Feminist Anthropology Anew: Motherhood and HIV/AIDS As Sites of Action
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Feminist Anthropology Anew: Motherhood and HIV/AIDS as Sites of Action Pamela J. Downe ABSTRACT: Ongoing discussions about feminist anthropology as an active and relevant sub-discipline largely rely on historical comparisons that pit the political fervour of the past against what is deemed to be the less defi ned and increasingly disengaged feminist anthropology of today. In this paper, I argue that the prevailing tone of pessi- mism surrounding feminist anthropology should be met with a critical response that: (1) situates the current characterization of the sub-discipline within broader debates between second- and third-wave feminism; and (2) considers the ways in which the supposed incongruity between theories of deconstruction and political engagement undermines the sub-discipline’s strengths. Throughout this discussion, I consider what an ethnographic study of motherhood in the context of HIV/AIDS can off er as we take stock of feminist anthropology’s current potential and future possibility. KEYWORDS: engagement, feminist anthropology, HIV/AIDS, motherhood Introduction: A Time to Take Stock ternal health and motherhood in the context of HIV/AIDS. In the introduction to their recent volume on I am commi ed to feminist anthropology feminist anthropology, Miranda Stocke and in large part because, as a graduate student Pamela Geller (2006) persuasively argue that in the late 1980s and early 1990s, I benefi ted it is time to take stock of the sub-discipline’s from the swelling waves of this vibrant sub- past in order to plan for its future. Stocktaking discipline and my scholarship was sharpened can be a tremendously fruitful exercise be- by the debates that shaped the gendered cat- cause it o en sets the tone for future work by egories of reproduction, status, confl ict and characterizing the problems and prospects of care, among others. The usefulness of feminist the fi eld in the past as well as today. My intent anthropological texts has not been lost; in fact, here is to contribute to this stocktaking task in a globalized world of unprecedented con- by outlining how we might read and respond fl icts, connections, trade and travel, the ana- to the arguments that gender-based action lytical categories of gendered experience are research in anthropology has been abandoned drawn on more frequently than in feminism’s in favour of theoretical approaches that ren- supposed ‘heyday’ thirty years ago. Sarah der sub-disciplinary coherence untenable and Hautzinger’s (2007) fascinating ethnography advocacy impossible. As I consider feminist of all-female police units designed to respond anthropology’s future as a site for engagement to domestic violence in Salvador da Bahia, and activism, I draw on a community-based Brazil, is but one of the many recent works study with women who are negotiating ma- that serves as an example of how principles of Anthropology in Action, 18, 1 (2011): 5–15 © Berghahn Books and the Association for Anthropology in Action doi:10.3167/aia.2011.180103 AiA | Pamela J. Downe feminism and categories of feminist anthropo- the demise of feminist anthropology, and this logical analysis are relevant to the mitigation is truly unfortunate because – as I will discuss of power inequities. Yet, despite such innova- – the research participants’ engagement with tive work, a decidedly pessimistic tone has feminism holds great potential for feminist seeped into the characterization of today’s fem- anthropology. inist anthropology, at least as it is being docu- mented and discussed by leading American and British scholars. Feminist Anthropology? ‘No, But …’ Certainly, pessimism based in feminism’s ‘fail ure’ to address HIV/AIDS in the early years Recently, former Ethnos editor Don Kulick of the North American epidemic plagues ef- published the transcript of a roundtable-type forts to engage with the topic today. In 2008, I conversation with foundational scholars of began a study of HIV/AIDS and motherhood, feminist anthropology: Rayna Rapp, Louise exploring what it means to be a mother in the Lamphere and Gayle Rubin (Kulick 2007). context of the epidemic and partnering with The conversation was held to mark the thirty- an HIV/AIDS organization that off ers services year publication anniversary of two landmark to central and northern Saskatchewan, a Cana- texts, Woman, Culture and Society (Rosaldo and dian prairie province of a million people with Lamphere 1974) and Toward an Anthropology a recent and alarming increase in HIV. The of Women (Rapp [Reiter] 1975). The record of study is ethnographic, involving open-ended this conversation is an interesting one – part narrative interviews with twenty-four women nostalgia, part institutional critique, part dis- (as of January 2010), participant observation in ciplinary refl ection and part prolegomenon the organization’s drop-in centre, and a map - for the future of feminist anthropology. What ping of the institutional landscape (from social emerges clearly, particularly on this last point, services to primary care clinics) that the par- is the simple fact that in order to imagine what ticipants negotiate. Although there is increas- kind of future feminist anthropology might ing a ention to the very important topic of have, we must address how the fi eld is cur- mother-to-child HIV transmission in Canada rently characterized in substance and tone. and elsewhere (particularly sub-Saharan Af- We can begin by considering Don Kulick’s rica), there has been virtually no a ention to two questions that in many ways framed the how being a mother aff ects health-related be- roundtable discussion – ‘What about the fi eld haviours in the context of HIV. This project today? Is there a fi eld that we can call feminist a empts to redress this signifi cant gap by anthropology?’ – and Rayna Rapp’s response: working with a community-based agency in a ‘I would say “No”, or “Yes, but” or “No, but”’ participatory way to engage the women who (Kulick 2007: 423). The qualifying ‘but’ here in- struggle to nurture and raise their children cludes testimony to the successes of feminism, amidst the epidemic. It became clear early in acknowledgment of the move to a more inter- the study that a central focus of the research sectional analysis of gendered experience and must include the maternal activism in which recognition of the need for a nuanced consid- the women engage. As they respond to child eration of diversity (a need that, despite later apprehension, ongoing surveillance by social claims to the contrary, was identifi ed in the services, public stigma and the daily chal- foundational feminist texts being discussed). lenges of child care, the women participating But, still, despite this qualifi ed testament to the in the study adopt an activist and feminist fi eld’s success and relevance, Rapp equivocates stance. Yet, this type of grassroots feminism on whether a distinguishable fi eld of feminist draws li le a ention from those who decry anthropology currently exists when, in her 6 | Feminist Anthropology Anew: Motherhood and HIV/AIDS as Sites of Action | AiA view, categories of identity are deconstructed concern is with the ‘disavowal of social cat- and rendered ambiguous rather than embraced egories’ (2006: 42) and a preference instead for for political engagement. This equivocation is approaches favouring individualization that, illustrative of a presiding tone of pessimism Moore believes, undermine political activism and it warrants further a ention. and collective advocacy. Importantly, like Rapp Mary Weismantel (2002: 37) echoes Rapp’s and Weismantel, Moore tempers her concerns sentiments when she draws a contrast between for the current and future state of feminist the excitement of feminist archaeology, with its anthropology with an acknowledgment that methodologically innovative a ention to the ‘feminist, black, and gay scholarship are based material record of gender inequity, and cul- on [understandings] of agency [that are] linked tural anthropology’s supposedly waning en- to emancipatory politics, the desire to be free of thusiasm and tepid response to a post-Judith larger, determining structures, discourses, and Butler feminism. Acknowledging that most eth- ideologies’ (2006: 41). The quest for individual nographies address specifi c forms of inequality freedom is, a er all, central to the cultural pro- – racism, poverty or hetero-normativity – cesses and anthropological studies that Moore Weismantel still argues that the dynamics of otherwise fi nds problematic for their individu- inequality are not explored as fully as they ation. Again, though, despite this tempering, could or should be. Researchers, she believes, Moore – like Rapp, Weismantel, and others – shy away even from the word ‘inequality’ it- posits that the engaged projects of feminist an- self, ‘fi nding it, like patriarchy or misogyny, a thropology have been all but abandoned. bit too crude in its politics’. The far-reaching Taken together, then, these foundational and unifying theory required to explain and feminist anthropologists project an undeniably to challenge dynamics of inequality is the kind pessimistic view of a once vibrant fi eld. They that Weismantel believes has been ousted by collectively argue that there is now a disen- the supposedly ‘trendy’ theoretical engage- gagement from those exciting days of yester- ments with ambiguity, fl uidity and diversity. year when, as Gayle Rubin nostalgically puts For emphasis, Weismantel draws a historical it, ‘Feminism was in the air’ (Kulick 2007: 414). contrast as well, se ing the o -cited lassitude According to Paula Treichler and Catherine of feminist anthropology today against the Warren (1998), feminism was most certainly fervour of the fi eld thirty years ago: not in the air – or anywhere else, it seems – dur- ing the early years of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. It was diff erent in the heady days of the 1970s, Just as feminist anthropologists contend with when fi ercely radical scholars embraced a spe- cifi c goal: not only to study inequality but to disciplinary chronicles of abandonment, femi- eradicate it.