Asia 2050: Realizing the Asian Century: Executive Summary
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Potential Partnership in Global Economic Governance: Canada’S G20 Summit from Toronto to Turkey John Kirton Co-Director, G20 Research Group
Potential Partnership in Global Economic Governance: Canada’s G20 Summit from Toronto to Turkey John Kirton Co-director, G20 Research Group Paper prepared for a presentation at TEPAV, Ankara, and DEIK, Istanbul, Turkey, June 7-8, 2010. Version of June 13, 2010. Introduction The Challenge In less than two weeks the most powerful leaders of the world’s 20 most systemically significant countries arrive in Toronto, Canada for their fourth summit of the Group of Twenty (G20). It will be their first meeting of the newly proclaimed permanent priority centre of international economic co-operation, the first co-chaired by an established and emerging economy, and the first held in tight tandem with the older, smaller Group of Eight (G8) major power democracies. In Toronto the G20 leaders will confront several critical global challenges. The first is the European-turned-global financial crisis, erupting in May even before the previous American-turned-global financial crisis of 2007-9 had been solved. The second is the devastation to trade, investment and development that these financial-turned-economic crises cause. The third is the environmental and social problems they exacerbate, from climate change and energy to food and health. And the fourth is strengthening the G20 itself and the international financial institutions and other global bodies more generally, to govern more effectively, equitably and accountably today’s complex, uncertain, intensely interconnected world. Can Canada and Turkey work together at Toronto to cope with these and other challenges that the world confronts? At first glance, Canada and Turkey would appear to be distinctly different countries, within the global community and as members of the G20, the institutionalized club of systemically significant countries that was created in 1999 in response to the Asian-turned-global financial crisis then and that leapt to the leaders’ level in response to the American-turned-global financial crisis continuing today. -
The 2018 G7 Summit: Issues to Watch
AT A GLANCE The 2018 G7 Summit: Issues to watch On 8 and 9 June 2018, the leaders of the G7 will meet for the 44th G7 Summit in Charlevoix, Quebec, for the annual summit of the informal grouping of seven of the world's major advanced economies. The summit takes place amidst growing tensions between the US and other G7 countries over security and multilateralism. Background The Group of Seven (G7) is an international forum of the seven leading industrialised nations (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States, as well as the European Union). Decisions within the G7 are made on the basis of consensus. The outcomes of summits are not legally binding, but compliance is high and their impact is substantial, as the G7 members represent a significant share of global gross domestic product (GDP) and global influence. The commitments from summits are implemented by means of measures carried out by the individual member countries, and through their respective relations with other countries and influence in multilateral organisations. Compliance within the G7 is particularly high in regard to agreements on international trade and energy. The summit communiqué is politically binding on all G7 members. As the G7 does not have a permanent secretariat, the annual summit is organised by the G7 country which holds the rotating presidency for that year. The presidency is currently held by Canada, to be followed by France in 2019. Traditionally, the presidency country also determines the agenda of the summit, which includes a mix of fixed topics (discussed each time), such as the global economic climate, foreign and security policy, and current topics for which a coordinated G7 approach appears particularly appropriate or urgent. -
FROM the G7 to a D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’S Challenges
FROM THE G7 TO THE D-10 : STRENGTHENING DEMOCRATIC COOPERATION FOR TODAY’S CHALLENGES FROM THE G7 TO A D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’s Challenges Ash Jain and Matthew Kroenig (United States) With Tobias Bunde (Germany), Sophia Gaston (United Kingdom), and Yuichi Hosoya (Japan) ATLANTIC COUNCIL A Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security The Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security works to develop sustainable, nonpartisan strategies to address the most important security challenges facing the United States and the world. The Center honors General Brent Scowcroft’s legacy of service and embodies his ethos of nonpartisan commitment to the cause of security, support for US leadership in cooperation with allies and partners, and dedication to the mentorship of the next generation of leaders. Democratic Order Initiative This report is a product of the Scowcroft Center’s Democratic Order Initiative, which is aimed at reenergizing American global leadership and strengthening cooperation among the world’s democracies in support of a rules-based democratic order. The authors would like to acknowledge Joel Kesselbrenner, Jeffrey Cimmino, Audrey Oien, and Paul Cormarie for their efforts and contributions to this report. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. © 2021 The Atlantic Council of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Atlantic Council, except in the case of brief quotations in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. -
Building Better Global Economic Brics
Economics Global Economics Research from the GS Financial WorkbenchSM at https://www.gs.com Paper No: 66 Building Better Global Economic BRICs n In 2001 and 2002, real GDP growth in large emerging market economies will exceed that of the G7. n At end-2000, GDP in US$ on a PPP basis in Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) was about 23.3% of world GDP. On a current GDP basis, BRIC share of world GDP is 8%. n Using current GDP, China’s GDP is bigger than that of Italy. n Over the next 10 years, the weight of the BRICs and especially China in world GDP will grow, raising important issues about the global economic impact of fiscal and monetary policy in the BRICs. n In line with these prospects, world policymaking forums should be re-organised and in particular, the G7 should be adjusted to incorporate BRIC representatives. Many thanks to David Blake, Paulo Leme, Binit Jim O’Neill Patel, Stephen Potter, David Walton and others in the Economics Department for their helpful 30th November 2001 suggestions. Important disclosures appear at the end of this document. Goldman Sachs Economic Research Group In London Jim O’Neill, M.D. & Head of Global Economic Research +44(0)20 7774 1160 Gavyn Davies, M.D. & Chief International Economist David Walton, M.D. & Chief European Economist Andrew Bevan, M.D. & Director of International Bond Economic Research Erik Nielsen, Director of New European Markets Economic Research Stephen Potter, E.D. & Senior Global Economist Al Breach, E.D & International Economist Linda Britten, E.D. -
Creating Compliance with G20 and G7 Climate Change Commitments Through Global, Regional and Local Actors
Creating Compliance with G20 and G7 Climate Change Commitments through Global, Regional and Local Actors John Kirton, Brittaney Warren and Jessica Rapson University of Toronto Paper prepared for the annual convention of the International Studies Association, April 7–10, 2021. Version of April 1. Key words (three tags): G20, G7, climate change Abstract The greatest global change, where the process of globalization is now complete, is climate change and the existential threats it brings. How do the central global governance institutions of the Group of Seven (G7) major democratic powers from the rich North and the Group of 20 (G20) systemically significant states, including countries of the emerging South, create and comply with commitments to control climate change, by working with key actors at the multilateral, regional, sub-national, local and civil society levels? Using data and previous findings from the Global Governance Program, this paper analyzes how the compliance of G7 and G20 members with their leaders’ summit climate change commitments is affected by invoking the International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, by invoking the Organisation for Economic Co- operation and Development, European Union, the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement and the Asia- Pacific Economic Co-operation forum, and by invoking local actors such as sub-national states and provinces, cities, and business, as well as Indigenous Peoples. It identifies ways in which the involvement of such “local” actors can improve compliance, through their inclusion in the substance of G7/G20 commitments and through the civil society engagement groups that seek to shape those commitments. It recommends that, to improve compliance, G7 leaders make more climate change commitments, make more highly binding ones, focus them on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change’s Glasgow Summit and link them to sustainable development. -
Trends in Post-Cold War International Security Policy – the View of Three Leading Institutes
Contents Abbreviations Preface 11 INTRODUCTION 13 PART I TRENDS IN POST-COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL SECURITY POLICY – THE VIEW OF THREE LEADING INSTITUTES International Security after the Cold War: Aspects of Continuity and Change By Mats Berdal The International Institute for Strategic Studies 21 Introduction 21 Context and Trends 26 An Expanding Security Agenda 38 Factors Affecting Policy-Making 51 The Role of Institutions 59 Old and New Dimensions of International Security By Curt Gasteyger The Graduate Institute of International Studies 69 Introduction 69 The Legacies of the Cold War 71 An Unruly “World After” 81 Inflated Institutions, Reduced Armies 89 Back to Geopolitics 94 Towards Cooperative Security 102 Lessons and Questions for Tomorrow’s International Security 105 Driving Forces of International Security By Gregory F. Treverton, Marten van Heuven, and Andrew E. Manning RAND 109 Introduction 109 Key Changes since the End of the Cold War 110 Lessons of the Past Decade 127 Driving Forces of Contemporary International Security 131 Current Problems and Issues 143 Scanning the Future for Near-Term Discontinuities 156 PART II FUTURE CHALLENGES IN EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN SECURITY POLICY – EIGHT CASE STUDIES Muddling Through? A Strategic Checklist for the United States in the Post-Cold War World By John Lewis Gaddis 171 Prospects for Europe and the Atlantic Alliance at Century’s End By William I. Hitchcock 191 Conflict Management and European Security: The Problem of Collective Solidarity By Fred Tanner 215 The European Union Entering the 21st Century By Pál Dunay 231 Ethnicity in International Conflicts: Revisiting an Elusive Issue By Victor-Yves Ghebali 257 East Central Europe: The Unbearable Tightness of Being By André Liebich 271 Security Issues for Russia in the New International Context By Yuri Nazarkin 285 New Security Challenge or Old? Russia’s Catch-22 By William C. -
Paper 20 Peter Hajnal.Qxp
The Centre for International Governance Innovation WORKING PAPER International Institutional Reform Summitry from G5 to L20: A Review of Reform Initiatives PETER I. HAJNAL Working Paper No. 20 March 2007 An electronic version of this paper is available for download at: www.cigionline.org Building Ideas for Global ChangeTM TO SEND COMMENTS TO THE AUTHOR PLEASE CONTACT: Peter I. Hajnal Research Fellow, Munk Centre for International Studies University of Toronto [email protected] If you would like to be added to our mailing list or have questions about our Working Paper Series please contact [email protected] The CIGI Working Paper series publications are available for download on our website at: www.cigionline.org The opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Centre for International Governance Innovation or its Board of Directors and /or Board of Governors. Copyright © 2007 Peter I. Hajnal. This work was carried out with the support of The Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI), Waterloo, Ontario, Canada (www.cigionl ine.org). This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution - Non-commercial - No Derivatives License. To view this license, visit (www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc- nd/2.5/). For re-use or distribution, please include this copyright notice. CIGI WORKING PAPER International Institutional Reform Summitry from G5 to L20: A Review of Reform Initiatives* Peter I. Hajnal Working Paper No.20 March 2007 * Another version of this paper will appear in Peter I. Hajnal, The G8 System and the G20: Evolution, Role and Documentation, to be published by Ashgate Publishing in 2007. -
The Asian Century What International Norms and Practices? the Asian Century
The Asian Century What International Norms and Practices? The Asian Century Asian The Asia is now a nerve center for global economic activity and a theatre of some of the most pressing security concerns of our time. So important has Asia become to global affairs today, and ostensibly for the decades to come, that many have already dubbed the 21st Century as the “Asian Century”. Yet Asia today is increasingly The Asian Century divided among itself. As the geopolitics of Asia is transformed by the emergence of heavyweights such as China and India, what will be the legacy of the “Asian Century” on the creation of international norms and What International practices in the years and decades to come? Will norms that have emerged through trial and tribulation over the and Practices? Norms International What Norms and Practices? course of the last century or more be upended by new realities and power politics, or will the existing modus operandi of international relations be expounded and improved upon for the benefit of generations to come? This is the central question that guided a one-day workshop held at the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri) in Paris on 12 September 2014. During this one-day exchange of ideas, some of the world’s preeminent thinkers debated a range of issues facing Asia today regarding security, trade, and the spaces in between. The Ifri Center for Asian Studies is pleased to offer you in this volume the reflections that our guests so generously prepared for these discussions. Far from being exhaustive, we hope this debate is part of an ongoing discussion to be held at Ifri, elsewhere in Europe, in Asia and across the globe on the consequences of a transforming Asia on international norms and practices. -
The Group of Seven Doesn't Define Canadian
The Group of Seven Doesn’t Define Canadian Art The Walrus By: Tatum Dooley February 19, 2021 Original URL: https://thewalrus.ca/the-group-of-seven-doesnt-define-canadian-art/ Iceberg by F. H. Varley (1938) | Courtesy of the McMichael Canadian Art Collection ARTS & CULTURE / MARCH/APRIL 2021 The Group of Seven Doesn’t Define Canadian Art After 100 years, is it time to retire the collective as Canada's definitive painters? BY TATUM DOOLEYUPDATED 15:00, FEB. 19, 2021 | PUBLISHED 14:00, FEB. 19, 2021 THE GROUP OF SEVEN’s first exhibition was a bit of a disappointment. It was May 1920, and the founding seven artists—Franklin Carmichael, Lawren Harris, A. Y. Jackson, Frank Johnston, Arthur Lismer, J. E. H. MacDonald, and Frederick Varley—had booked Toronto’s then fledgling Art Gallery of Ontario to share their work. After the nearly three-week run, only five of the 121 works were sold. And, when the reviews came in, some were critical. Compared to the traditional European styles that dominated at the time—think John Constable’s romantic landscapes or the gauzy realism of Jean-Baptiste-Camille Corot and Jean-François Millet—the group’s bold takes on the northern landscape provoked strong reaction. “Are these new Canadian painters crazy?” asked a headline in the Canadian Courier, preceding much of the derision that the group would later receive over its thirteen-year-run. One hundred and one years later, the Group of Seven may comprise the most popular artists in this country’s history (matched only by their close associate Tom Thomson, who disappeared during a canoe trip before the group officially formed). -
Australia in the Asian Century White Paper
Foreword Predicting the future is fraught with risk, but the greater risk is in failing to plan for our destiny. As a nation, we face a choice: to drift into our future or to actively shape it. That is why I commissioned the Australia in the Asian Century White Paper. I took a clear decision that our nation should actively plan for and shape our national future. Only by doing so can we realise our vision of being a land of increased opportunity, prosperity and fairness. Whatever else this century brings, it will bring Asia’s rise. The transformation of the Asian region into the economic powerhouse of the world is not only unstoppable, it is gathering pace. In this century, the region in which we live will become home to most of the world’s middle class. Our region will be the world’s largest producer of goods and services and the largest consumer of them. History teaches us that as economic weight shifts, so does strategic weight. Thriving in the Asian century therefore requires our nation to have a clear plan to seize the economic opportunities that will flow and manage the strategic challenges that will arise. There are also great social and cultural benefits to be had from broadening and deepening our people-to-people links across the region. Our nation has benefited from Asia’s appetite for raw materials and energy. The challenge we must now address is how Australia can benefit from what Asia will need next. Australians do not come to these tasks empty-handed. -
The Gleneagles Summit: NGO and Civil Society Perspectives on the G8
Report The Gleneagles Summit NGO and Civil society Perspectives on the G8 August 2005 Karin Simonson Ottawa, Canada Programme on NGOs & Civil Society Centre for Applied Studies in International Negotiations Centre d'études pratiques de la négociation internationale The Gleneagles Summit Centre for Applied Studies in Karin Simonson, Research Associate, prepared this report for the Programme on International Negotiations NGOs and Civil Society of the Centre for Applied Studies in International C.P. 1340 Negotiation. Av. de la Paix 7 bis 1211 Geneva 1 The Programme on NGOs and Civil Society Switzerland Worldwide, the role of civil society has been increasing at rapid speed. Non- governmental organizations (NGOs) have become significant and influential T +41 22 730 8675/76 players and generate much interest. Created in 1986, the Programme on Non- F +41 22 730 8690 Governmental Organizations and Civil Society aims at contributing towards a [email protected] better understanding of NGOs and the solutions of complex and conflictive www.casin.ch societal problems involving NGOs. The opinions expressed in this paper reflect only those of the author and not of the institutions to which he/she is or was affiliated. Copyright CASIN © August 2005 1 The Gleneagles Summit Table of Contents SUMMARY............................................................................................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................................................................... -
Global Sustainable Development Governance
INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS RESEARCH JOURNAL. Vol. 9. No 4 (2014) Global Sustainable Development Governance Governing Global Climate Change: Past Achievements, Future Prospects E. Kokotsis Ella Kokotsis, PhD – Director of Accountability, G8 and G20 Research Groups, Munk School of Global Affairs, University of Toronto, 1 Devonshire Place, Room 209N, Toronto, Ontario M5S 3K7, Canada; E-mail: [email protected] The cumulative effects of a significantly changing climate are projected to have disastrous implications on the world’s natural habitats and, along with that, to drastically increase the rate and likelihood of violent conflict globally, par- ticularly in high-density, urban, poverty hotspots. Limiting the effects of a changing climate is thus critical in influ- encing multiple societal goals including equitable sustainable development, human health, biodiversity, food security and access to reliable energy sources. This article argues that the Group of Seven (G7) and Group of Eight (G8) have led global climate governance in ways that other international environmental institutions have largely failed to do. They have done so largely by placing climate protection at the forefront of their policy objectives, alongside economic, health, energy and security goals, and reaching consensus repeatedly among their leaders on the importance of sta- bilizing emissions through energy efficiency, conservation, investment and technological innovation. Moreover, this article argues that the summit’s predominant capability and its constricted participation,