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Final Draft of the Co-Chairman's Statement
FINAL DRAFT OF THE CO-CHAIRMAN’S STATEMENT Your Excellencies, Honorable Delegates, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, On behalf of my Co-Chairman, Moulana Abel Alier, my colleagues in the Steering Committee, and on my own behalf, I would like to extend a warm welcome to all of you to this Conference, which marks the final phase of the National Dialogue. This is a historic occasion for us in the National Dialogue and we believe for our country. When His Excellency, President Salva Kiir Mayardit, initiated the National Dialogue more than three years ago, we cannot say with confidence that we, or anyone else for that matter, had a clear idea how long it would take, where it would lead, and what the end result would be. It was initially thought that the Dialogue process would take several months. Many saw it as a ploy by the President to polish his political image. The National Dialogue has now lasted for over three years. And far from being a ploy by the President, it has proved to be a sincere national soul searching about the crises facing our country. 1 What we soon learned as we undertook our assignment, was that our President wanted the process to be absolutely free, inclusive, transparent and credible. He repeatedly reaffirmed that National Dialogue was not a trap or a net for catching his political opponents, and that people should speak freely without fear, harassment or any form of intimidation. And, indeed, through the nationwide grassroots consultations and regional conferences, our people spoke their minds without fear or constraint. -
The Addis Ababa Agreement on the Problem of South Sudan
THE ADDIS ABABA AGREEMENT ON THE PROBLEM OF SOUTH SUDAN Draft Organic Law to organize Regional Self-Government in the Southern provinces of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan In accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan and in realization of the memorable May Revolution Declaration of June 9, 1969, granting the Southern Provinces of the Sudan Regional Self-Government within a united socialist Sudan, and in accordance with the principle of the May Revolution that the Sudanese people participate actively in and supervise the decentralized system of the government of their country, it is hereunder enacted: Article 1. This law shall be called the law for Regional Self-Government in the Southern Provinces. It shall come into force and a date within a period not exceeding thirty days from the date of Addis Ababa Agreement. Article 2. This law shall be issued as an organic law which cannot be amended except by a three- quarters majority of the People’s National Assembly and confirmed by a two-thirds majority in a referendum held in the three Southern Provinces of the Sudan. CHAPTER I: DEFINITIONS Article 3. a) ‘Constitution’ refers to the Republican Order No. 5 or any other basic law replacing or amending it. b) ‘President’ means the president of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan. c) ‘Southern Provinces of the Sudan’ means the Provinces of Bahr El Ghazal, Equatoria and Upper Nile in accordance with their boundaries as they stood January 1, 1956, and other areas that were culturally and geographically a part of the Southern Complex as may be decided by a referendum. -
Report on Western Equatoria Infographic V6 Final
Joint report by United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and Ofce of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Report on violations and abuses against civilians in Gbudue April–August and Tambura States, Western Equatoria 2018 INTRODUCTION This report is jointly published by the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and the Ofce of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), pursuant to United Nations Security Council resolution 2406 (2018). The report presents the ndings of an investigation conducted by the UNMISS Human Rights Division (UNMISS HRD) into violations and abuses of international human rights law and violations of international humanitarian law reportedly committed by the pro-Machar Sudan People’s Liberation Army in Opposition (SPLA-IO (RM)) and the Government’s Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) against civilians in the states of Gbudue and Tambura, in Western Equatoria, between April and August 2018. The report documents the plight of civilians in the Western Equatoria region of South Sudan, where increased violence and attacks between April and August 2018 saw nearly 900 people abducted, including 505 women, and forced into sexual slavery or combat, and over 24,000 displaced from their homes. The report identies three SPLA-IO commanders who may bear the greatest responsibility for the violence committed against the civilian population in Western Equatoria during the period under consideration. HRD employed the standard of proof of reasonable grounds to believe in making factual determinations about the violations and abuses incidents, and patterns of conduct of the perpetrators. Unless specically stated, all information in the report has been veried using several independent, credible and reliable sources, in accordance with OHCHR’s human rights monitoring and investigation methodology. -
The Crisis in South Sudan
Conflict in South Sudan and the Challenges Ahead Lauren Ploch Blanchard Specialist in African Affairs September 22, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43344 Conflict in South Sudan and the Challenges Ahead Summary South Sudan, which separated from Sudan in 2011 after almost 40 years of civil war, was drawn into a devastating new conflict in late 2013, when a political dispute that overlapped with preexisting ethnic and political fault lines turned violent. Civilians have been routinely targeted in the conflict, often along ethnic lines, and the warring parties have been accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The war and resulting humanitarian crisis have displaced more than 2.7 million people, including roughly 200,000 who are sheltering at U.N. peacekeeping bases in the country. Over 1 million South Sudanese have fled as refugees to neighboring countries. No reliable death count exists. U.N. agencies report that the humanitarian situation, already dire with over 40% of the population facing life-threatening hunger, is worsening, as continued conflict spurs a sharp increase in food prices. Famine may be on the horizon. Aid workers, among them hundreds of U.S. citizens, are increasingly under threat—South Sudan overtook Afghanistan as the country with the highest reported number of major attacks on humanitarians in 2015. At least 62 aid workers have been killed during the conflict, and U.N. experts warn that threats are increasing in scope and brutality. In August 2015, the international community welcomed a peace agreement signed by the warring parties, but it did not end the conflict. -
ANNEX8 ICC-02/05-171-Anx8 15-01-2009 2/11 CB PT
ICC-02/05-171-Anx8 15-01-2009 1/11 CB PT ANNEX8 ICC-02/05-171-Anx8 15-01-2009 2/11 CB PT Report of Peter K Bechtold I, Peter K. Bechtold, PhD., am responding to a request from representatives of the Federation of Sudanese Trade Unions to offer an expert opinion about the consequences for peace in Sudan, and especially in the Western region ofDarfur, if the International Criminal Court (ICC) proceeds with an indictment of Sudan's current President, LTG Omar Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir (frequently referred to as "Bashir") as currently proposed by an initial submission from the court's prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, in July 2008. I have seen only summaries of Mr. Ocampo's allegations, reported in the media as containing 10 separate charges, such as, most startlingly perhaps, the "deliberate efforts to erase the Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa communities", which would constitute "genocide", inter al. I propose to provide some context for understanding the conflict in Darfur by describing the overall geographic, demographic, historical, economic and political factors which have contributed to the Darfur crisis, and to political turmoil in Sudan in general in recent times, before I address the more specific issue ofT CC action and its consequences. My qualifications for offering my commentaries include the fact that I have been a student of Sudan during my entire professional life. A summary CV may be obtained from my website www.drbechtold.com. My interest in Sudan began in 1961, when I met in graduate school a then Senior Inspector and later Director of the Sudan Gezira Board. -
South Sudan Humanitarian Situation Report Issue # 23
Bi-Weekly Humanitarian Situation Report Emergency type: Humanitarian crises Issue #: 23 Reporting Weeks: 26 & 27 Dr. Guracha, WHO OIC giving remarks during official launch of MDA by MOH in Juba Date: 24 June – 7 July 2019 .Photo: WHO JuPhoto information & photo credit Humanitarian Situation Update in South Sudan 7.1 M Need 1.9 M Internally 2.3M South Sudanese in Humanitarian Displaced Persons other countries Assistance with 0.2M living in PoC’s 6.96 M 860K 596K Malnourished Severely Food Malnourished Women Insecure Children Key Bi-Weekly Highlights Acute malnutrition 860,000 Acutely Malnourished 1 case of EVD was confirmed in Ariwara in Ituri Province of the DRC, 70 Kms from South 57 Stabilization Centers Sudan’s Kaya border in Yei River State. Cumulative vaccination WHO Rapid Response Team deployed to 182, 223 vaccinated with OPV Vaccine Nimule & Yei to strengthen EVD 167, 363 Vaccinated with Measles preparedness following confirmation of EVD case, 70 KMs from South Sudan’s Border. 7, 783 vaccinated against meningitis MOH & WHO in collaboration with the Ministry of Education jointly launched Public health threats country wide Mass Drug Administration in Juba targeting 1.5 million children. 02 EVD Alerts reported in Yei on 5 & 6 July 2019. MOH, WHO & partners conduct Training of Trainers on Severe Acute Malnutrition with 01 Suspected Cholera case reported in Juba Medical Complication. Protection of Civilians Site (POC3). PCR machine installed at the National Public Health Laboratory in Juba. Sample tested invalid -sent to UVRI for confirmation. 1 Virus Disease Overview of the Humanitarian Situation: humanitarian crises Almost 7 million people facing critical lack of food: 6.96 million (61% of population) people face acute food insecurity in South Sudan– according to UN sources. -
Secretary-General's Report on South Sudan (September 2020)
United Nations S/2020/890 Security Council Distr.: General 8 September 2020 Original: English Situation in South Sudan Report of the Secretary-General I. Introduction 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 2514 (2020), by which the Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) until 15 March 2021 and requested me to report to the Council on the implementation of the Mission’s mandate every 90 days. It covers political and security developments between 1 June and 31 August 2020, the humanitarian and human rights situation and progress made in the implementation of the Mission’s mandate. II. Political and economic developments 2. On 17 June, the President of South Sudan, Salva Kiir, and the First Vice- President, Riek Machar, reached a decision on responsibility-sharing ratios for gubernatorial and State positions, ending a three-month impasse on the allocations of States. Central Equatoria, Eastern Equatoria, Lakes, Northern Bahr el-Ghazal, Warrap and Unity were allocated to the incumbent Transitional Government of National Unity; Upper Nile, Western Bahr el-Ghazal and Western Equatoria were allocated to the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army in Opposition (SPLM/A-IO); and Jonglei was allocated to the South Sudan Opposition Alliance. The Other Political Parties coalition was not allocated a State, as envisioned in the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan, in which the coalition had been guaranteed 8 per cent of the positions. 3. On 29 June, the President appointed governors of 8 of the 10 States and chief administrators of the administrative areas of Abyei, Ruweng and Pibor. -
South Sudan's
Untapped and Unprepared Dirty Deals Threaten South Sudan’s Mining Sector April 2020 Table of Contents Executive Summary 1 Invitation to Exploitation 4 Beneath the Battlefield: Mineral Development During Conflict 12 Indications of Possible Money Laundering 19 Recommendations 20 We are grateful for the support we receive from our donors who have helped make our work possible. To learn more about The Sentry’s funders, please visit The Sentry website at www.thesentry.org/about/. UNTAPPED AND UNPREPARED: DIRTY DEALS THREATEN SOUTH SUDAN’S MINING SECTOR TheSentry.org Executive Summary South Sudan’s mining sector has seen rapid development in recent years, and preliminary reports suggest that the industry could become an engine for major economic growth. However, ineffective accountability mechanisms, an opaque corporate landscape, and inadequate due diligence have exposed the sector to abuse by bad actors within South Sudan’s ruling clique. The Sentry has found that existing laws have proven insufficient bulwarks against abuse, raising concerns that the country’s mineral wealth could do little more than spur the kind of violent competition that has ravaged the oil sector. Although South Sudan took welcome steps to reform the mining sector in 2012, some government officials, their relatives, and their close associates have fostered a weak regulatory environment susceptible to exploitation. In one example of how the privileged few have apparently exploited kleptocratic arrangements, President Salva Kiir’s daughter partly owns a company with three active licenses, while another company with three licenses lists former Vice President James Wani Igga’s son as a shareholder. Ashraf Seed Ahmed Hussein Ali, a businessman commonly known as Al-Cardinal who was placed under Global Magnitsky sanctions in October 2019, reportedly owns the company currently holding the greatest number of licenses.1 In the gold-rich region of Kapoeta, state government officials have begun issuing licenses independently of the central government. -
Combined Final Evaluation for “'I Love My Country': Strategic
Combined Final Evaluation for “‘I Love My Country’: Strategic Communications for Peace Building in South Sudan” & Baseline Evaluation for “‘I Love My Country’: Promoting Localized Understanding and Peaceful Coexistence in South Sudan May 2017 Legal Notice and Disclaimer Photo courtesy of Search for Common Ground, https://www.sfcg.org/communicating-for-peace-in-south-sudan/ This report is not a legally binding document. It is a collaborative informational and assessment document and does not necessarily reflect the views of any of the contributing partners or funding agencies in all of its contents. Any errors are the sole responsibility of the authors. Copyright 2017 Forcier and Search for Common Ground. Forcier thanks our colleagues at Search for Common Ground for their cooperation and support with the Acknowledgments baseline evaluation of “‘I Love My Country’: Promoting Localized Understanding for Peaceful Coexistence” and the final evaluation of “‘I Love My Country’: Strategic Communications for Peace Building in South Sudan” as well as local residents from Bor, Juba and Mingkaman who took part in the research as survey enumerators and participants. 2| SFCG: Strategic Communications for Peace Building in South Sudan Table of Contents Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................................... 3 Acronyms ...................................................................................................................................................... -
Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan's Equatoria
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 493 | APRIL 2021 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan’s Equatoria By Alan Boswell Contents Introduction ...................................3 Descent into War ..........................4 Key Actors and Interests ............ 9 Conclusion and Recommendations ...................... 16 Thomas Cirillo, leader of the Equatoria-based National Salvation Front militia, addresses the media in Rome on November 2, 2019. (Photo by Andrew Medichini/AP) Summary • In 2016, South Sudan’s war expand- Equatorians—a collection of diverse South Sudan’s transitional period. ed explosively into the country’s minority ethnic groups—are fighting • On a national level, conflict resolu- southern region, Equatoria, trig- for more autonomy, local or regional, tion should pursue shared sover- gering a major refugee crisis. Even and a remedy to what is perceived eignty among South Sudan’s con- after the 2018 peace deal, parts of as (primarily) Dinka hegemony. stituencies and regions, beyond Equatoria continue to be active hot • Equatorian elites lack the external power sharing among elites. To spots for national conflict. support to viably pursue their ob- resolve underlying grievances, the • The war in Equatoria does not fit jectives through violence. The gov- political process should be expand- neatly into the simplified narratives ernment in Juba, meanwhile, lacks ed to include consultations with of South Sudan’s war as a power the capacity and local legitimacy to local community leaders. The con- struggle for the center; nor will it be definitively stamp out the rebellion. stitutional reform process of South addressed by peacebuilding strate- Both sides should pursue a nego- Sudan’s current transitional period gies built off those precepts. -
South Sudan: Jonglei – “We Have Always Been at War”
South Sudan: Jonglei – “We Have Always Been at War” Africa Report N°221 | 22 December 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Jonglei’s Conflicts Before the Civil War ........................................................................... 3 A. Perpetual Armed Rebellion ....................................................................................... 3 B. The Politics of Inter-Communal Conflict .................................................................. 4 1. The communal is political .................................................................................... 4 2. Mixed messages: Government response to intercommunal violence ................. 7 3. Ethnically-targeted civilian disarmament ........................................................... 8 C. Region over Ethnicity? Shifting Alliances between the Bahr el Ghazal Dinka, Greater Bor Dinka and Nuer ...................................................................................... 9 III. South Sudan’s Civil War in Jonglei .................................................................................. 12 A. Armed Factions in Jonglei ........................................................................................ -
Observing Sudan's 2010 National Elections
Observing Sudan’s 2010 National Elections April 11–18, 2010 Final Report Waging Peace. Fighting Disease. Building Hope. Observing Sudan’s 2010 National Elections April 11–18, 2010 Final Report One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5188 Fax (404) 420-5196 www.cartercenter.org The Carter Center Contents Foreword . .1 Postelection Developments ..................47 Executive Summary .........................3 Counting . 47 Historical and Political Tabulation . 49 Background of Sudan . .8 Election Results . .50 Census . .10 Electoral Dispute Resolution . 51 Political Context of the April Election . 10 Darfur and Other Special Topics .............54 Overview of the Carter Darfur . .54 Center Observation Mission .................13 Enfranchising the Displaced . 55 Legal Framework of the Sudan Elections.......15 Political Developments Following the Election . 56 Electoral System . 17 Census in South Kordofan Participation of Women, Minorities, and Southern Sudan . .57 and Marginalized Groups. 17 Pastoralists and the Election . 57 Election Management . 18 Bashir’s Threats . 57 Boundary Delimitation . .20 Conclusions and Recommendations ...........59 Voter Registration and the General Election Recommendations . 59 Pre-election Period . 24 Southern Sudan Referendum Voter Registration . .24 Recommendations . .70 Voter Education . 30 Abyei Referendum Candidates, Parties, and Campaigns . .31 Recommendations . .80 The Media . 35 Appendix A: Acknowledgments . .81 Civil Society . .36 Appendix B: List of Delegation and Staff ......83 Electoral Dispute Resolution. 37 Appendix C: Terms and Abbreviations ........86 Election-Related Violence. 39 Appendix D: The Carter Center in Sudan .....87 The Election Period . .40 Appendix E: Carter Center Statements Poll Opening . .40 on the Sudan Elections .....................89 Polling. 42 Appendix F: Carter Center Observer Poll Closing. 45 Deployment Plan .........................169 Appendix G: Registration and Election Day Checklists ...........................170 Appendix H: Letter of Invitation .