The New Leader Records, 1895-2008 [Bulk Dates: 1924-2006] MS#1427
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Bill Rogers Collection Inventory (Without Notes).Xlsx
Title Publisher Author(s) Illustrator(s) Year Issue No. Donor No. of copies Box # King Conan Marvel Comics Doug Moench Mark Silvestri, Ricardo 1982 13 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Group Villamonte King Conan Marvel Comics Doug Moench Mark Silvestri, Ricardo 1982 14 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Group Villamonte King Conan Marvel Comics Doug Moench Ricardo Villamonte 1982 12 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Group King Conan Marvel Comics Doug Moench Alan Kupperberg and 1982 11 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Group Ernie Chan King Conan Marvel Comics Doug Moench Ricardo Villamonte 1982 10 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Group King Conan Marvel Comics Doug Moench John Buscema, Ernie 1982 9 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Group Chan King Conan Marvel Comics Roy Thomas John Buscema and Ernie 1981 8 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Group Chan King Conan Marvel Comics Roy Thomas John Buscema and Ernie 1981 6 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Group Chan Conan the King Marvel Don Kraar Mike Docherty, Art 1988 33 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Nnicholos King Conan Marvel Comics Roy Thomas John Buscema, Danny 1981 5 Bill Rogers 2 J1 Group Bulanadi King Conan Marvel Comics Roy Thomas John Buscema, Danny 1980 3 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Group Bulanadi King Conan Marvel Comics Roy Thomas John Buscema and Ernie 1980 2 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Group Chan Conan the King Marvel Don Kraar M. Silvestri, Art Nichols 1985 29 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Conan the King Marvel Don Kraar Mike Docherty, Geof 1985 30 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Isherwood, Mike Kaluta Conan the King Marvel Don Kraar Mike Docherty, Geof 1985 31 Bill Rogers 1 J1 Isherwood, Mike Kaluta Conan the King Marvel Don Kraar Mike Docherty, Vince 1986 32 Bill Rogers -
The Revolutionary Age Devoted to the International Communist Strublle
Combined with uThe New Yor~ Comm~nist" The Revolutionary Age Devoted to the International Communist StruBlle Vol. 2, No.3. Saturday, July 19, 1919 Price Se. 1: }"f'2A1>E ~ ~H1I.(, g., t ~~ Guaranteed to cure all Wars, Corns, Bugs and Protect Capital 2 THE REVOLUTIONARY Ar.R July 19, 1919- conquered; and now, the world greets the ,The Revolutionary Age French Revolution as a great event. Now to Work Combined with The Ne'll.' York "Communist" November 7 symbolizes the proletarian rev olution; for it was. on that day in 1917 that APITALISM plunged the world into war. National Orgui of the Left Wing Section the Russian proletariat conquered power. C It made work for death instead of life the Socialist Patty Abuse and slanders are the portion of the normal occupation of peoples. It disorganized LOllIS C. FRAINA, Editor men and women of this Revolution; the whole industry, encouraged destruction and idealized world of bourgeois privilege is arrayed against EADMONN MACALPINE, Managit~g Editor death. Capitalism did all these things in order the Soviet Republic, the Bolsheviki being stig to promote the supremacy of Capitalism. Owned and Controlled by the Left Wing matized as beasts and assassins,-precisely Section of the Socialist Party as during the French Revolution. The terrible tragedy of the war was a pro 'When the world accepted democracy, it re duct of the terrible tragedy of peace. Cap NATIONAL COUNCIL italism is latent war and destruction, becom John BaHam C. E. Ruthenberg versed the original opinion of the French Rev olution; when the world accepts ,the Com . -
In the Decade Immediately Following the Second World War, Many Of
‘A Central Issue of Our Time’: Academic Freedom in Postwar American Thought A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Julian Tzara Nemeth August 2007 2 This thesis titled ‘A Central Issue of Our Time’: Academic Freedom in Postwar American Thought by JULIAN TZARA NEMETH has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Kevin Mattson Professor of History Benjamin M. Ogles Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 Abstract NEMETH, JULIAN TZARA., M.A, August 2007, History ‘A Central Issue of Our Time’: Academic Freedom in Postwar American Thought (108 pp.) Director of Thesis: Kevin Mattson In the early years of the Cold War, more than one hundred American academics lost their jobs because university administrators suspected them of Communist Party membership. How did intellectuals respond to this crisis? Referring to contemporary books, articles, organizational statements, and correspondence, I argue that disputes over academic freedom helped shatter a tenuous liberal consensus, unite conservatives, and challenge defenses of professorial liberty among academia’s largest professional organization, the American Association of University Professors. Specifically, I show how Sidney Hook and Arthur Schlesinger Jr.’s dispute over academic freedom was representative of larger quarrels among liberals over McCarthyism. Conversely, I demonstrate that conservatives such as William Buckley Jr. and Russell Kirk overcame serious differences on academic freedom to present a united front against liberalism, in and outside of the academy. Finally, I show the difficulty an organization such as the AAUP encounters when defending professional values in a democratic society. -
Volume 114-Part 10
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA «rongrcssional1Rccord th PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 90 CONGRESS SECOND SESSION VOLUME 114-PART 10 MAY 8, 1968, TO MAY 15, 1968 (PAGES 12219 TO 13564) UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE, WASHINGTON, 1968 13378 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May 15, 1968 institutions. There is need for detailed THE NEWS FROM EASTERN EUROPE freedom of the press and the r1ght of as study of the effects of particular legal ar sembly. rangements, and for basic and applied re Mr. MONDALE. Mr. President, today's A new electoral law will be drafted, though search into law. The conduct of such re newspapers are filled with the news of no date for elections has been set. Mr. Husak search will require closer connection between Eastern Europe. The Czechs need West- said that the ruling National Front was "not law and the behavioral sciences. Increases In . ern economic assistance; the Russians a political party." but that the electoral law the current-ly miniscule level of funding for attacked Thomas Masaryk, the first would deal with the parties of the front- such studies would generate Important In the Communists, the Socialists and the Peo terdlscipllnary work. We urge Congress to President and national hero of Czecho ples party. support agencies authorized to provide for slovakia; and De Gaulle began a visit to A law, to be completed later this month. research on the law, and to enact pending Rumania amid warm welcomes by call will regUlate tl'1e rehabilltatlon of victims legislation to establlsh and fund a national ing for a united Europe and increased of previous Communist regimes. -
S688p6 1920.Pdf
-- A Political Guide for the Workers Socialist Party Campaign Book 1920 Prebared by the Department of Labor Research, Rand School of Social Science A. L. Trachtenberg, Director Published by The Socialist Party of the United States 220 South Ashland Boulevard CHICAGO, ILL. 1920 CoPYnIoAT 1940 BY Tm SOCIALIST PARTY OF TAE UNITED STATES CHICAGO, ILL. Printed in the U. S. A. 7 FOREWORD %F This little book is the joint work of a number of con- tributors, which has been compiled under the general editorship of Alexander Trachtenberg, Director of the Department of Labor Resewch of the Rand School of Social Science, and James Oneal, member of the National Executive Committee of the Socialist party. Benjamin Glassberg of the Rand School also rendered valuable assistance in the editorial work. Among the contributors to the volume are Morris Hill- quit, David P. Berenberg, Evans Clark, Roger Baldwin, Solon DeLeon , Lewis Gannett, Benjamin Glassberg, Bertha Hale White, William Morris Feigenbaum, Alex- ander Trachtenberg, James Oneal and Irwin St. John Tucker. The book il the result of a request made by the Na- tional Executive Committee that the Research Depart- ment of the Rand School of Social Science co-operate in the preparation of material for it. The editorial committee believes that the book marks an advance over the bulky campaign books that have been prepared in the past, in that the material is much less in quantity, it is presented in a more popular style, statistics have been reduced to a minimum, while the information will prove of service to party speakers and editors and at the same time serve as a propaganda book among the workers. -
What -Is Fusion? by JAM ES CASEY
CAPiTALIS ' . What -Is Fusion? By JAM ES CASEY 11 -d t Price IIc S. Radical Pampblet Colletion Coutesy Bloomsburg State CoUege Library TRIUMPH AND DISASTER: THE READING SOCIALISTS IN POWER AND DECLINE, 1932-1939-PART II BY KrNNErm E. HENDmcKsoN, JR.' D EFEAT by the fusionists in 1931 did little internal damage to the structure of the Reading socialist movement. As a matter of fact, just the reverse was true. Enthusiasm seemed to intensify and the organization grew.' The party maintained a high profile during this period and was very active in the political and economic affairs of the community, all the while looking forward to the election of 1935 when they would have an op- portunity to regain control of city hall. An examination of these activities, which were conducted for the most part at the branch level, will reveal clearly how the Socialists maintained their organization while they were out of power. In the early 1930s the Reading local was divided into five branches within the city. In the county there were additional branches as well, the number of which increased from four in 1931 to nineteen in 1934. All of these groups brought the rank and file together each week. Party business was conducted, of_ course, but the branch meetings served a broader purpose. Fre- quently, there were lectures and discussions on topics of current interest, along with card parties, dinners, and dances. The basic party unit, therefore, served a very significant social function in the lives of its members, especially important during a period of economic decline when few could afford more than the basic es- sentials of daily life. -
“I Am Afraid Americans Cannot Understand” the Congress for Cultural Freedom in France and Italy, 1950–1957
“I Am Afraid Americans Cannot Understand” The Congress for Cultural Freedom in France and Italy, 1950–1957 ✣ Andrea Scionti Culture was a crucial yet elusive battlefield of the Cold War. Both superpowers tried to promote their way of life and values to the world but had to do so care- fully. The means adopted by the United States included not only propaganda and the use of mass media such as cinema and television but also efforts to help shape the world of highbrow culture and the arts. The Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), an organization sponsored by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), offered U.S. policymakers and intellectuals the opportunity to provide indirect support for anti-Communist intellectuals without being openly associated with their activities. Although the CCF represented one of the main instruments for the United States to try to win the hearts and minds of postwar Europe, it also created new challenges for U.S. Cold War- riors. By tying themselves to the European intelligentsia, they were forced to mediate between different societies, cultures, and intellectual traditions. This article looks at the contexts of France and Italy to highlight this interplay of competing notions of anti-Communism and cultural freedom and how the local actors involved helped redefine the character and limits of U.S. cultural diplomacy. Although scholars have looked at the CCF and its significance, es- pecially in the Anglo-Saxon world, a focus on French and Italian intellectuals can offer fresh insights into this subject. The Congress for Cultural Freedom was the product of a convergence of interests between the CIA’s recently established Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) and a small number of American and European intellectuals, many of them former Communists, concerned about the perceived success of the Soviet cultural offensive in Western Europe. -
Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 104 Rev1 Page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative Hberkc Ch5 Mp 105 Rev1 Page 105
Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_103 rev1 page 103 part iii Neoconservatism Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_104 rev1 page 104 Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_105 rev1 page 105 chapter five The Neoconservative Journey Jacob Heilbrunn The Neoconservative Conspiracy The longer the United States struggles to impose order in postwar Iraq, the harsher indictments of the George W. Bush administration’s foreign policy are becoming. “Acquiring additional burdens by engag- ing in new wars of liberation is the last thing the United States needs,” declared one Bush critic in Foreign Affairs. “The principal problem is the mistaken belief that democracy is a talisman for all the world’s ills, and that the United States has a responsibility to promote dem- ocratic government wherever in the world it is lacking.”1 Does this sound like a Democratic pundit bashing Bush for par- tisan gain? Quite the contrary. The swipe came from Dimitri Simes, president of the Nixon Center and copublisher of National Interest. Simes is not alone in calling on the administration to reclaim the party’s pre-Reagan heritage—to abandon the moralistic, Wilsonian, neoconservative dream of exporting democracy and return to a more limited and realistic foreign policy that avoids the pitfalls of Iraq. 1. Dimitri K. Simes, “America’s Imperial Dilemma,” Foreign Affairs (Novem- ber/December 2003): 97, 100. Hoover Press : Berkowitz/Conservative hberkc ch5 Mp_106 rev1 page 106 106 jacob heilbrunn In fact, critics on the Left and Right are remarkably united in their assessment of the administration. Both believe a neoconservative cabal has hijacked the administration’s foreign policy and has now overplayed its hand. -
The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935 Jacob A
Document généré le 1 oct. 2021 11:01 Labour Journal of Canadian Labour Studies Le Travail Revue d’Études Ouvrières Canadiennes The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935 Jacob A. Zumoff Volume 85, printemps 2020 Résumé de l'article Dans les premières années de la Grande Dépression, le Parti socialiste URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1070907ar américain a attiré des jeunes et des intellectuels de gauche en même temps DOI : https://doi.org/10.1353/llt.2020.0006 qu’il était confronté au défi de se distinguer du Parti démocrate de Franklin D. Roosevelt. En 1936, alors que sa direction historique de droite (la «vieille Aller au sommaire du numéro garde») quittait le Parti socialiste américain et que bon nombre des membres les plus à gauche du Parti socialiste américain avaient décampé, le parti a perdu de sa vigueur. Cet article examine les luttes internes au sein du Partie Éditeur(s) socialiste américain entre la vieille garde et les groupements «militants» de gauche et analyse la réaction des groupes à gauche du Parti socialiste Canadian Committee on Labour History américain, en particulier le Parti communiste pro-Moscou et les partisans de Trotsky et Boukharine qui ont été organisés en deux petits groupes, le Parti ISSN communiste (opposition) et le Parti des travailleurs. 0700-3862 (imprimé) 1911-4842 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Zumoff, J. (2020). The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935. Labour / Le Travail, 85, 165–198. -
Jewish Genealogy Yearbook 2012 Published by the IAJGS
Jewish Genealogy Yearbook 2012 Published by the IAJGS Hal Bookbinder, Editor Reporting on 147 Organizations Dedicated to Supporting Jewish Genealogy Note that while not highlighted, the links throughout this Yearbook operate. Jewish Genealogy Yearbook 2012 The International Association of Jewish Genealogical Societies (IAJGS) is pleased to present the Jewish Genealogy Yearbook on an annual basis in the hopes that it will be of help as you pursue your family research. I want to thank Hal Bookbinder for his long-time devotion to editing the Yearbook and all those who have taken the time to respond to his requests for the information. Hal will also be co-chairing, with Michael Brenner, the 34th IAJGS International Conference on Jewish Genealogy to be held in Salt Lake City, July 27 through August 1, 2014. With very best wishes for successful research. Michael Goldstein President, IAJGS The Jewish Genealogy Yearbook began in 1998 as a section in the syllabus of the Jewish genealogy conference held that year in Los Angeles. The initial edition included reports on about 80 organizations involved in Jewish genealogy. This has grown to 147 organizations involved in Jewish Genealogy. We hope you find it to be a valuable resource. I extend my thanks to the organizational and project leaders who put the effort into gathering, reviewing and submitting the information that appears in this edition of the Yearbook. And, I especially thank Jan Meisels Allen for her ongoing assistance. Hal Bookbinder Editor, Jewish Genealogy Yearbook Jewish Genealogy Yearbook: Copyright © 1998-2012 by the International Association of Jewish Genealogical Societies (IAJGS), PO Box 3624, Cherry Hill, NJ 08034-0556, USA. -
Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library 1872-1956
Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library 1872-1956 , '" Pro uesf ---- Start here. ---- This volume is a fmding aid to a ProQuest Research Collection in Microform. To learn more visit: www.proquest.com or call (800) 521-0600 About ProQuest: ProQuest connects people with vetted, reliable information. Key to serious research. the company has forged a 70-year reputation as a gateway to the world's knowledge - from dissertations to governmental and cultural archives to news, in all its forms. Its role is essential to libraries and other organizations whose missions depend on the delivery of complete, trustworthy information. 789 E. E1se~howcr Paik1·1ay • P 0 Box 1346 • Ann Arbor, r.1148106-1346 • USA •Tel: 734.461 4700 • Toll-free 800-521-0600 • wvNJ.proquest.com Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library 1872-1956 A Guide To The Microfilm Edition Edited by Thomas C. Pardo !NIYfn Microfilming Corporation of America 1.J.J.J A New York Times Company This guide accesses the 68 reels that comprise the microfilm edition of the Socialist Collections in the Tamiment Library, 1872-1956. Information on the availability of this collection and the guide may be obtained by writing: Microfilming Corporation of America 1620 Hawkins Avenue/P.O. Box 10 Sanford, North Carolina 27330 Copyright © 1979, Microfilming Corporation of America ISBN 0-667-00572-2 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE v NOTE TO THE RESEARCHER . vii INTRODUCTION . • 1 BRIEF REEL LIST 3 COLLECTION I. SOCIALIST MINUTEBOOKS, 1872-1907 • 5 COLLECTION II. SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY PAPERS, 1900-1905 . • • . • . • • • . 9 COLLECTION III. SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY PAPERS, 1879-1900 13 COLLECTION IV. -
Foreign Visitors and the Post-Stalin Soviet State
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The Post-Stalin Soviet State Alex Hazanov Hazanov University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Hazanov, Alex Hazanov, "Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The Post-Stalin Soviet State" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2330. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2330 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2330 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The Post-Stalin Soviet State Abstract “Porous Empire” is a study of the relationship between Soviet institutions, Soviet society and the millions of foreigners who visited the USSR between the mid-1950s and the mid-1980s. “Porous Empire” traces how Soviet economic, propaganda, and state security institutions, all shaped during the isolationist Stalin period, struggled to accommodate their practices to millions of visitors with material expectations and assumed legal rights radically unlike those of Soviet citizens. While much recent Soviet historiography focuses on the ways in which the post-Stalin opening to the outside world led to the erosion of official Soviet ideology, I argue that ideological attitudes inherited from the Stalin era structured institutional responses to a growing foreign presence in Soviet life. Therefore, while Soviet institutions had to accommodate their economic practices to the growing numbers of tourists and other visitors inside the Soviet borders and were forced to concede the existence of contact zones between foreigners and Soviet citizens that loosened some of the absolute sovereignty claims of the Soviet party-statem, they remained loyal to visions of Soviet economic independence, committed to fighting the cultural Cold War, and profoundly suspicious of the outside world.