and other key artefacts in the H-built technique, and cylindrical and S-shaped vessels both occur. The west Regional style differences within the and south-western parts of Denmark are ceramic material of the Ertebølle culture dominated by thinner sherds made in the have been observed in the shaping of the base U-built technique and by S-shaped vessels. (Hulthén 1977) (Fig. 1). A tap-formed These results are supported by previous to oval shaped nob has been observed studies of T-shaped antler axes, bone rings on the Ertebølle vessels in Scania and on and bone combs being concentrated in Bornholm, whereas a more pointed base Jutland and Schleswig-Holstein, whereas shaping has been documented on Zealand, Limhamn greenstone axes and curved Funen, Jutland, Schleswig-Holstein and are found on Zealand and in northern Poland (Prangsgård 1992; Scania (Fig. 18). Even regional groups on Hartz 2008; Kabaciński/Terberger Zealand have been suggested being based on 2008). Other regional variations within the differences within the flake axe assemblages Ertebølle culture have been proposed by (Petersen 1984). measuring the thickness, investigating the The difference between Jutland, manufacturing techniques and shapes of Zealand and Scania is clearly connected the vessels (Andersen 2008c). The eastern to the fact that these regions are separated and north-eastern part of Denmark and by larger straits at Storebælt and Øresund

28 serving as natural borders in the . The emergence of a more The fact that Zealand became an island unified material culture during the continuous Boreal and transgressions created differences in the The regional differences within the Ertebølle faunal assemblage, which explains the lack culture appear to have disappeared or of bone rings made of scapulae developed into a more unified Funnel and T-shaped antler axes on Zealand. The Beaker culture, which during the earliest aurochs became extinct after the Boreal stages has been influenced by impulses from phase and the red deer became so reduced in the Michelsberg culture. This argument is their size that their antlers were unsuitable supported by the distribution of pointed- for making antler axes. The T-shaped antler butted flint axes and short-necked funnel axes and the bone rings from Jutland are beakers, bowl, flasks and clay discs, which clearly continental impulses, thus showing are showing similarities across most of the that the hunter-gatherers in the Ertebølle northern European plain (Lichardus 1976; culture were either directly or indirectly Nielsen 1984; Midgley 1992; Hallgren linked to societies in Central Europe. The 2008; Hartz 2008; Wstępne 2012; wide distribution of perforated -last-axes Raemaekers et al. 2012). The introduction also confirms the continental connections of an agrarian-based subsistence and a new with agrarian societies (Klassen 2004). material culture was probably caused by Provenance studies of the shoe-last axes a leap-frog migration of smaller groups of of amphibolite were firstly believed to pioneering farmers, which could have been have originated from unknown quarries interlinked with the Michelsberg culture in the Balkan or the West Carpathian (Anthony 1990; Moore 2001; Klassen area, but current research has found 2004; Rowley-Conwy 2011; Sørensen/ outcrops located in the Czech Republic Karg 2012). Sites like Hüde I, Schönermark, or the Slovakian Republic (Schwarz- Lübeck-Genin, Brunn 17 and Flintbek LA 48 Mackensen/Schneider 1983; 1986; have all, based on their ceramic assemblages, Illásová/Hovorka 1995; Raemaekers been associated with the Michelsberg culture et al. 2010; Bernardini et al. 2013). The (Fig. 11; Tab. 3). symbolic meaning behind the shoe-last axes These sites could exemplify pioneering as important markers of status appears to groups of farmers, who settled within the have been lost in the Ertebølle culture, as border zone of the Ertebølle culture and many of the axes have been found in normal interacted with hunter-gatherer groups garbage layers. Many shoe-last axes were also located in the coastal zone (Hartz 2008). showing heavy traces of use, and it seems However, the distribution of pointed-butted as if they only served as practical tools in axes in Schleswig-Holstein is showing a the Ertebølle societies. Personal preferences widely spread inland habitation, which could among hunter-gatherers probably played an have resulted in more random social relations important role in defining what could be between pioneering farmers and hunter- regarded as objects of status, which could gatherers (Fig. 16). But the distribution of be the reason why a few shoe-last axes are pointed-butted axes and short necked funnel found in fine condition and in only one beakers has shown a clear concentration case are found in a hoard (Lomborg 1962; in Binnenland located in Mecklenburg- Fischer 2002; Klassen 2004). But if the Vorpommeren, which could have served shoe-last axes were important symbolic as places of origin for pioneering farmers markers, then one would expect local migrating into regions like Scania (see below; imitations made of local raw materials to Brauer 1999; Moore 2001; Vogt 2009; emerge, but this did not happen (Sørensen Fig. 15). Here the transportation of animals, 2012). It is therefore more likely that these people and material culture by boats were hunter-gatherers were part of an indirect of cardinal importance. People may have exchange system, which had limited contact sailed along the coastlines and larger creeks with agrarian societies, thus explaining the into southern Scandinavia, thus spreading lack of agrarian activities in the Ertebølle new ideas and technology and maintaining culture (Sørensen/Karg 2012). contact with the motherland (Rowley-

29 Conwy 2011). One representative of these archaeological record compared to the prime movers of agrarian technology and easy detectable coastal and lake shore sites. ideology is the Dragsholm man, who was The potential of finding a large number of buried in a kitchen midden and equipped inland sites is illustrated by the distribution as a warrior (Brinch Petersen 2008a). of pointed butted axes (Fig. 15). These Transportations by boats could be one axes concentrated not only near the flint of the reasons behind the similarities in mines, but also in areas further inland, material culture within the Funnel Beaker which contained very few Ertebølle/Late culture. Furthermore it could optimize the Mesolithic finds. The quality and visibility social relations between agrarian societies, of our archaeological data is unevenly thus explaining the swift spread of Funnel spread, but some regions like Scania and Beaker culture all the way up to central parts Bornholm do show hoards of pointed butted of Sweden and southern parts of Norway axes, concentrations of pointed-butted axes (Østmo 1986; Hallgren 2008; Glørstad and short-necked funnel beakers located on 2012). Even sea faring trips across open easily arable inland sites (Larsson 1984; waters have occurred, as agrarian societies Hernek 1988; Karsten 1994; Hadevik appear on the islands of Bornholm and 2009; Rudebeck 2010; Sørensen 2012). Gotland around 4000 calBC (Lindqvist/ Possnert 1997; Casati/Sørensen 2006; Continuity and changes Nielsen 2009). Finds of imported flint axes on Bornholm and domestic animals The Early Neolithic period in Southern on Gotland bear witness of seagoing travels, Scandinavia demonstrates the ermergence which succeeded. However, finds of three of an agrarian way of life supplemented Early Neolithic lugged vessels, found in by some hunting and fishing which deeper waters near the coast of Bornholm was practiced on inland oriented sites. could indicate, that some ventures went At the same time, hunting and fishing wrong (Nielsen/Nielsen 1990). activities supplemented by some herding Most of the short-necked funnel of domesticated animals took place on beakers have been found on coastal or lake coastal and lake shore sites (Sørensen/ shore sites in southern Scandinavia. They Karg 2012). Are we dealing with farmers have always been found in layers located moving between the coastal and inland in a stratigraphic position above Ertebølle zone or with a cultural dualism? The few layers (Andersen 2008c) (Fig. 11; Tab. 3). domesticated animals at the coastal and The continued habitation near the coastal lake shore sites could be interpreted as and lake shore sites indicates a high degree initial herding activities by communities of place continuity, although domestic that still live as hunter/gatherer/fishers. animals occur on the sites. Signs of change However, if hunter-gatherers had started to can be observed around 4000 calBC with keep domesticated animals all round, the emergence of a new type of inland site, they would have needed to collect huge located on easily arable soils. The artefact amounts of winter fodder, thus changing assemblages from these sites have often their economic strategy and their way been found in pits, thus pointing towards of life. The complexity of agricultural new depositional practices with parallels , especially regarding crop to the agrarian societies in central Europe cultivation, requires long-term experience (Lüning 1967; Biel et al. 1998; Kirsch in order to succeed (Steensberg 1979; 1993; Klassen 2004; Jeunesse 2011).The Lüning 2000; Ehrmann et al. 2009; archaeological visibility of these inland Schier 2009). If these hunter-gatherers sites is relatively low, as they are both wanted to succeed as farmers, they had difficult to find and badly preserved. They to integrate with agrarian societies. The often consist of smaller cultural layers and sudden appearance of a new material culture some shallow pits located just below the (short necked funnel beakers, clay discs, subsoil, which makes them vulnerable pointed butted axes and polygonal battle for modern disturbances. These inland axes), could suggest that agriculture was sites are clearly underrepresented in the introduced by smaller groups of pioneering

30 farmers from Central Europe. The impact of many funnel beaker sites and the absence of these pioneering farmers within the of large inland sites in northern Jutland. archaeological record is dependent on the Furthermore, in his excavations of the Early local hunter-gatherers’ ability and desire Neolithic kitchen in northern to integrate with the incoming farmers, Jutland (Norsminde, Bjørnsholm, Visborg, making the neolithization process different Krabbesholm and Havnø) Andersen has not from region to region (Sørensen 2012). found any evidence of large-scale cultivation or . The lack of clay discs and spoons on many of the early Neolithic An example of a swift transition towards coastal or lake shore sites in general seems agrarian subsistence and ideology to support a slow transition. Nontheless, Scania is a region where the transition towards the limited agrarian activities on the coastal an agrarian way of life was a rapid one. The and lake shore sites have led to researchers hypothesis is supported by the many dates arguing that these were short-term seasonal of cereals being ascribed to the earliest parts catching sites, with the actual agrarian of the Early Neolithic I (4000–3800 calBC). settlement sites located further inland Systematic crop cultivation and subsequently (Skaarup 1973; Nielsen 1984). However, the change towards a more open landscape Andersen states that the distinction between is also observed from 4000 calBC in many coastal and inland sites is artificial. He pollen diagrams in Scania (Engelmark/ interprets the majority of Early Neolithic Viklund 1990; Engelmark 1992; Regnell sites as oriented towards the coast and in 1998; Regnell/Sjögren 2006; Lagerås a few cases along streams and lakes, where 2008). Furthermore, a new procurement the main activity was foraging. Andersen method through the extraction of flint by describes these people as fisher-farmers, but mining has been observed in Sallerup from acknowledges that the changes in material around 4000 calBC (Sørensen 2012). The culture were rapid, whilst the introduction systematic extraction of flint nodules having of the agrarian way of life was a long process. a high quality was used to produce pointed Alternatively, it could be argued butted axes (Fig. 15). The axes were used that the coastal sites were inhabited by to clear the forest and they play a key role commuting farmers during the early EN I in creating a more open landscape. The and that the real agrarian inland was distribution of these axes reveals an inland located in some distance from the coast. distribution, thus demonstrating a swift The commuting theory could be tested change towards a more inland orientated by investigating the seasonal indicators settlement pattern (Olausson et al. 1980; present at the coastal kitchen midden sites Hernek 1988). from the Early Neolithic, which should reflect short durations. But unfortunately no such seasonal data is currently available An example of a slow transition from the Early Neolithic kitchen middens. towards an agrarian subsistence However, the occupation layers in the The transitional process may also have kitchen middens show the same thickness involved a time of cultural dualism consisting for the Late Ertebølle and Early Funnel of indigenous hunter-gatherers and incoming Beaker cultures, which challenge the farmers, who exchanged material culture idea of commuting farmers (Andersen with each other, but the interaction did not 2008b). If there were agrarian inland sites necesarrily result into any greater change located along the Limfjord, these would towards an agrarian subsistence. Such a be revealed by the distribution of pointed- scenario has been proposed in connection butted flint axes. But the inland zone with the investigations of the kitchen around the Limfjord has not produced middens in northern Jutland containing many pointed-butted axes, thus indicating layers from the Late Ertebølle and the Early that the main sites were in fact located Funnel Beaker cultures (Andersen 2008b; along the coast. It is first in the later part Enghoff 2011). Andersen favours a slow of the Early Neolithic around 3600 calBC transition, based on the coastal orientation that the coastal sites are abandoned and a

31 Fig. 19. Distribution of Ertebølle sites and possible Early Neolithic sites, based on pointed-butted axes of type 1 and 2 in northwestern Zealand (after Mathiassen 1959; Price/Gebauer 2005).

larger number of inland sites is observed. the Early Neolithic lake shore sites are Currently these observations point more dominated by red and and a few towards a continuity of a hunter-gatherer domestic animals, thus suggesting hunting habitation during the earliest stages of the and herding activities during the warmer Early Neolithic rather than supporting the parts of the year (Noe-Nygaard 1995; theory of commuting farmers. Gotfredsen 1998; Fischer 2002). The hunting activity in the Åmose basin is a continuation of behaviour going back to An example of commuting farmers the Ertebølle culture, where people through An alternative to the theory of cultural generations have exploited the same hunting dualism could be a situation, where farmers grounds during the same time of the year. were commuting between the inland and The emergence of a group of commuting lake shore zone, thus resulting in different farmers in North-West Zealand during activities. Such a situation might be found the early EN I could suggest that the in the Åmose basin, where the Early transition towards an agrarian society Neolithic hunting/gathering/fishing sites and the integration of the local hunter- were located near the lake shore. These gatherers was a swift process in this region. sites were seasonally occupied during the Particular important for suggesting a swift summer months,similar to the earlier transition in this region is connected to Ertebølle lake shore sites. Sites with more the Dragsholm man (Brinch Petersen potential for cultivation, marked by the 1974). He may represent an example of a finds of pointed-butted axes, were located “Big man” who had the competences and on higher grounds around the Åmose ability to disseminate information about Lake (Fig. 19). The faunal material from agrarian practices. The fact that he was

32 buried as a warrior at a coastal site could Sweden and southern parts of Norway indicate that he and other pioneering (Skjølsvold 1977; Nærøy 1987; Olsen farmers were engaged in agrarian practices 1992; Åstveit 1999; Hallgren 2008; together with the indigenous population in Åhrberg 2011; Sjögren 2012) (Fig. 20). this region. He and his fellow farmers could These borders within the ceramic styles in thus be interpreted as the primary carriers southern Scandinavia are further supported of agrarian practices and ideology, who laid by the distribution of hoards containing the foundations for an agrarian society in thin-butted axes. Type I, II and III are north-western Zealand. Generally several observed on Zealand and Scania, whereas explanations of how the neolithisation type IV mainly concentrates in Jutland process occured in different regions would (Nielsen 1977) (Fig. 21). be depended on several factors depending on the landscape and personal relations Concluding remarks between the indigenous population and the incoming farmers. The emergence of pointed-base vessels is part of a hunter-gatherer pottery tradition, which first appeared around 4800 calBC during the The minor differences in Ertebølle culture in southern Scandinavia. material culture Around 4000 calBC the pointed-base Despite a possible phase of cultural dualism, vessels disappear and funnel beakers emerge material culture shows strong similarities together with the first agrarian societies in across several regions in southern southern Scandinavia. Different typologies Scandinavia until 3800–3500 calBC, when of the funnel beakers have been suggested, minor differences appear. In the period based on measurements and ornamental 3800–3500 calBC most coastal sites were styles. Especially the typology suggested by abandoned and a more dense concentration Eva Koch has been verified in other more of inland sites emerges together with regional studies. The neck of the beakers specialized hunting and fishing sites in the tends to become longer during the Early coastal and lake shore zones (Skaarup 1973; Neolithic. The A-group (Oxie/type 0–I) is Koch 2003; Andersen 2008b). It seems characterized by short-necked beakers. The that the indigenous population all became B-group (type II and III) contains beakers farmers and moved to the easily arable inland with a medium height and many local sites, but supplemented their subsistence with ornamental styles, whereas the C-group hunting and fishing activities. The former (type IV and V) is characterized by beakers differences in material culture within the with longer necks and vertical lines on the Ertebølle culture reappear during the later belly of the vessels. The radiocarbon dates part of the Early Neolithic, thus respecting of contexts containing short-necked funnel once again the natural borders in southern beakers (type 0–I) or food crusts of them Scandinavia (Figs 1, 11, 15, 18). The minor mostly date to 4000–3800 calBC, whereas differences can be observed in the emergence beakers with necks with a medium-height of different ornamental styles on the funnels neck (type II–III) cluster in the period beakers. Volling is concentrated in Jutland, 3800–3600 calBC. Dates for beakers with Svaleklint on Zealand, Svenstorp-Mossby- a longer neck (type IV–V) concentrate in Siretorp style in Scania and Blekinge the period 3600–3300 calBC. Comparisons (Madsen/Petersen 1984; Larsson 1984). between the pointed-base vessels and funnel Further south the Siggeneben-Süd-Sattrup- beakers in terms of technology and use Stengade II concentrates on Langeland and clearly indicate different manufacturing and in Schleswig-Holstein (Klassen 2004). cooking traditions. More importantly the On Bornholm beakers have been classified pointed-base vessels have only been used based on vessel shapes (Nielsen 2009). for domestic purposes, whereas the funnel Further north the Vrå style concentrates in beakers also have been used in rituals. A eastern central Sweden, while still unnamed wide range of funnel beaker vessels including ornamental styles dominated by twisted- bowls, flasks and accessories like clay discs cord impressions can be observed in western and spoons were also observed in southern

33 Fig. 20. Distribution of regional ceramic groups during the later part of EN 1 (after Skaarup 1975; Madsen/Petersen 1984; Larsson 1984; Klassen 2004; Hallgren 2008; Nielsen 2009).

Scandinavia around 4000 calBC. All these Scandinavia and Britain around 4000 calBC. ceramic types have often been found in pits In southern Scandinavia the pointed on inland oriented sites located on easily butted axes concentrate in the flint mine arable soil. The depositional practice of areas, which have been established around ceramic assemblages in pits is a phenomenon 4000 calBC, making them synchronic observed in neighbouring agrarian societies, with the mines in the Michelsberg culture. thus indicating external influences. Funnel Deep mining after flint is a characteristic beakers also appear in cultural layers on phenomenon in the Michelsberg culture and coastal and lake shore sites. Generally the this technical knowhow was introduced to ceramic assemblages from the A-group/ southern Scandinavia by pioneering groups Oxie/type 0–I show similarities to the of farmers. These pioneering farmers were Michelsberg culture. Southern Scandinavia probably interlinked with the Michelsberg is not the only region, which seems to be culture and can be characterized as the under the influence of the Michelsberg prime movers behind the introduction of the culture, as similar short-necked funnel agrarian way of life in southern Scandinavia. beakers have been found in many parts of The reason behind the large-scale expansion northern Europe around 4000 calBC. of the Michelsberg culture is unsolved, but Another influence from the Michelsberg building of many causewayed enclosures culture can be seen in the arrival of pointed- could be interpreted as a sign of internal social butted flint axes in northern Europe, southern instability and reorganization of territories,

34 Fig. 21. Distribution of thin-butted axe hoards of type I–III and IV in southern Scandinavia (after Nielsen 1977).

thus resulting in several migrations of all elementsconnected with the handling of pioneers seeking new lands. These pioneering crops. Crop cultivation is by far the most groups probably established themselves in difficult endeavour to begin with, which smaller colonies, where they interacted with could be one of the reasons why newly the indigenous populations, thus supporting turned fisher-farmers did not want to start a leap-frog colonization as a mode of with a failure. It is easier to keep domestic mobility and contact. Leap-frog colonization animals, which have been observed on is characterized by a small group of people, many Early Neolithic coastal and lake shore who settles in specific areas and forms minor sites. However, the coastal and lake shore colonies among the indigenous populations, sites could also be interpreted as specialized which is followed by integration between the hunting and fishing camps used by two populations. However, we should not commuting farmers. If this were the case, rule out other combinations of movement one would then expect some differences and contacts such as folk migration, demic to appear between the normal Ertebølle diffusion, elite dominance, infiltration or sites and the possible specialized hunting frontier mobility. camps from the Early Neolithic in terms of Pioneering farmers could have site function and seasonality. Because the established colonies in regions like Scania coastal sites from the Early Neolithic do not were the transitional process towards appear to be different from the Ertebølle establishing an agrarian society seems habitation judging from the accumulation of to have gone very swiftly, while in other , faunal assemblages and seasonal regions the transition was slower, resulting use, thus pointing more towards a period in a possible intermediate phase of cultural of cultural dualism, which could have lasted dualism. Evidence of cultural dualism for a couple of centuries in regions like can be observed in the absence of clay North Jutland. However, it is also clear that discs, quern stones and evidence for grain a Neolithic material culture can be observed processing on coastal and lake shore sites: on the coastal and lake shore sites around

35 4000 calBC, thus arguing that many of culture, which is followed by a reappearing these former hunter-gatherer sites were of these earlier boundaries during the later inhabited by commuting farmers as argued stages of the Early Neolithic. in the case of North-West Zealand. Both The expansion of the agrarian societies explanations are possible, thus showing the during the early parts of the Funnel complexity of this transitional process. Beaker culture stopped in central parts of Generally, the introduction of agrarian Sweden and southern Norway. Indigenous practices in South Scandinavia during populations further north were probably the earlist part of the EN I (4000– too wide spread to obtain regular social 3800 calBC) marks the dissaperance contacts, which is essential in an agrarian of regional differences in the material society. Moreover, the harsh climate with culture. However, these regional variations shorter seasons in these regions could reappeares already during the later part have made it difficult to experiment with of the EN I (3800–3500 calBC), thus agrarian activities. argueing that the indigenous populations The transition towards an agrarian did play an active role in the transitions society can be characterized as a complex towards an agrarian society especially when and continuous process of interaction taking over Neolithic habits and ideology. between the indigenous population and Structural distribution patterns of material incoming farmers, which varies from region culture support this hypothesis, as old to region. Future studies should therefore regional boundaries between the southern concentrate on both large-scale and regional Scandinavian islands and mainland diachronic investigations in order to gain disappear with the Ertebølle culture. During a more nuanced and detailed knowledge the earliest part of the Early Neolithic a of the mechanisms behind these agrarian stage of uniformity appears in the material expansions.

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