DOCSLIB.ORG

Www .Cepchile.Cl

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Www .Cepchile.Cl 2 ESTUDIOS PÚBLICOS Introduction T he demise of Chile’s Concertación coalition has been predicted often over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even the coalition’s leaders have issued premature announcements of its death (Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers of Chilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertación as both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event –that is, as the product of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it is impossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion that the Concertación may well dissolve before Chile’s next election, but not for the reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on the structure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricably with Chile’s unusual electoral rules. Harbingers of the Concertación’sSTUDY demise point out that the Chilean economy has slowed somewhat since the coalition’s early years in government during the 1990s.Translated Moreover, by María the Ceciliacoalition Blanco itself was initially galvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and 1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivation might naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertación, and even its component parties —most notably the Christian Democrats— are internally divided over social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birth control. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertación will have held the presidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative house elected bySTRONG popular vote) CANDIDATES for 16 years. INBy THEthe standards “CONCERTACIÓN” of multiparty coalitions anywhere, much less among Latin America’s presidential systems, theAN Concertación INSURANCE is FORgeriatric, RUNNER bearingS-UP the scars OR PREDOMINANCEof miscellaneous * corruption charges againstOF members, THE TWO-THIRDS? including the stripping of parliamentary rights from five of the coalition’s deputies in 2002, and the general disillusionmentCarolina that goes Garridowith holding and Patriciothe reins Naviaof power for so long. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire. Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeed undermine the Concertación, but we do not regard these factors as The authors provide an alternative explanation of an article by necessarily devastatingCarey and toSiavelis the coalition’s which suggests survival that forthe aConcertación number of reasons.presents In the first place,parliamentary the Chilean lists economy with two has strong come candidatesthrough the because, last five as years the in far better shapegoverning than coalition, that of theyany canof itsprovide Southern an “insurance” Cone neighbors, —in the form and employment andof appointments growth figures to Executive rebounded positions- in first to months those candidates of 2003. who, The Concertación acceptingmay well a bepersonal in a positionrisk for thein 2005sake ofto theclaim centre-left credit coalition,for good economic stewardship.fail to win aNext, seat. Because,many of at the the issuestime when surrounding Carey and the Siavelis non- democratic legacywrote their of article,the Pinochet the presidential era —includingelection of 2005 the was renowned expected www.cepchile.cl to be more visibly marked by the uncertainty of the outcome, they argued that “the Concertación will no longer be able to guarantee its candidates (…) a post in the Government structure”. This would CAROLINA GARRIDO SILVA. 4º year student of Political Science, Universidad Diego Portales; President of the Students’ Federation, Universidad Diego Portales, Santiago, Chile. PATRICIO NAVIA. Assistant Professor, General Studies Programme, New York University; Professor, School of Social Sciences and History, Universidad Diego Portales, Santiago, Chile. Has published articles in the following magazines: Comparative Political Studies; Journal of Democracy; Democratisation and Social Science Quarterly. Has also written chapters of several books on democratisation, institutional design and electoral laws. In Chile, his articles have been published in Estudios Públicos, Perspectivas, Revista de Ciencia Política, the FLACSO yearbook. He also writes columns for La Tercera and Revista Capital. He is the author of the book Las Grandes Alamedas. El Chile post Pinochet. * We acknowledge the suggestions and comments of an anonymous referee and the conversations held on this subject with John Carey and Peter Siavelis. Estudios Públicos, 99 (winter 2005). 2 ESTUDIOS PÚBLICOS Introduction T he demise of Chile’s Concertación coalition has been predicted often over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even the coalition’s leaders have issued premature announcements of its death (Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers of Chilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertación as both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event –that is, as the product of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it is impossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion that the Concertación may well dissolve before Chile’s next election, but not for the reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on the structure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricably with Chile’s2 unusual electoral rules. ESTUDIOS PÚBLICOS Harbingers of the Concertación’s demise point out that the Chilean economy has slowed somewhat since the coalition’s early years in mean greater difficulty to present pairs of strong candidates. government during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initially Carolina Garrido and Patricio Navia provide two alternative galvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and explanations of why the Concertación presents list with a higher 1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivation number of strong candidates than the Alianza. The first explanation might naturallyis weaken.that the ConcertaciónIn addition, the is Concertación,formed by parties and representingeven its comp twoonent of parties —mostthe notably traditional the Christianthree thirds Democrats— in Chilean arepolitics. internally The dividedsecond over social issues,explanation such isas thatthe thelegal Concertación status of divorceis simply and composed access ofto morebirth control. Finally,parties by thethan 2005 the elections,Alianza. Although the Concertación there is enough will have evidence held theto presidency andsupport a majority both inexplanations, the Chamber thereof Deputies is insufficient (the legislative statistical house or elected by popularmethodological vote) for certainty16 years. to By claim the standardsthat these of multipartyalternative coalitions anywhere,explanations much are betterless thanamong those Latin provided America’s by Carey presidentialand Siavelis. systems, the ConcertaciónHowever, it is isalso geriatric, true that bearing their explanationthe scars of is miscellaneousnot, from the corruption chargesstatistical oragainst methodological members, viewpoint, including more plausiblethe stripping than those of described in this essay. parliamentary rights from five of the coalition’s deputies in 2002, and the general disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for so long. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire. n this article we offer an alternative explanation of an article by Carey Any Iof these forces, or some combination of them, could indeed and Siavelis which suggests that the Concertación presents parliamentary lists undermine the Concertación, but we do not regard these factors as with two strong candidates because, as the governing coalition, they can necessarily devastating to the coalition’s survival for a number of reasons. provide an “insurance” —in the form of appointments to Executive positions- In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five years to those candidates who, accepting a personal risk for the sake of the centre- in far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, and left coalition, do not win a seat but still help to increase the vote of the employment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. The coalition at national level. Because, at the time when Carey and Siavelis wrote Concertación may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for good their article, the presidential election of 2005 was expected to be more visibly economic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non- marked by the uncertainty of the outcome, they argued that “the Concertación democratic legacy of the Pinochet era —including the renowned www.cepchile.cl will no longer be able to guarantee its candidates (…) a post in the Government structure”. This would mean a greater difficulty to present pairs of strong candidates. What follows is, first, a discussion of the incentives of the electoral system, underlining that, although the coalition would rather have two strong candidates per district in order to win more votes, candidates themselves prefer to be paired with a relatively weak partner. Below we will discuss how the Concertación in effect fielded strong candidates in more districts than the Alianza por Chile between 1989 and 2001. After summarising the views of Carey and Siavelis, we offer two alternative explanations,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 2021 Year Ahead
    2021 YEAR AHEAD Claudio Brocado Anthony Brocado January 29, 2021 1 2020 turned out to be quite unusual. What may the year ahead and beyond bring? As the year got started, the consensus was that a strong 2019 for equities would be followed by a positive first half, after which meaningful volatility would kick in due to the US presidential election. In the spirit of our prefer- ence for a contrarian stance, we had expected somewhat the opposite: some profit-taking in the first half of 2020, followed by a rally that would result in a positive balance at year-end. But in the way of the markets – which always tend to catch the largest number of participants off guard – we had what some would argue was one of the strangest years in recent memory. 2 2020 turned out to be a very eventful year. The global virus crisis (GVC) brought about by the coronavirus COVID-19 pandemic was something no serious market observer had anticipated as 2020 got started. Volatility had been all but nonexistent early in what we call ‘the new 20s’, which had led us to expect the few remaining volatile asset classes, such as cryptocurrencies, to benefit from the search for more extreme price swings. We had expected volatilities across asset classes to show some convergence. The markets delivered, but not in the direction we had expected. Volatilities surged higher across many assets, with the CBOE volatility index (VIX) reaching some of the highest readings in many years. As it became clear that what was commonly called the novel coronavirus would bring about a pandemic as it spread to the remotest corners of the world at record speeds, the markets feared the worst.
    [Show full text]
  • Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty Of
    Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Brad T. Eidahl December 2017 © 2017 Brad T. Eidahl. All Rights Reserved. 2 This dissertation titled Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile by BRAD T. EIDAHL has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Patrick M. Barr-Melej Professor of History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT EIDAHL, BRAD T., Ph.D., December 2017, History Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile Director of Dissertation: Patrick M. Barr-Melej This dissertation examines the struggle between Chile’s opposition press and the dictatorial regime of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990). It argues that due to Chile’s tradition of a pluralistic press and other factors, and in bids to strengthen the regime’s legitimacy, Pinochet and his top officials periodically demonstrated considerable flexibility in terms of the opposition media’s ability to publish and distribute its products. However, the regime, when sensing that its grip on power was slipping, reverted to repressive measures in its dealings with opposition-media outlets. Meanwhile, opposition journalists challenged the very legitimacy Pinochet sought and further widened the scope of acceptable opposition under difficult circumstances. Ultimately, such resistance contributed to Pinochet’s defeat in the 1988 plebiscite, initiating the return of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Challenger Party List
    Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2019 Codebook
    1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2019 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2019 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institutional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Handlungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU- member countries for the period of 1960 to 2019. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time-series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and economic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
    Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal.
    [Show full text]
  • Protected Neoliberalism Perverse Institutionalization and the Crisis of Representation in Postdictatorship Chile by Margot Olavarría
    LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES 10.1177/0094582X03256259OlavarríaARTICLE / PROTECTED NEOLIBERALISM Protected Neoliberalism Perverse Institutionalization and the Crisis of Representation in Postdictatorship Chile by Margot Olavarría The results of Chile’s December 1997 parliamentary elections revealed the existence of 3,700,000 voters who chose not to voice a preference.1 If we consider the nearly 1,000,000 young people who did not register in the elec- toral rolls, the abstention of registered voters, and the null and void ballots cast, the total comes to 40 percent of the potential electorate—a striking fig- ure by Chilean standards. This nonvoting rate marked a sharp decline in for- mal political participation.2 Initial interpretations of these electoral figures on the part of political elites and the press explained them as an expression of apathy and depoliticization. My research in Chile, however, suggests that this significant proportion of missing votes is more likely a conscious rejection of the political system and the institutional order inherited from the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet (1973–1990). My contention contradicts the claim that more highly institutionalized party systems facilitate a deepening of democracy (Mainwaring and Scully, 1995; Scully, 1995). Quite to the con- trary, the data strongly suggest that the institutionalization of Chilean politi- cal parties into a network of exclusionary institutions designed to “protect” a restricted democracy has limited their representative capacity and led to a loss of legitimacy at the grass roots reflected in electoral withdrawal. This problem is intimately linked with neoliberalism, an ideology of the free market that has led to the restructuring of the economy and the state, effectively reducing the role of governments in providing social welfare and regulating economic activity at the domestic and the international level Margot Olavarría received her Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • South America List of Political Parties
    Manifesto Project Dataset: South America List of Political Parties [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2020b from December 23, 2020 Manifesto Project Dataset: South America - List of Political Parties Version 2020b 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The Manifesto Data Collection: South America covers parliamentary and presidential elections in South America. The following list documents all the parties, candidates and elections contained in the dataset. The list includes the name of the party or (candidate) alliance in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation, the name of the presidential candidate (if this applies) as well as the corresponding party identification number. In the case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties it comprises. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list. If the composition of an alliance has changed between elections this change is reported as well. If parliamentary and presidential elections occur at roughly the same time (not necessarily on the same date but within a time frame of one or two months) parties and candidates usually run on the same manifesto. In these cases we report the party/alliance that backed a candidate and the candidate’s name. The same information is provided for presidential elections. If a parliamentary election occurred independently from a presidential election we only report parties and alliances but no candidates. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party has split from another party or a number of parties has merged and indicates the name (and the party id if it exists) of this split or merger parties.
    [Show full text]
  • South America List of Political Parties
    Manifesto Project Dataset: South America List of Political Parties [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2019b from December 17, 2019 Manifesto Project Dataset: South America - List of Political Parties Version 2019b 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The Manifesto Data Collection: South America covers parliamentary and presidential elections in South America. The following list documents all the parties, candidates and elections contained in the dataset. The list includes the name of the party or (candidate) alliance in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation, the name of the presidential candidate (if this applies) as well as the corresponding party identification number. In the case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties it comprises. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list. If the composition of an alliance has changed between elections this change is reported as well. If parliamentary and presidential elections occur at roughly the same time (not necessarily on the same date but within a time frame of one or two months) parties and candidates usually run on the same manifesto. In these cases we report the party/alliance that backed a candidate and the candidate’s name. The same information is provided for presidential elections. If a parliamentary election occurred independently from a presidential election we only report parties and alliances but no candidates. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party has split from another party or a number of parties has merged and indicates the name (and the party id if it exists) of this split or merger parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Election Results in Argentina, 1995-2019 100
    Figure 15.1 - Election results in Argentina, 1995-2019 100 90 Peronists Non-Peronists 80 70 60 50 40 Share of votes (%) votes of Share 30 20 10 0 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 Source: authors' computations using official election results (see wpid.world). Note: the figure shows the share of votes received by selected groups of Argentinian political parties in general elections between 1995 and 2019. Peronist parties received 48% of votes in the 2019 election. Anti-peronist parties are the Radical Civic Union (UCR), the Front for a Country in Solidarity (FREPASO), Acción por la Republica, Coalición Cívica ARI, Cambiemos, Frente de Izquierda, and Recrear. Figure 15.2 - The Peronist vote by income and education in Argentina, 1995-2019 20 Difference between (% of top 10% educated) and (% of bottom 90% educated) voting Peronist 15 10 Difference between (% of top 10% earners) and (% of bottom 90% earners) voting Peronist 5 0 -5 -10 -15 -20 -25 1995-99 2007-11 2015-19 Source: authors' computations using Argentinian post-electoral and political attitudes surveys (see wpid.world). Note: the figure shows the relative support of highest-educated and top-income voters for Peronists, after controlling for age, gender, religious affiliation, religiosity, employment status, marital status, occupation, rural-urban location, region, ethnicity, and perceived social class. In 2015-2019, top 10% income earners were 8 percentage points less likely to vote for Peronists. Table 15.1 - The structure of political cleavages in Argentina, 2015-2019 Share of votes received (%) Peronists Non-Peronists Education Primary 55% 45% Secondary 51% 49% Tertiary 38% 62% Income Bottom 50% 55% 45% Middle 40% 44% 56% Top 10% 34% 66% Occupation Public worker 39% 61% Private worker 34% 66% Entrepreneur 27% 73% Self-employed 38% 62% Subjective social class Working class 57% 43% Upper/Middle class 32% 68% Location Urban area 47% 53% Rural area 40% 60% Source: authors' computations using Argentinian political attitudes surveys (see wpid.world).
    [Show full text]
  • ESS8 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS8 - 2016 ed. 2.1 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Czechia 7 Estonia 9 Finland 11 France 13 Germany 15 Hungary 16 Iceland 18 Ireland 20 Israel 22 Italy 24 Lithuania 26 Netherlands 29 Norway 30 Poland 32 Portugal 34 Russian Federation 37 Slovenia 40 Spain 41 Sweden 44 Switzerland 45 United Kingdom 48 Version Notes, ESS8 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS8 edition 2.1 (published 01.12.18): Czechia: Country name changed from Czech Republic to Czechia in accordance with change in ISO 3166 standard. ESS8 edition 2.0 (published 30.05.18): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Hungary, Italy, Lithuania, Portugal, Spain. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2013 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ), Social Democratic Party of Austria, 26,8% names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP), Austrian People's Party, 24.0% election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), Freedom Party of Austria, 20,5% 4. Die Grünen - Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne), The Greens - The Green Alternative, 12,4% 5. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ), Communist Party of Austria, 1,0% 6. NEOS - Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum, NEOS - The New Austria and Liberal Forum, 5,0% 7. Piratenpartei Österreich, Pirate Party of Austria, 0,8% 8. Team Stronach für Österreich, Team Stronach for Austria, 5,7% 9. Bündnis Zukunft Österreich (BZÖ), Alliance for the Future of Austria, 3,5% Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Political Parties
    Manifesto Project Dataset Political Parties in the Manifesto Project Dataset [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2015a from May 22, 2015 Manifesto Project Dataset Political Parties in the Manifesto Project Dataset Version 2015a 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The following list documents the parties that were coded at a specific election. The list includes the party’s or alliance’s name in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation as well as the corresponding party identification number. In case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list by themselves. If the composition of an alliance changed between different elections, this change is covered as well. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party was a split from another party or a merger of a number of other parties and indicates the name (and if existing the id) of this split or merger parties. In the past there have been a few cases where an alliance manifesto was coded instead of a party manifesto but without assigning the alliance a new party id. Instead, the alliance manifesto appeared under the party id of the main party within that alliance. In such cases the list displays the information for which election an alliance manifesto was coded as well as the name and members of this alliance. 1.1 Albania ID Covering Abbrev Parties No.
    [Show full text]