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Levon State University of New York at Buffalo Nexus: The Canadian Student Journal of Anthropology, Volume 23 (2), September 2015: 33-44 Seeing/Being Orange: Perceptions and the Politics of Religion in County Armagh, Northern Ireland Laura LeVon State University of New York at Buffalo As individuals, each of us focus on our own perceptions (anthropologists included) and often remain ignorant of the affect inherent in others’ perceptions. In Northern Ireland, perceptions are often shaped by shared memories and histories of violence, as well as by shared concepts of ancestry and homeland. These perceptions are shaped on either side of a bicommunal divide between the two majority communities, Catholic-Irish-Nationalists and Protestant-British- Loyalists. In this article, I draw on my early experiences collecting data in County Armagh at the Orange Order’s July Twelfth parades to analyze the interplay between such perceptions of politics and religion. Framing my preliminary data through Veena Das’s (2007) study of the influences of violence on daily life and Anthony Smith’s (2009) arguments on the role of ethno- symbolism in nationalism, I reveal how the continued every-day divide between Northern Ireland’s two largest communities shapes not only how members of the Protestant community who support the Orange Order “be” in everyday life and during the rituals of the Twelfth, but also how others “see” them. For while being is ordinary—whether cultural and/or religious— seeing is risky, controversial, and threatening. Through this distinction it can be understood that the political possibilities of violence are still a part of everyday religious life in Northern Ireland Introduction hours, employees often have the day off, and the banks close. But the reason for the holiday is the Never go late to an Orange Order parade. At least centrality of the date to many in the Protestant not as a young anthropologist still learning her community, who commemorate July twelfth each way around and still struggling over the ethics of year with a parade organized by the Orange working with a Northern Irish group that has been Order, a fraternal Protestant society. Belfast hosts compared to the Klu Klux Klan (Geoghegan, one of the largest annual Twelfth parades, but 2009). As I learned during my first site visit in each county has its own gathering of local Orange July 2011, going late means marching alongside lodges that draws family, friends, and the parade until you find an open spot in the supporters— as well as heavy criticism, protests, crowd— and in Northern Ireland, marching is and, in certain parts of the British province, riots. perceived as a political act. While the only people While the Orange Order defends the Twelfth who witnessed me accidentally marching were parade as a celebration of Protestant culture and participants in the day’s celebrations, I felt religion, many Catholics view it as a celebration embarrassed, as if I was misrepresenting myself of sectarianism and bigotry. It is exactly this and my purpose for being at the Twelfth. differential experience of an event that I propose to analyze in this article. In Northern Ireland, July twelfth is a bank holiday for everyone. Shops usually close or reduce their Author correspondence should be directed to [email protected] (Department of Anthropology SUNY at Buffalo, Buffalo, New York, 14261 Nexus is an annual graduate student publication of the McMaster University Department of Anthropology, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. http://www.journals.mcmaster.ca/nexus. Seeing/Being Orange In order to conduct this analysis, I will need to focus on political identity as well as religious— no surprise to anyone familiar with Northern Irish history. The on-going debate over Orange Order History/mythtory parades never fails to involve individual politicians, political parties, government As a commemorative date, July twelfth unites regulatory bodies like the Parades Commission or several historical events important to the self- the Police Service of Northern Ireland, and the described ‘heritage’ of the Protestant community government at Stormont Castle. This controversy in Northern Ireland. The most emphasized is the reflects the larger interplay between political, Battle of the Boyne, viewed as a Catholic defeat at religious, and ethnic identities in Northern Ireland. Protestant hands that took place on July 12, 1690 Here, I want to examine one part of this interplay: according to the contemporary Gregorian calendar the gap between perceptions Protestants have of (Beiner, 2007). Also significant is July 1, 1916, themselves, and the perceptions of them by those the first day of the Battle of the Somme— the big outside their community. While this gap between Allied assault on German-occupied France in self and other is not exactly unusual, in Northern World War I (Duffy, 2009). On that first day, the Ireland it points to tensions in the ongoing peace British 36th (Ulster) Division— composed largely process. To illuminate this issue, I focus on an of Protestant paramilitaries who had protested the annual July twelfth parade, drawing on my own creation of an independent Republic of Ireland— fieldwork among Protestants and the Orange succeeded in taking five lines of German trenches Order in County Armagh in July 2011, June to (Duffy, 2009), but suffered “devastating fatalities” August 2012, and July 2013. I also draw on Das’s (Beiner, 2007, p. 379). Two other episodes from (2007) study of how violence influences daily life the same war as the Battle of the Boyne are also and Smith’s (2009) arguments on the role of tied into the commemorations: the breaking of the ethno-symbolism in nationalism to frame my Catholic siege on the walled Protestant city of analysis of how people in County Armagh see Derry on July 31, 1689 and the final defeat of the and/or be Orange. Catholic forces at Aughrim on July 12, 1691, both dated according to the then-in-use Julian calendar The first section of this article explores the (Shepherd, 1990). concepts of history, ancestry, and homeland shared by many Protestants and commemorated As the inclusion of the losses at the Battle of the annually by the Twelfth parades. The second Somme shows, the commemoration of July section delves into the symbols involved in the twelfth does not focus solely on victories. It parades and how they are differently perceived encapsulates the “siege mentality” (Beiner, 2007, due to the continuing bicommunal divide between p. 373) that researchers and diplomats have the majority communities in Northern Ireland. In ascribed to the Protestant community: the the third section, I describe the lucky accidents perception (by Protestants) of being constantly involved in my first field experiences researching under threat as a religious and ethnic minority on the Orange Order, and in the final section, I the island of Ireland. This also fits into the idea of analyze the connections between my experiences bicommunalism— the perception of Northern of the bicommunal divide and the work done by Ireland as divided into two monolithic, Das and Smith. I conclude that the continued antagonistic religious/ethnic/political divide between Protestant and Catholic citizens communities: the Protestants, who identify as creates a distinction between being a welcomed British and want to remain a province of the insider, and seeing a ritual like the Twelfth from United Kingdom, and the Catholics, who identify the outside— a distinction that, because of the as Irish and want all 32 counties on the island to possibilities for violence, is an ongoing obstacle to be part of the Republic of Ireland. While the Northern Ireland’s peace process. reality is much more ambiguous, as will become Nexus: The Canadian Student Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 23, Issue 2 (2015) Seeing/Being Orange apparent later, these frameworks often shape the The breaking of the siege of Derry is marked as perceptions of both the people who live in the start of the Cogadh an Dá Rí. The forces of Northern Ireland and the people who research King James II, known as Jacobians, had them. I myself am guilty of it since I find it much surrounded the walled city in mid-April and cut more efficient to use terms like ‘Protestants’ or off the Protestant citizens of Derry from the other ‘the Protestant community’ without constantly Protestant colonies in the north (Shepherd, 1990). stopping to explain that these terms are misleading These colonies were the result of what is often because they indicate a unity that is often lacking. called the Plantation of Ulster, a royal policy in Much like Scott (1998) has shown at the level of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries begun by states, discourse in Northern Ireland often reflects Queen Elizabeth I and continued by her successor, a standardization at odds with the complexities on King James I, which encouraged loyal British the ground. Protestants to colonize (and civilize) the north of Ireland (Ruane & Todd, 1996). Large portions of These complexities go as far back as the these colonists were Scottish rather than English, categories of ‘Protestant’ and ‘Catholic’ in but their descendants today emphasize their Northern Ireland. This becomes clear in the British roots rather than expressing any Scottish focused narratives that July Twelfth organizers nationalist sentiments. During those monarch- and the Orange Order use in their encouraged waves of British colonization, the commemorations of Protestant heritage. Such Irish (also called Gaels) already living in the north narratives heavily emphasize
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