SCO's Role in Regional Stability Prospects of Its Expansion I
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Trends in Post-Cold War International Security Policy – the View of Three Leading Institutes
Contents Abbreviations Preface 11 INTRODUCTION 13 PART I TRENDS IN POST-COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL SECURITY POLICY – THE VIEW OF THREE LEADING INSTITUTES International Security after the Cold War: Aspects of Continuity and Change By Mats Berdal The International Institute for Strategic Studies 21 Introduction 21 Context and Trends 26 An Expanding Security Agenda 38 Factors Affecting Policy-Making 51 The Role of Institutions 59 Old and New Dimensions of International Security By Curt Gasteyger The Graduate Institute of International Studies 69 Introduction 69 The Legacies of the Cold War 71 An Unruly “World After” 81 Inflated Institutions, Reduced Armies 89 Back to Geopolitics 94 Towards Cooperative Security 102 Lessons and Questions for Tomorrow’s International Security 105 Driving Forces of International Security By Gregory F. Treverton, Marten van Heuven, and Andrew E. Manning RAND 109 Introduction 109 Key Changes since the End of the Cold War 110 Lessons of the Past Decade 127 Driving Forces of Contemporary International Security 131 Current Problems and Issues 143 Scanning the Future for Near-Term Discontinuities 156 PART II FUTURE CHALLENGES IN EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN SECURITY POLICY – EIGHT CASE STUDIES Muddling Through? A Strategic Checklist for the United States in the Post-Cold War World By John Lewis Gaddis 171 Prospects for Europe and the Atlantic Alliance at Century’s End By William I. Hitchcock 191 Conflict Management and European Security: The Problem of Collective Solidarity By Fred Tanner 215 The European Union Entering the 21st Century By Pál Dunay 231 Ethnicity in International Conflicts: Revisiting an Elusive Issue By Victor-Yves Ghebali 257 East Central Europe: The Unbearable Tightness of Being By André Liebich 271 Security Issues for Russia in the New International Context By Yuri Nazarkin 285 New Security Challenge or Old? Russia’s Catch-22 By William C. -
The Asian Century What International Norms and Practices? the Asian Century
The Asian Century What International Norms and Practices? The Asian Century Asian The Asia is now a nerve center for global economic activity and a theatre of some of the most pressing security concerns of our time. So important has Asia become to global affairs today, and ostensibly for the decades to come, that many have already dubbed the 21st Century as the “Asian Century”. Yet Asia today is increasingly The Asian Century divided among itself. As the geopolitics of Asia is transformed by the emergence of heavyweights such as China and India, what will be the legacy of the “Asian Century” on the creation of international norms and What International practices in the years and decades to come? Will norms that have emerged through trial and tribulation over the and Practices? Norms International What Norms and Practices? course of the last century or more be upended by new realities and power politics, or will the existing modus operandi of international relations be expounded and improved upon for the benefit of generations to come? This is the central question that guided a one-day workshop held at the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri) in Paris on 12 September 2014. During this one-day exchange of ideas, some of the world’s preeminent thinkers debated a range of issues facing Asia today regarding security, trade, and the spaces in between. The Ifri Center for Asian Studies is pleased to offer you in this volume the reflections that our guests so generously prepared for these discussions. Far from being exhaustive, we hope this debate is part of an ongoing discussion to be held at Ifri, elsewhere in Europe, in Asia and across the globe on the consequences of a transforming Asia on international norms and practices. -
Australia in the Asian Century White Paper
Foreword Predicting the future is fraught with risk, but the greater risk is in failing to plan for our destiny. As a nation, we face a choice: to drift into our future or to actively shape it. That is why I commissioned the Australia in the Asian Century White Paper. I took a clear decision that our nation should actively plan for and shape our national future. Only by doing so can we realise our vision of being a land of increased opportunity, prosperity and fairness. Whatever else this century brings, it will bring Asia’s rise. The transformation of the Asian region into the economic powerhouse of the world is not only unstoppable, it is gathering pace. In this century, the region in which we live will become home to most of the world’s middle class. Our region will be the world’s largest producer of goods and services and the largest consumer of them. History teaches us that as economic weight shifts, so does strategic weight. Thriving in the Asian century therefore requires our nation to have a clear plan to seize the economic opportunities that will flow and manage the strategic challenges that will arise. There are also great social and cultural benefits to be had from broadening and deepening our people-to-people links across the region. Our nation has benefited from Asia’s appetite for raw materials and energy. The challenge we must now address is how Australia can benefit from what Asia will need next. Australians do not come to these tasks empty-handed. -
Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD)
ASIA COOPERATION DIALOGUE Chaired by Isabelle Tseng Session XXIII Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD) Topic A: Energy Security Topic B: Increasing Financial Cooperation Committee Overview dialogue and focused projects. On the dialogue dimension, member countries take The Asia Cooperation Dialogue turns to host annual ACD Ministerial (ACD) is an Asian-wide cooperation Meetings, ACD Summits and other framework inaugurated in June of 2002 in voluntary tasks force gatherings with Chan-am, Thailand. It is the first continent- focused agendas. On the sidelines of the UN wide forum established in Asia with the General Assembly, Foreign Ministers also “key principle of consolidating Asia’s meet to review ACD cooperation and strengths and fortify its competitiveness magnify Asia’s presence on the international with the rest of the world through the stage.3 On the projects dimension, member maximization of its rich diversity and countries organically become prime or co- resources.”1 It began with the 18 founding prime movers to drive their chosen areas of member countries of Bahrain, Bangladesh, cooperation and to develop projects to Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, China, advance Asia’s interests. The perks of ACD India, Indonesia, Japan, Republic of Korea, being a forum instead of an organization Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Pakistan, means that the choice and adoption of Philippines, Qatar, Singapore, Thailand, and projects do not require consensus from all or Vietnam. Aiming to incorporate every Asian the majority of ACD countries.4 country, ACD has grown into an Asian Since its inception, ACD has community of 34 countries with the addition identified 20 priority areas for cooperation.5 of Afghanistan, Bhutan, Iran, Kazakhstan, During this session, the Asian Cooperation Kuwait, Kyrgyz Republic, Mongolia, Nepal, Dialogue will focus on two of its priority Oman, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Sri Lanka, areas, namely Energy Security and Tajikistan, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Increasing Financial Cooperation. -
Views the Writings on China by Four Former Ambassadors of Pakistan, Three of Them Ambassadors to China
International JournalIn Praiseof China of China: Studies China in the Eyes of Pakistani Diplomats 285 Vol. 9, No. 3, December 2018, pp. 285-302 In Praise of China: China in the Eyes of Pakistani Diplomats Ngeow Chow-Bing*, Pervaiz Ali Mahesar** and Roy Anthony Rogers*** University of Malaya Abstract This article reviews the writings on China by four former ambassadors of Pakistan, three of them ambassadors to China. Their writings display a remarkably positive image of China. Although written usually after retirement of their diplomatic service, their views of China have long been shaped when they were in the service. In this sense, these writings portrayed, and indicated, at least among a section of the professional diplomatic corps of Pakistan, how Pakistani elite understand China. In turn, this also reflects, at a wider level, the positive discourse on China among the influential opinion makers in Pakistan. This article adopts the constructivist approach, which gives theoretical importance to ideational factors in the understanding of a country’s foreign policy. Pakistan’s China policy, while on the one hand driven by realist and geopolitical factors, is also shaped by a positive discourse on China, in which this article examines through the writings of several former diplomats of Pakistan. Keywords: Diplomats, Pakistan-China relations, constructivist approach, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor 1. Introduction Apart from the somewhat questionable “alliance” relationship with North Korea (based on the 1961 Sino-North Korean Mutual Aid and Cooperation Friendship Treaty), China maintains a policy of no alliance, which is in contrast to the extensive alliance systems that the United States has constructed since the end of the Second World War. -
A Bric in the World: Emerging Powers, Europe, and the Coming Order
A BRIC IN THE WORLD: EMERGING POWERS, EUROPE, AND THE COMING ORDER EGMONT PAPER 31 A BRIC IN THE WORLD: EMERGING POWERS, EUROPE, AND THE COMING ORDER THOMAS RENARD October 2009 The Egmont Papers are published by Academia Press for Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations. Founded in 1947 by eminent Belgian political leaders, Egmont is an independent think-tank based in Brussels. Its interdisciplinary research is conducted in a spirit of total academic freedom. A platform of quality information, a forum for debate and analysis, a melting pot of ideas in the field of international politics, Egmont’s ambition – through its publications, seminars and recommendations – is to make a useful contribution to the decision- making process. *** President: Viscount Etienne DAVIGNON Director-General: Marc TRENTESEAU Series Editor: Prof. Dr. Sven BISCOP *** Egmont - The Royal Institute for International Relations Address Naamsestraat / Rue de Namur 69, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Phone 00-32-(0)2.223.41.14 Fax 00-32-(0)2.223.41.16 E-mail [email protected] Website: www.egmontinstitute.be © Academia Press Eekhout 2 9000 Gent Tel. 09/233 80 88 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.academiapress.be J. Story-Scientia NV Wetenschappelijke Boekhandel Sint-Kwintensberg 87 B-9000 Gent Tel. 09/225 57 57 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.story.be All authors write in a personal capacity. Lay-out: proxess.be ISBN 978 90 382 1505 1 D/2009/4804/193 U 1343 NUR1 754 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the permission of the publishers. -
Conflict Between India and Pakistan an Encyclopedia by Lyon Peter
Conflict between India and Pakistan Roots of Modern Conflict Conflict between India and Pakistan Peter Lyon Conflict in Afghanistan Ludwig W. Adamec and Frank A. Clements Conflict in the Former Yugoslavia John B. Allcock, Marko Milivojevic, and John J. Horton, editors Conflict in Korea James E. Hoare and Susan Pares Conflict in Northern Ireland Sydney Elliott and W. D. Flackes Conflict between India and Pakistan An Encyclopedia Peter Lyon Santa Barbara, California Denver, Colorado Oxford, England Copyright 2008 by ABC-CLIO, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Lyon, Peter, 1934– Conflict between India and Pakistan : an encyclopedia / Peter Lyon. p. cm. — (Roots of modern conflict) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-57607-712-2 (hard copy : alk. paper) ISBN 978-1-57607-713-9 (ebook) 1. India—Foreign relations—Pakistan—Encyclopedias. 2. Pakistan-Foreign relations— India—Encyclopedias. 3. India—Politics and government—Encyclopedias. 4. Pakistan— Politics and government—Encyclopedias. I. Title. DS450.P18L86 2008 954.04-dc22 2008022193 12 11 10 9 8 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Production Editor: Anna A. Moore Production Manager: Don Schmidt Media Editor: Jason Kniser Media Resources Manager: Caroline Price File Management Coordinator: Paula Gerard This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an eBook. -
Articles the Asian Century: Implications For
(2005) 9 SYBIL 19–35 © 2005 Singapore Year Book of International Law and Contributors ARTICLES THE ASIAN CENTURY: IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERNATIONAL LAW ∗ by DAVID P. FIDLER Predictions that the 21st century will be the “Asian century” have sparked analytical interest from many disciplines but not international law. This article focuses on what implications “Asia rising” may have for international law in the 21st century. The article begins by looking at the 19th and 20th centuries as the European and American centuries respectively to assess the impact these centuries made on international law. The article then analyses possible meanings for an Asian century and frames such a century’s implications for international law around the concept of a “Concert of Asia”. The article argues that, through a Concert of Asia, Asian nations have the opportunity to make the region a laboratory for global governance that determines the next stage of international law’s historical development as an instrument in human governance. I. INTRODUCTION Predictions that the 21st century will be the “Asian century” have been made for years,1 and such predictions have strengthened and suffered as Asia and the rest of the international system have experienced dramatic events and change. The “Asian century” debate waxed and waned, for example, before and after the Asian financial crisis of 1997. For all its ups and downs, the notion that this century will find Asia attracting more world attention has shown remarkable resilience, largely because the importance of Asia in international relations continues to grow. The phenomenon of “Asia rising” has drawn scrutiny from experts who study the geopo- litical balance of power, trends in military strength, threats to national and international security, economic growth and competition, the processes of globalisation, and even public health. -
"Disintegration of Pakistan – the Role of Former Union of Soviet Socialist
Syed Waqar Ali Shah1 Shaista Parveen2 “Disintegration of Pakistan – The Role of Former Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR)” An Appraisal Abstract The Pak-USSR relations have a much checkered history. Since independence there is an entanglement in relations of both the countries. Unfortunately, Pakistan tilted from the very beginning towards the West and failed to win the support of the neighboring countries. India, Afghanistan and China were the main countries with whom initially relations were not cordial. The former two countries never improved its relations with Pakistan however, with the direction of USA; Pakistan played a part of facilitator between China and USA. It was not acceptable to USSR, so it never hesitated to pressurize Pakistan for its pro-western policies and joining of security pacts. No doubt that as a super power USSR strengthened its relations with India and used it as a base against the pro- western Pakistan. Joining the western security pacts and its increasing dependence on China were the main causes for the resentment of USSR. That’s why it signed mutual defense and security pact with India to fully equip her against Pakistan. Pakistan also committed blunders in the formulation of its foreign policy and avoid the principle of bilateralism. It could not maintain its non-alignment position which caused serious threats to its security and the result was the dismemberment of East Pakistan with the help of USSR by India, while no western super power supported Pakistan in its war against Indian aggression. Introduction Pakistan – Soviet Union relationship is marked more by the security concerns of each of the two nations than any other factor. -
Asia 2050: Realizing the Asian Century: Executive Summary
ASIA 2050 Realizing the Asian Century Executive Summary Asia 2050: Realizing the Asian Century Executive Summary Asia is in the middle of a historic transformation. If it continues to follow its recent trajec- tory, by 2050 its per capita income could rise sixfold in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms to reach Europe’s levels today. It would make some 3 billion additional Asians affluent by current standards. By nearly doubling its share of global gross domestic product (GDP) to 52 percent by 2050, Asia would regain the dominant economic position it held some 300 years ago, before the industrial revolution (Figure 1). Figure Asia’s share of global GDP, 1700–2050 1 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% % of global GDP % of global 10% 0% 1700 1870 1950 1980 2010 2030 2050 Source: Maddison (1700–1950) (2007); Centennial Group International estimates (1951–2050) (2011). Data for 1750–1790 are PPP and data for 1991–2050 are in market prices. But Asia’s rise is by no means preordained. Although this outcome, premised on Asia’s major economies sustaining their present growth momentum, is promising, it does not mean that the path ahead is easy or requires just doing more of the same. Indeed, success will require a differ- ent pattern of growth and resolution of a broad array of politically difficult issues over a long period. 4 ASIA 2050 To achieve this promising outcome Asia’s leaders will have to manage multiple risks and challenges, particularly: t Increasing inequality within countries, which could undermine social cohesion and stability. t For some countries, the risk of getting caught in the “Middle Income Trap” (Box 1), for a host of domestic economic, social, and political reasons. -
Memoirs of a Political Education
best of times, worst of times the tauber institute for the study of eu ro pe an jewry series Jehuda Reinharz, General Editor Sylvia Fuks Fried, Associate Editor The Tauber Institute Series is dedicated to publishing compelling and innovative approaches to the study of modern Eu ro pe an Jewish history, thought, culture, and society. The series features scholarly works related to the Enlightenment, modern Judaism and the struggle for emancipation, the rise of nationalism and the spread of antisemitism, the Holocaust and its aftermath, as well as the contemporary Jewish experience. The series is published under the auspices of the Tauber Insti- tute for the Study of Eu ro pe an Jewry— established by a gift to Brandeis University from Dr. Laszlo N. Tauber— and is supported, in part, by the Tauber Foundation and the Valya and Robert Shapiro Endowment. For the complete list of books that are available in this series, please see www .upne .com Eugene M. Avrutin, Valerii Dymshits, Alexander Ivanov, Alexander Lvov, Harriet Murav, and Alla Sokolova, editors Photographing the Jewish Nation: Pictures from S. An- sky’s Ethnographic Expeditions Michael Dorland Cadaverland: Inventing a Pathology of Catastrophe for Holocaust Survival Walter Laqueur Best of Times, Worst of Times: Memoirs of a Po liti cal Education Berel Lang Philosophical Witnessing: The Holocaust as Presence David N. Myers Between Jew and Arab: The Lost Voice of Simon Rawidowicz Sara Bender The Jews of Białystock during World War II and the Holocaust Nili Scharf Gold Yehuda Amichai: The Making of Israel’s National Poet Hans Jonas Memoirs Itamar Rabinovich and Jehuda Reinharz, editors Israel in the Middle East: Documents and Readings on Society, Politics, and Foreign Relations, Pre- 1948 to the Present Christian Wiese The Life and Thought of Hans Jonas: Jewish Dimensions Eugene R. -
No Asian Century Without the Pan-Asian Institution
The article was previously published in: Geopolitics, History, and International Relations, Volume 3(2), 2011, pp. 196–207, ISSN 1948-9145 No Asian Century without the pan-Asian Institution Prof. (FH) Dr. Anis Bajrektarevic, Acting Deputy Director of Studies EXPORT EU-ASEAN-NAFTA Professor and Chairperson - International Law and Global Political Studies University of Applied Sciences IMC-Krems, Austria, EUROPE ABSTRACT: Following the famous saying allegedly spelled by Kissinger: “Europe? Give me a name and a phone number!” (when – back in early 1970s – urged by President Nixon to inform Europeans on the particular US policy action), the author is trying to examine how close is Asia to have its own telephone number. By contrasting and comparing genesis of multilateral security structures in Europe with those currently existing in Asia, and by listing some of the most pressing security challenges in Asia, this article offers several policy incentives why the largest world’s continent must consider creation of the comprehensive pan-Asian institution. Prevailing security structures in Asia are bilateral and mostly asymmetric while Europe enjoys multilateral, balanced and symmetric setups (American and African continents too). Author goes as far as to claim that irrespective to the impressive economic growth, no Asian century will emerge without creation of such an institution. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ For over a decade, many of the relevant academic journals are full of articles prophesizing the 21st as the Asian century. The argument is usually based on the impressive economic growth, increased production and trade volumes as well as the booming foreign currency reserves and exports of many populous Asian nations (with nearly 1/3 of total world population inhabiting just two countries of the largest world’s continent ).