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The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: Has Political Isolation, Sectarianism, Secularism, Or Declining Social Capital Proved the Biggest Challenge?

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The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: Has Political Isolation, Sectarianism, Secularism, Or Declining Social Capital Proved the Biggest Challenge? The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: Has political isolation, sectarianism, secularism, or declining social capital proved the biggest challenge? Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy by Andrew McCaldon August 2018 Department of Politics University of Liverpool Liverpool L69 3BX The Orange Order in Northern Ireland Contents Dedication 003 Acknowledgements 004 Abstract 005 List of Abbreviations 006 List of Tables 007 Introduction 008 Chapter One The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: The State of Play 037 Chapter Two From pre– to post–Agreement Northern Ireland: 070 Political isolation and the Grand Orange Lodge Chapter Three Intolerance in a tolerant society? 106 Parading, sectarianism, and declining middle–class respectability Chapter Four An Order Re–routed: 135 Interface Orangeism in Drumcree and Ardoyne Chapter Five ‘The Biggest Threat’? The impact of secularism 167 Chapter Six Parading Alone: The decline of social capital in 195 Northern Ireland and its impacts on the Orange Order Conclusion 228 Bibliography 239 Appendix I Interview Questions 266 Andrew McCaldon Page 2 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland For my mother who, by the second Twelfth of July parade, started to enjoy them and my uncle, Ian Buxton (1968–2018) who never got to see it finished Andrew McCaldon Page 3 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland Acknowledgements To Professor Jon Tonge, I offer my sincere thanks for having withstood the mental anguish of supervising both my undergraduate and postgraduate research at the University of Liverpool. His advice has been beyond invaluable and he is the model of patience, whose professionalism, knowledge–base, and subject enthusiasm never cease to amaze me. Furthermore, I’d like to acknowledge with grateful thanks the financial assistance of both the Economic and Social Research Council and the John Lennon Memorial Trust in completion of this project. My (relative) sanity has been kept intact by the fruitful debate and good humour of Mark Fidler, Mick Southern, and Peter Oliver. If it hadn’t been for them, this thesis probably would have been written a number of years earlier but their friendship has enhanced this undertaking and kept me on – somewhat of – the right track. I’m so grateful to have had the friendship and support of Sue Parry, and Andrea and David Penketh, as well as the encouragement of my friends and colleagues at St Margaret’s CE Academy. I’ve been grateful for the support of my friends in Aphta Alpha and Professor Tony Donk, of the Hope College, Michigan, is also thanked for his challenge and support. Undoubtedly, my voluntary work has enriched my PhD experience and has kept me grounded. My heartfelt thanks go to the leaders, the parents, and – most importantly – the young people of the 35th Liverpool Boys’ Brigade, based at All Saints’ Church, Childwall; the latter especially for their unending merriment, the sustenance to endeavour on, and for never failing to give me a reason to smile. Repeated thanks to Professor Jon Tonge, and also to Professor Jim McAuley and Dr Andy Mycock, of the University of Huddersfield, for access to their quantitative Orange Order membership survey data. In addition, I’d like to thank Professors Erika Harris and Bruce Gibson for their support during the delivery of this thesis and Lyn Hughes, from the University of Liverpool’s PGR Student Administration Team, for her advice and support. I am deeply indebted to those who’ve given freely of their time to contribute to this research; their input has greatly enhanced this thesis. Sincere thanks are offered to all of my interviewees, as well as the administrative staff in their relevant offices who’ve facilitated the interviews, and to Alan McLoughlin and Dr Jonathan Kirkup, of Cardiff University. I’d like to thank the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, specifically: Dr David Hume MBE, former Director of Services; the administrative staff at Grand Lodge who’ve supported the research; and the many District, County, and Private Lodge officers who’ve engaged with the project. Also, my thanks to the Parades Commission and the Boys’ Brigade Belfast Battalion for their supportive engagement. Finally, to my family, Karen, Ian, Mark, Jane, Amelie and Eve: despite it being impossible to thank them fully, I offer my fervent and heartfelt gratitude for their inspiring belief, thankful distraction, and ceaseless tolerance. Without their loving support, this task would never have been complete so, therefore, please direct all complaints accordingly. Andrew McCaldon Page 4 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland Abstract The Orange Order remains one of the largest and most significant organisations within civic society in Northern Ireland. It provides an institutional focus for the distinctive social, religious, and cultural traditions associated with Protestant British unionism in the region. However, having gone from a commanding position at the outbreak of the Troubles in 1968 with sizeable political influence and approximately 100,000 members, the Order has been reduced to the margins within the new, post– conflict polity in Northern Ireland. The principal aim of this research is to assess why the Orange Order has suffered political and numerical decline in the region and clarify how this distinctly ethno–religious organisation has adapted (or failed to adapt) to the changed political and social contexts in which it exists. In order to do this, a qualitative, ethno–graphic study drawing upon interviews with Orange Order members is undertaken. This involves detailed examination of discourses, documents and events. This thesis tests four competing hypotheses of the primary causes of retreat: (1) loss of political power since the collapse of Northern Ireland Parliament in 1972; (2) marginalisation through the growing unacceptability and diminishing appeal of overt religious sectarianism; (3) secularism within society; and, (4) the decline in social capital. These hypotheses are tested in terms of their contribution to the marginalisation of the Orange Order in Northern Ireland. The collapse of Northern Ireland’s devolved political structure in the early 1970s removed the Order’s capacity to wield political influence. Following the sidelining of local political actors thereafter, epitomised by the intergovernmental nature of the Anglo–Irish Agreement, unionism later found itself again in turmoil in the wake of the divisive Good Friday Agreement in 1998. The Agreement prescribed a parity of esteem between the two traditions and further – and irreversibly – changed the status quo in which the institution operated. The Order’s reputation for perpetuating sectarianism was already being challenged internally within and also beyond unionism and it has struggled for so–called middle– class respectability. Concurrently, an increasingly atomistic society and diminishing social capital has left the Orange Order with less relevancy or attraction for Protestant Unionists in the twenty–first century, especially when compared to earlier periods. Whilst this thesis upholds the argument that political and social marginalisation have been key causes of decline, the impact of secularism is found to have been of less – but far from negligible – significance. Amid its struggle for relevancy, the Orange Order operates in heavily reduced circumstances in which the institution attempts to retain its membership in an era when attracting new blood is difficult. Nonetheless, the thesis argues that Orangeism remains an important political and cultural strand of loyalism in Northern Ireland, adapting to become one closely associated with band traditions which show little sign of diminution. Andrew McCaldon Page 5 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland List of Abbreviations ARK Access Research Knowledge Northern Ireland BBC British Broadcasting Company CARA Crumlin Ardoyne Residents Association DUP Democratic Unionist Party GAA Gaelic Athletics Association GARC Greater Ardoyne Residents’ Collective GFA Good Friday Agreement GOLI Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland GRRA Garvaghy Road Residents Association IRA Irish Republican Army LOI Loyal Orange Institution LOL Loyal Orange Lodge MLA Member of the Legislative Assembly MP Member of Parliament NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party OFMDFM Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister PRONI Public Records Office Northern Ireland PSNI Police Service Northern Ireland PUP Progressive Unionist Party RUC Royal Ulster Constabulary SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party UDA Ulster Defence Association UUC Ulster Unionist Council UUP Ulster Unionist Party UVF Ulster Volunteer Force UWC Ulster Workers’ Council Andrew McCaldon Page 6 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland List of Tables Table 0.1 Sampling of Interviews 24 Table 3.1 Number of references to parades and parading in Orange Standard, 1994 and 2014 111 Table 3.2 Number of pictures of parading in Orange Standard, 1994 and 2014 111 Table 3.3 Number of references to topics in Orange Standard, 1994 and 2014 112 Table 5.1 Childhood Religious Identification by Current Religious Identification 181 Table 5.2 Childhood Religious Identity 182 Andrew McCaldon Page 7 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland Introduction In September 2012, the Orange Order held a commemorative parade marking the centenary of the signing of the Ulster Covenant. Edward Stevenson, Grand Master of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, described
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