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Kosovo: A WAY TO GO Author(s): Jelena Obradovic-Wochnik Source: The World Today, Vol. 67, No. 2 (February 2011), pp. 7-9 Published by: Royal Institute of International Affairs Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41962615 Accessed: 07-11-2017 18:01 UTC

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PAGE 7 Jelena Obradovic-Wochnik

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LLEGATIONS OF FRAUD AND CORRUPTION have resulted in re-runs in several municipalities, and according to AWAY ■ Kosovo's Central Electoral Commission (CEC), official results will not be known until February 2011. In addition to this, more bad news followed when, on December 14, Dick Marty of the Council of Europe submitted a report TOGO which accused Kosovo's incumbent Prime Minister Hashim Thaci of involvement in the smuggling and illegal organ trade. On December 12, 2010, Days later, a political activist from Kosovo's Bosniak minority was killed during a political campaign related directly to the Kosovo held its first general election, and an Albanian youth was stabbed to death in election since declaring Malishevo, allegedly due to political disagreements between the town's two major political parties. independence from Kosovo has always had a Euro-Atlantic orientation - it is officially a potential candidate for accession to the European in 2008. The elections were Union (EU), and a part of the EU's integration strategy for the atest of Kosovo's democratic Western Balkans. As a result, its first post-independence elections were of extreme importance, both for the country and institutions - unfortunately, for the international community and organisations that have dedicated a significant amount of resources and energy into they are unlikely stabilising an independent Kosovo. Certainly, the elections were met with enthusiasm - weeks to be remembered as a before, on social media networks and popular Kosovan youth blogs such as Kosovo 2.0, there was a sense of excitement and resounding success. optimism. International observers had high hopes for election

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day, and it appeared that not many peoplefrom Serbiain Kosovo proper itself discourage were Kosovo Serbs from voting, but expecting any significant problems. some localHowever, parties, what such wasas the largest Independent Liberal party supposed to be a quiet election, which (SLS), would campaign not dramaticallyvigorously for Serb participation. change the incumbent government's structure, took a turn for the worse. MISTAKES MADE In principle, Kosovo was very well set up to run free and fair PAST PARTIES elections: an active and interesting landscape of political parties In autumn 2010, the ruling coalition and coalitions; collapsed a guaranteedand new minority representation, a large elections were organised in only forty number days. ofThis young time andaround, energetic a voters, and on top of that, the similar composition of the government watchful was eye anticipated, of the international with community's election observers. the majority of votes going to Hashim Since December Thaci's party, 12 proceeded the without incident, all appeared Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK). to have gone well. In fact, Hashim Thaci celebrated his victory The CEC listed twenty-nine political on December parties and 13, already- and the EU's Catherine Ashton and Herman formed coalitions standing in von the Roumpoy election. issued The amain statement congratulating Kosovo on its contenders were the major parties ofwell Kosovo run election.politics. TheBut PDK,the very same day allegations of mass which led the coalition government electoral before fraudthe elections began to with emerge, with electoral observers, NGOs Thaci at the helm, was formed in 1999 and from foreign the politicaldiplomats wing all expressingof their concern. the (KLA). TheThe PDKfirst hasindication traditionally that something was amiss was the report been the largest party in Kosovo, followed by the CEC closely that bythe its municipality main of saw a 94 percent rival, the Democratic League of Kosovo voter (LDK). turnout, It was and formerly Glogovac 86 percent. In 2009, the CEC headed by Ibrahim Rugova, the leader reports, behind the Kosovo's national peaceful average turnout for local elections was 47 resistance movement in the 1990s. percent. The LDK In was addition the junior to these extremely high figures, the partner with the PDK in the pre-December respected Balkan 2010 coalitionInvestigative Reporting Network (BIRN) government. Another competitor is uploadedthe Alliance films for ontothe Future the Balkan Insight website on December of Kosovo (AAK), formerly headed 13, by one KLA of leaderwhich appearedRamush to show an election official in a village Haradinaj until his indictment by thein Skenderaj International changing Criminal already cast ballots during the vote Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia count. (ICTY) Across on warKosovo, crimes teams of election observers also charges in 2005. He has since been commented acquitted and on returnedvoter lists to which appeared to list deceased and his post as president of the party. émigrés. They also observed group or family voting, and Aside from the three main contenders, inaccurate candidateseveral smaller lists. parties were also in the running in the The December fraud allegations election: led New to a number of political parties and Kosovo Alliance (AKR), founded civilby wealthysociety actors businessman contesting the results and filing 170 official Behgjet Pacolli, and the Democratic complaints. League As of a result,Dardania forty percent of polling stations held (LDD), an LDK splinter group. However, recounts, andin thisre-runs political were arranged for several municipalities: landscape of predominantly centre-right Skenderaj, parties, Glogovac, populated and Mitrovica. A number of significantly by former KLA leaders polling and stationsbusinessmen, in two and Malisevo municipalités held re- small and as yet not so influential runs parties throughout stand out. December. Leviga Of these, only Mitrovica (that is, Vetevendosje, led by activist Albin onlyKurti, Mitrovica's is a movement northern that part), lie in the Serb-controlled evolved into a political party - its mainNorth. platform being self- determination. It opposes the presence of international organisations in Kosovo, such as the ETHNIC EU's Rule of DIVISIONS Law mission, EULEX. Fyrma a Re (FER), led byIn line Hardvard-educated with previous election patterns, it was anticipated that Shpend Ahmeti, emerged as a political the PDKparty would in Octoberwin thirty 2010, to forty percent of the vote, forming a and consists of leading figures in Kosovo's coalition civil with society, one ofincluding the smaller parties. Early exit polls broadly a number of women. Its platform is followedanti-corruption, this trend health and and preliminaiy results on December 13 education. Kosovo's Albanian parties indicated are competing a 33.5 percentfor one of the vote for the PDK and 23.6 hundred seats in the Assembly; in addition percent to for this, the twenty LDK. However,seats the re-runs in Skenderaj and are reserved for minority representation. Glogovac Outmay ofyet Kosovo's have an impact on the final results. It would estimated 2.4 million inhabitants, sevenappear percent that the are voter estimated turnout in these municipalities fell to 62 to be Serbs and five percent 'other' andminorities 59 percent - Bosniak, although Turk, this effect cannot be ascertained until Roma, Egyptian and Ashkali communities. the official results are published in Februaiy. There are several Serb parties, the majority Despite of whichlegal haveprovisions their made for Kosovo's minorities, headquarters in Serb-only enclaves. communities In the pre-December still tend 2010 to live in mono-ethnic villages and government, minority ministers neighbourhoods. were included The in political most landscape does nothing to challenge parliamentary committees, but were thisparticularly view. For well instance, represented there are no Serbs in the PDK or LDK, and in the Integration and Refugee Return there group. are noHistorically, Albanians inSerb Serb parties such as the Serbian National participation in Kosovo elections is Partya mixed (SNS). picture. Provided Politicians that Serb parties are participating in

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elections, they tend to do well in predominantly Serb regions. less encouraging is Thaci's lack of engagement with fraud In the December election, it is reported that voter turn out inallegations and his supporters' media doing the same. Leposavic, a Serb-dominanted municipality in Kosovo's north, was The election has demonstrated that Kosovo's political only 1.5 percent Kosovo's north, where a majority of the Serb landscape, whilst active and lively, is virtually monolithic, population lives, has operated on a system of 'parallel institutions' making it difficult for non-mainstream, non-minority parties to financed by Belgrade since 2000. Serbia has a strong political have a seat in parliament or exert much influence. influence there, and its Ministiy for Kosovo and Metohija, which Contemporary politics in Kosovo has largely been shaped by deals only with local Kosovo Serb issues, regularly urges Kosovo the 1999 war and the Albanian struggle for independence. Such Serbs to boycott Kosovo elections and institutions. deeply traumatic and difficult times inevitably affect the Whilst in the north this seems to have been a message taken development of 'normal' politics and functioning democratic seriously, elsewhere in Kosovo, there is strong indication that institutions - this is unlikely to change in this generation. For the Serbs are not following the Belgrade line. In the south, Serbs Serbs, living through this period has resulted in a politics of fear tend to live in much smaller and more isolated enclaves than and isolation, whilst for Albanians the focus on independence has and Leposavic, which border Serbia. According displaced all other political concerns. Now that statehood has been to recent reports from the International Crisis Group, they have achieved, Kosovo's politicians must play catch up - the people of already started to take a more pragmatic view of participation in Kosovo need progress, transparency and democracy. Kosovo institutions, and it is reported that But, the political leaders of Kosovo have Serb voter turnout in the south is 'significant', International not yet taken obligations of statehood and but even in Serb-dominated southern democracy seriously, as Thaci has repeatedly enclaves it is expected to be much lower thanEvents demonstrated with his refusal to address the national average. electoral problems. Kosovo has a young, Nevertheless, there is an indication that the educated and increasingly well-informed FEBRUARY 1 BP reports full- general politics of Serb political parties may be population. Eventually this generation will year results changing. Whilst re-runs were being held, the demand accountability and maturity from its FEBRUARY 7 New president Serb SLS party expressed its wish to form a politicians. The current dissatisfaction with of Haiti sworn in coalition with Hashim Thaci. This could precisely this issue is evident - Vetevendosje, FEBRUARY 11-13 perhaps be the single most significant which has a strong support base amongst the Presidential and development to emerge from this election. In young, is estimated to have gained twelve parliamentary elections in addition to the widespread boycotts of Kosovo percent of the vote. Uganda elections, Serbs' guaranteed representation in The overall effect of the elections - final FEBRUARY 17 Anniversary parliament could have resulted in results pending - is unlikely to have a of Independence in Kosovo complacency that led to low turnout. But, the marked significant effect on the overall political mere suggestion by a major Serb party of the landscape in Kosovo. Even if the PDK and FEBRUARY 23-5 UN possibility of forming a coalition may alter the LDK lose some of their support, they are still advisory board on perception of Kosovo Serbs - rather than disarmament matters meets likely to dominate. Furthermore, the broadly isolating themselves in Serb enclaves, they may in New York similar agendas of other political parties in

finally feel that they form an integral part of INFORMATION FROM FENS, THE FUTURE EVENTS Kosovo will also have no bearing on any NEWS SERVICE WWW.FENS.COM independent Kosovo. It is even more significant changes after the final results are encouraging that the largest Serb political in. Kosovo politics is still dominated by 'the party does not bill itself in ethnic terms - its party logo of yellow old guard' - men who fought for independence, or who have stars on a blue background is reminiscent both of the new inherited ideological legacies of that period. Kosovo's young, Kosovo flag and the EULEX mission. bright politicians are mainly confined to the margins, and due Importantly, the election revealed a lot about the state ofto the dominance of the pre-independence politics, they are Kosovo's democracy via its media and its handling of election unlikely to be in a position to exert much influence any time fraud. Pro-Thaci mediei, such as RIK, the public service soon. The main political change may come from an interesting broadcaster Radio Television Kosovo, TV21 and Express coalition, but whilst this would go some way towards easing newspaper, which have a monopoly on the media landscape, ethnic tensions and making north Kosovo feel more included in have not only published the preliminary election results as thea state, there is a question mark over whether the PDK, or any statement of fact, but have generally ignored accusations ofother Albanian party, would be willing to form a coalition PI electoral fraud, reporting that the election was held in a fair and with the Serbs. BÏ regular manner. Fortunately for Kosovo, the media boasts a number of quality outlets such as the daily Koha Ditore. Other publications, such as Zeri and Vetevendosje's eponymous paper, were very active in publishing fraud allegations and criticism ofDR JELENA OBRADOVIC-WOCHNIK the international community. Kosovo's diverse media a Lecturer in Politics and International encouraging for the country's future democratic outlook, but Relations at Aston University.

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