The End of the Asian Century
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Assessing Investment Policies of Member Countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council
ASSESSING INVESTMENT POLICIES OF MEMBER COUNTRIES OF THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL Stocktaking analysis prepared by the MENA-OECD Investment Programme and presented at the Conference entitled: “Assessing Investment Policies of GCC Countries: Translating economic diversification strategies into sound international investment policies” On 5 April 2011 in Abu Dhabi Organised in co-operation of and hosted by the Ministry of Economy of the United Arab Emirates 1 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD .................................................................................................................................... 4 I. INTRODUCTION: ECONOMIC AND FDI OVERVIEW AND DIVERSIFICATION POLICIES ................. 7 1. After an eventful decade, the GCC economies are at a crossroads ....................................... 7 2. Diversification remains a key challenge in the GCC ............................................................... 9 3. The GCC needs to address human capital issues ................................................................. 17 II. PRESENTATION OF THE ASSESSMENT METHODOLOGY .......................................................... 21 1. The BCDS methodology ........................................................................................................ 21 2. The BCDS investment policy dimension and the stocktaking study .................................... 22 III. ASSESSMENT OF INVESTMENT POLICIES – FDI LAW AND POLICY OF GCC COUNTRIES ........ 24 1. Restrictions to National Treatment ..................................................................................... -
China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States
Order Code RL32688 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Updated April 4, 2006 Bruce Vaughn (Coordinator) Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Summary Southeast Asia has been considered by some to be a region of relatively low priority in U.S. foreign and security policy. The war against terror has changed that and brought renewed U.S. attention to Southeast Asia, especially to countries afflicted by Islamic radicalism. To some, this renewed focus, driven by the war against terror, has come at the expense of attention to other key regional issues such as China’s rapidly expanding engagement with the region. Some fear that rising Chinese influence in Southeast Asia has come at the expense of U.S. ties with the region, while others view Beijing’s increasing regional influence as largely a natural consequence of China’s economic dynamism. China’s developing relationship with Southeast Asia is undergoing a significant shift. This will likely have implications for United States’ interests in the region. While the United States has been focused on Iraq and Afghanistan, China has been evolving its external engagement with its neighbors, particularly in Southeast Asia. In the 1990s, China was perceived as a threat to its Southeast Asian neighbors in part due to its conflicting territorial claims over the South China Sea and past support of communist insurgency. -
Asean Charter
THE ASEAN CHARTER THE ASEAN CHARTER Association of Southeast Asian Nations The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established on 8 August 1967. The Member States of the Association are Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Viet Nam. The ASEAN Secretariat is based in Jakarta, Indonesia. =or inquiries, contact: Public Affairs Office The ASEAN Secretariat 70A Jalan Sisingamangaraja Jakarta 12110 Indonesia Phone : (62 21) 724-3372, 726-2991 =ax : (62 21) 739-8234, 724-3504 E-mail: [email protected] General information on ASEAN appears on-line at the ASEAN Website: www.asean.org Catalogue-in-Publication Data The ASEAN Charter Jakarta: ASEAN Secretariat, January 2008 ii, 54p, 10.5 x 15 cm. 341.3759 1. ASEAN - Organisation 2. ASEAN - Treaties - Charter ISBN 978-979-3496-62-7 =irst published: December 2007 1st Reprint: January 2008 Printed in Indonesia The text of this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted with proper acknowledgment. Copyright ASEAN Secretariat 2008 All rights reserved CHARTER O THE ASSOCIATION O SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS PREAMBLE WE, THE PEOPLES of the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), as represented by the Heads of State or Government of Brunei Darussalam, the Kingdom of Cambodia, the Republic of Indonesia, the Lao Peoples Democratic Republic, Malaysia, the Union of Myanmar, the Republic of the Philippines, the Republic of Singapore, the Kingdom of Thailand and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam: NOTING -
Pan-Asianism As an Ideal of Asian Identity and Solidarity, 1850–Present アジアの主体性・団結の理想としての汎アジア主 義−−1850年から今日まで
Volume 9 | Issue 17 | Number 1 | Article ID 3519 | Apr 25, 2011 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Pan-Asianism as an Ideal of Asian Identity and Solidarity, 1850–Present アジアの主体性・団結の理想としての汎アジア主 義−−1850年から今日まで Christopher W. A. Szpilman, Sven Saaler Pan-Asianism as an Ideal of Asian Attempts to define Asia are almost as old as the Identity and Solidarity,term itself. The word “Asia” originated in ancient Greece in the fifth century BC. It 1850–Present originally denoted the lands of the Persian Empire extending east of the Bosphorus Straits Sven Saaler and Christopher W. A. but subsequently developed into a general term Szpilman used by Europeans to describe all the lands lying to the east of Europe. (The point where This is a revised, updated and abbreviated Europe ended and Asia began was, however, version of the introduction to the two volume never clearly defined.) Often, this usage collection by the authors ofPan-Asianism. A connoted a threat, real or perceived, by Asia to Documentary History Vol. 1 covers the years Europe—a region smaller in area, much less 1850-1920; Vol. 2 covers the years 1850- populous, poorer, and far less significant than present, link. Asia in terms of global history. The economic and political power of Asia, the The term “Asia” arrived in East Asia relatively world’s largest continent, is increasing rapidly. late, being introduced by Jesuit missionaries in According to the latest projections, the gross the sixteenth century. The term is found, domestic products of China and India, the written in Chinese characters 亜細亜( ), on world’s most populous nations, will each Chinese maps of the world made around 1600 surpass that of the United States in the not-too- under the supervision of Matteo Ricci distant future. -
Interpreting Sanctions in Africa and Southeast Asia
IRE0010.1177/0047117815600934Hellquist<italic>International Relations</italic>International Relations 600934research-article2015 CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Institutional Repository of the Freie Universität Berlin Article International Relations 2015, Vol. 29(3) 319 –333 Interpreting sanctions in © The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: Africa and Southeast Asia sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0047117815600934 ire.sagepub.com Elin Hellquist Free University of Berlin and Stockholm University Abstract The Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were both born to stabilise vulnerable state borders by practising non-interference in domestic affairs. Today, the OAU’s successor, the African Union (AU), uses sanctions against unconstitutional changes of government, while ASEAN continues to rule out any collective punitive action against members. To explain these divergent trajectories, this article first shows how different traditions produced different ways of engaging with sanctions in the early formative cases of South Africa and Vietnam. Thereafter, it examines how these traditions were selectively re-thought when confronted with the dilemmas of international sanctions against Libya and Myanmar. The interpretive approach enables a nuanced account of continuity and change in beliefs about sanctions. The AU’s sanctions doctrine has updated rather than broken with a traditional interpretation of non-interference. For ASEAN, the longstanding tradition of informality – and not strict adherence to non-interference – has continued to rule out regional sanctions. Keywords African Union, ASEAN, comparative regionalism, non-interference, Organization of African Unity, sanctions Regional cooperation in Africa and Southeast Asia began with a similar aim: to protect the sovereignty of vulnerable postcolonial states. -
Trends in Post-Cold War International Security Policy – the View of Three Leading Institutes
Contents Abbreviations Preface 11 INTRODUCTION 13 PART I TRENDS IN POST-COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL SECURITY POLICY – THE VIEW OF THREE LEADING INSTITUTES International Security after the Cold War: Aspects of Continuity and Change By Mats Berdal The International Institute for Strategic Studies 21 Introduction 21 Context and Trends 26 An Expanding Security Agenda 38 Factors Affecting Policy-Making 51 The Role of Institutions 59 Old and New Dimensions of International Security By Curt Gasteyger The Graduate Institute of International Studies 69 Introduction 69 The Legacies of the Cold War 71 An Unruly “World After” 81 Inflated Institutions, Reduced Armies 89 Back to Geopolitics 94 Towards Cooperative Security 102 Lessons and Questions for Tomorrow’s International Security 105 Driving Forces of International Security By Gregory F. Treverton, Marten van Heuven, and Andrew E. Manning RAND 109 Introduction 109 Key Changes since the End of the Cold War 110 Lessons of the Past Decade 127 Driving Forces of Contemporary International Security 131 Current Problems and Issues 143 Scanning the Future for Near-Term Discontinuities 156 PART II FUTURE CHALLENGES IN EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN SECURITY POLICY – EIGHT CASE STUDIES Muddling Through? A Strategic Checklist for the United States in the Post-Cold War World By John Lewis Gaddis 171 Prospects for Europe and the Atlantic Alliance at Century’s End By William I. Hitchcock 191 Conflict Management and European Security: The Problem of Collective Solidarity By Fred Tanner 215 The European Union Entering the 21st Century By Pál Dunay 231 Ethnicity in International Conflicts: Revisiting an Elusive Issue By Victor-Yves Ghebali 257 East Central Europe: The Unbearable Tightness of Being By André Liebich 271 Security Issues for Russia in the New International Context By Yuri Nazarkin 285 New Security Challenge or Old? Russia’s Catch-22 By William C. -
Social NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT in the GLOBAL POLITICS ERA
[Sehgal et. al., Vol.7 (Iss.8): August 2019] ISSN- 2350-0530(O), ISSN- 2394-3629(P) DOI: https://doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i8.2019.705 Social NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT IN THE GLOBAL POLITICS ERA Sheveta Sehgal *1 *1 M.Phil., Ph.D., International Politics, Political Science, Mohali, Punjab, India Abstract The drastic changes in the world scene in the 1990’s such as the declaration of the end of the Cold War. The Non-alignment movement had been perceived differently by the “aligned” of the East and the west. The NAM originally developed in the context of a bipolar world. In course of time other centers of power came up and used their military and economic capacities to bend the policies of newly- free or small countries to fit in with their strategies. Today even this multi polarity is less in evidence. Keywords: Globalization; Movement; Transnational; Conferences; Politics. Cite This Article: Sheveta Sehgal. (2019). “NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT IN THE GLOBAL POLITICS ERA.” International Journal of Research - Granthaalayah, 7(8), 507-512. https://doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i8.2019.705. 1. Introduction Global politics represents a transnational world, containing elements of many cultures, political practices and power structures. The dramatic developments on the surface of contemporary global politics and the intensification of underlying trends such as globalization show that the world has entered a transitional era. The growing significance of international organizations, law and norms in the post-Cold War system, the rise and consequences of interdependence and liberalization in the international political economy, and the spread of capitalism and regional integration are all linked to the globalization process. -
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization SIPRI Policy Paper No. 17 Alyson J. K. Bailes, Pál Dunay, Pan Guang and Mikhail Troitskiy Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Abbreviations and acronyms v Map of member and observer states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization vi Table A.1. Basic data for the member and observer states of the Shanghai vi Cooperation Organization, 2005 1. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a regional security 1 institution Alyson J. K. Bailes and Pál Dunay The background and purpose of this assessment 1 Origins and basic features 3 The Shanghai Cooperation Organization members and their interests 8 The Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its members’ security 20 Evaluation and conclusions 27 2. A Russian perspective on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 30 Mikhail Troitskiy Introduction 30 Russia in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 31 Russia and the substance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s work 35 Looking ahead 40 In conclusion: Russia’s general vision 44 3. A Chinese perspective on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 45 Pan Guang Introduction 45 The strategic significance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization for China 45 The demonstrative role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Chinese 46 diplomacy China’s driving role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization 48 The substance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s work: achievements 50 and challenges Looking ahead: big tasks and a long journey 55 In conclusion: key points 58 About the authors 59 Preface There is a clear trend in the 21st century for regional organizations to multiply, to become more multifunctional and to devote themselves in whole or part to security goals. -
The Asian Century What International Norms and Practices? the Asian Century
The Asian Century What International Norms and Practices? The Asian Century Asian The Asia is now a nerve center for global economic activity and a theatre of some of the most pressing security concerns of our time. So important has Asia become to global affairs today, and ostensibly for the decades to come, that many have already dubbed the 21st Century as the “Asian Century”. Yet Asia today is increasingly The Asian Century divided among itself. As the geopolitics of Asia is transformed by the emergence of heavyweights such as China and India, what will be the legacy of the “Asian Century” on the creation of international norms and What International practices in the years and decades to come? Will norms that have emerged through trial and tribulation over the and Practices? Norms International What Norms and Practices? course of the last century or more be upended by new realities and power politics, or will the existing modus operandi of international relations be expounded and improved upon for the benefit of generations to come? This is the central question that guided a one-day workshop held at the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri) in Paris on 12 September 2014. During this one-day exchange of ideas, some of the world’s preeminent thinkers debated a range of issues facing Asia today regarding security, trade, and the spaces in between. The Ifri Center for Asian Studies is pleased to offer you in this volume the reflections that our guests so generously prepared for these discussions. Far from being exhaustive, we hope this debate is part of an ongoing discussion to be held at Ifri, elsewhere in Europe, in Asia and across the globe on the consequences of a transforming Asia on international norms and practices. -
BRIC Economies & Foreign Policy
BRIC Economies & Foreign Policy An Analytical Study Karthik Narayanaswami GOVT E 1897: American Foreign Policy Harvard University [email protected] I. Introduction In 2003, Goldman Sachs issued an investment report that coined the now-famous acronym, BRICs to jointly refer to the economies and states of Brazil, Russia, India, and China [1]. While these economies only reflected a small portion of the global GNP at that time, economists have projected that in 40-50 years, these nations may very well catch up to the OECD countries in their economic prowess. At the outset, these four BRIC nations are seemingly disparate; however, they have a common thread in that they are all developing nations with a significant growth potential. In this paper, we will evaluate the BRIC economies for their impact on American Foreign Policy, and how this policy has both affected those nations and their attitudes towards the US. In particular, we will be focusing on the following areas of interest to understand and identify the emergence of these developing countries as international blocs, and their impact on the US foreign policy: • Origin of BRIC • Economic Comparison & US Trade Relations • Political Comparison & US Relations • Institutional Standing • Conclusion II. Origin of BRIC At the outset, the choice for four seemingly unrelated nations into an economic category seems disingenuous. However, as we examine the historic economic data, a more detailed picture starts to emerge. For instance, in 2001 and 2002, the combined nominal GDP growth of emerging economies exceeded that of the G7 nations [1][2]. This is in line with a 2011 economic paper on GDP projections by the consulting firm PricewaterhouseCoopers, where the combined GDP of China and India alone was predicted to overtake most high-income OECD nations [3]. -
Australia in the Asian Century White Paper
Foreword Predicting the future is fraught with risk, but the greater risk is in failing to plan for our destiny. As a nation, we face a choice: to drift into our future or to actively shape it. That is why I commissioned the Australia in the Asian Century White Paper. I took a clear decision that our nation should actively plan for and shape our national future. Only by doing so can we realise our vision of being a land of increased opportunity, prosperity and fairness. Whatever else this century brings, it will bring Asia’s rise. The transformation of the Asian region into the economic powerhouse of the world is not only unstoppable, it is gathering pace. In this century, the region in which we live will become home to most of the world’s middle class. Our region will be the world’s largest producer of goods and services and the largest consumer of them. History teaches us that as economic weight shifts, so does strategic weight. Thriving in the Asian century therefore requires our nation to have a clear plan to seize the economic opportunities that will flow and manage the strategic challenges that will arise. There are also great social and cultural benefits to be had from broadening and deepening our people-to-people links across the region. Our nation has benefited from Asia’s appetite for raw materials and energy. The challenge we must now address is how Australia can benefit from what Asia will need next. Australians do not come to these tasks empty-handed. -
Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD)
ASIA COOPERATION DIALOGUE Chaired by Isabelle Tseng Session XXIII Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD) Topic A: Energy Security Topic B: Increasing Financial Cooperation Committee Overview dialogue and focused projects. On the dialogue dimension, member countries take The Asia Cooperation Dialogue turns to host annual ACD Ministerial (ACD) is an Asian-wide cooperation Meetings, ACD Summits and other framework inaugurated in June of 2002 in voluntary tasks force gatherings with Chan-am, Thailand. It is the first continent- focused agendas. On the sidelines of the UN wide forum established in Asia with the General Assembly, Foreign Ministers also “key principle of consolidating Asia’s meet to review ACD cooperation and strengths and fortify its competitiveness magnify Asia’s presence on the international with the rest of the world through the stage.3 On the projects dimension, member maximization of its rich diversity and countries organically become prime or co- resources.”1 It began with the 18 founding prime movers to drive their chosen areas of member countries of Bahrain, Bangladesh, cooperation and to develop projects to Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, China, advance Asia’s interests. The perks of ACD India, Indonesia, Japan, Republic of Korea, being a forum instead of an organization Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Pakistan, means that the choice and adoption of Philippines, Qatar, Singapore, Thailand, and projects do not require consensus from all or Vietnam. Aiming to incorporate every Asian the majority of ACD countries.4 country, ACD has grown into an Asian Since its inception, ACD has community of 34 countries with the addition identified 20 priority areas for cooperation.5 of Afghanistan, Bhutan, Iran, Kazakhstan, During this session, the Asian Cooperation Kuwait, Kyrgyz Republic, Mongolia, Nepal, Dialogue will focus on two of its priority Oman, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Sri Lanka, areas, namely Energy Security and Tajikistan, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Increasing Financial Cooperation.