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Father of the House Sarah Priddy
BRIEFING PAPER Number 06399, 17 December 2019 By Richard Kelly Father of the House Sarah Priddy Inside: 1. Seniority of Members 2. History www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary Number 06399, 17 December 2019 2 Contents Summary 3 1. Seniority of Members 4 1.1 Determining seniority 4 Examples 4 1.2 Duties of the Father of the House 5 1.3 Baby of the House 5 2. History 6 2.1 Origin of the term 6 2.2 Early usage 6 2.3 Fathers of the House 7 2.4 Previous qualifications 7 2.5 Possible elections for Father of the House 8 Appendix: Fathers of the House, since 1901 9 3 Father of the House Summary The Father of the House is a title that is by tradition bestowed on the senior Member of the House, which is nowadays held to be the Member who has the longest unbroken service in the Commons. The Father of the House in the current (2019) Parliament is Sir Peter Bottomley, who was first elected to the House in a by-election in 1975. Under Standing Order No 1, as long as the Father of the House is not a Minister, he takes the Chair when the House elects a Speaker. He has no other formal duties. There is evidence of the title having been used in the 18th century. However, the origin of the term is not clear and it is likely that different qualifications were used in the past. The Father of the House is not necessarily the oldest Member. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
North East History 39 2008 History Volume 39 2008
north east history north north east history volume 39 east biography and appreciation North East History 39 2008 history Volume 39 2008 Doug Malloch Don Edwards 1918-2008 1912-2005 John Toft René & Sid Chaplin Special Theme: Slavery, abolition & north east England This is the logo from our web site at:www.nelh.net. Visit it for news of activities. You will find an index of all volumes 1819: Newcastle Town Moor Reform Demonstration back to 1968. Chartism:Repression or restraint 19th Century Vaccination controversies plus oral history and reviews Volume 39 north east labour history society 2008 journal of the north east labour history society north east history north east history Volume 39 2008 ISSN 14743248 NORTHUMBERLAND © 2008 Printed by Azure Printing Units 1 F & G Pegswood Industrial Estate TYNE & Pegswood WEAR Morpeth Northumberland NE61 6HZ Tel: 01670 510271 DURHAM TEESSIDE Editorial Collective: Willie Thompson (Editor) John Charlton, John Creaby, Sandy Irvine, Lewis Mates, Marie-Thérèse Mayne, Paul Mayne, Matt Perry, Ben Sellers, Win Stokes (Reviews Editor) and Don Watson . journal of the north east labour history society www.nelh.net north east history Contents Editorial 5 Notes on Contributors 7 Acknowledgements and Permissions 8 Articles and Essays 9 Special Theme – Slavery, Abolition and North East England Introduction John Charlton 9 Black People and the North East Sean Creighton 11 America, Slavery and North East Quakers Patricia Hix 25 The Republic of Letters Peter Livsey 45 A Northumbrian Family in Jamaica - The Hendersons of Felton Valerie Glass 54 Sunderland and Abolition Tamsin Lilley 67 Articles 1819:Waterloo, Peterloo and Newcastle Town Moor John Charlton 79 Chartism – Repression of Restraint? Ben Nixon 109 Smallpox Vaccination Controversy Candice Brockwell 121 The Society’s Fortieth Anniversary Stuart Howard 137 People's Theatre: People's Education Keith Armstrong 144 2 north east history Recollections John Toft interview with John Creaby 153 Douglas Malloch interview with John Charlton 179 Educating René pt. -
Parliamentary Debates (Hansard)
Wednesday Volume 494 24 June 2009 No. 98 HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) Wednesday 24 June 2009 £5·00 © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2009 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Parliamentary Click-Use Licence, available online through the Office of Public Sector Information website at www.opsi.gov.uk/click-use/ Enquiries to the Office of Public Sector Information, Kew, Richmond, Surrey TW9 4DU; Tel: 0044 (0) 208876344; e-mail: [email protected] 777 24 JUNE 2009 778 rightly made the case. I hope she will understand when I House of Commons point her to the work of the World Bank and other international financial institutions on infrastructure in Wednesday 24 June 2009 Ukraine and other countries. We will continue to watch the regional economic needs of Ukraine through our involvement with those institutions. The House met at half-past Eleven o’clock Mr. Gary Streeter (South-West Devon) (Con): Given PRAYERS the strategic significance of Ukraine as a political buffer zone between the EU and Russia, does the Minister not think that it was perhaps an error of judgment to close [MR.SPEAKER in the Chair] the DFID programme in Ukraine last year? It would be an utter tragedy if Ukraine’s democracy should fail, so BUSINESS BEFORE QUESTIONS should we not at the very least be running significant capacity-building programmes to support it? SPOLIATION ADVISORY PANEL Resolved, Mr. Thomas: We are running capacity-building programmes on democracy and good governance through That an Humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, That she will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. -
Constitutional Convention for Giving Firm Shape to That Will
We Commend ..... This report is about practical intent. It says: "Here is what we are going to do," not "here is what we would like". Those who seek inspirational home rule rhetoric are respectfully directed elsewhere, including to the Convention's own previous publications. We have moved on. We regard the argument in principle as compelling. The longing of the people of Scotland for their own Parliament rings clear and true every time opinion is sounded. We believe that the momentum for change is now too great to deny; and that a Scottish Parliament will soon be meeting for the first time in nearly three centuries. What has been missing has been a practical scheme for bringing the Parliament into existence, and a hard-headed assessment of what it will be able to achieve. That is the gap which this report fills. This report shows that the Parliament can work, and it shows how. In doing so, it answers opponents who have tried to portray a Scottish Parliament as a pipe- dream, a fantasy which the Scots, unlike other peoples around the world, somehow cannot turn into reality. The Convention has a diverse membership, as diverse as we could make it. Diversity and unanimity are not natural companions. It is the instinct of political parties to disagree with one another, and the instinct of civic groups like the churches, the trade unions and others to be impatient with the preoccupations of politicians. This has meant that a lot of time and effort has been required to arrive at the proposals in this document. -
2005/4/776 Title: Department of Foreign Affairs Brief on The
DFA/5 Department of Foreign Affairs NATIONAL ARCHIVES IRELAND Reference Code: 2005/4/776 Title: Department of Foreign Affairs brief on the Labour Party position and internal divisions with regard to Northern Ireland, prepared in advance of a meeting between Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave and Prime Minister Harold Wilson. Creation Date(s): 11 September, 1974 Level of description: Item Extent and medium: 2 pages Creator(s): Department of Foreign Affairs Access Conditions: Open Copyright: National Archives, Ireland. May only be reproduced with the written permission of the Director of the National Archives. © National Archives, Ireland .I Ivl'f' /Z ,;r.A-./vl ~~ I" ~I f ~ (.'. ) :u..¥J'I9~ ~~ 7 • ... iJ 11/'t/h1 Within the Labour Party the great majority of M.Ps. would have no particular or personal views about Northern Ireland policy and would, in the absence of constituency and public opinion DFA/5pressure, go along automatically with the policyDepartment of ofthe Foreign day, Affairs unlike many Tory MoPs. who, because of social, family and financial connections with the North, tend to be under greater pressure to take up a policy position. There are however two groups which might be called the SDLP Support Group and the Disengagement Lobby. who on occasion dissociate themselves from Gov ernment policy or from aspects of that policy. The SDLP Support Group, who work closely with Gerry Fitt and other SDLP members, often take a line in Parliament very close to the SDLP position. The number prepared to support such a stand would at most be about twelve, with Paddy Duffy and Kevin McNamara being the two best known members. -
Chapters the Politics of the Strike
Durham E-Theses The 1984/85 Miners strike in East Durham, A study in contemporary history. Atkin, Michael How to cite: Atkin, Michael (2001) The 1984/85 Miners strike in East Durham, A study in contemporary history., Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2015/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 THE 1984/85 MINERS' STRIKE IN EAST DURHAM, A STUDY IN CONTEMPORARY IDSTORY BY MICHAEL ATKIN The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published in any form, including Electronic and the Internet, without the author's prior written consent. All information derived from this thesis must be acknowledged appropriately. THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY. MAY 2001. 2 2 MAR 2002 CONTENTS Page PREFACE 1 INTRODUCTION -
Rochford District Council Minutes
INDEX 1975 January - December r I! IIII ATEIYIgN NOTICES (i) 165 Downhall Road, Rayleigh 450 (ii) 18,36 and 46 Sutton Court Drive, Rochford 606 (iii) 1 and 4 West Cottages,High Street, Canewdon 606 (iv) 30 Sutton Court Drive, Rochford 606 (v) 1 Scotte Hall Parm Cottages, Canewdon 959 (vi) 26 Sutton Court Drive, Roohford 1116 (vii) 3 and 5 Ohuroh 5treet, Rayleigh 1116 (viii) 16 Oakwood Road, Rayleigh 1116 (ix) 2 London Road, Rawretb 1117 (4 White Heather, London Road, Rawreth 1121 Accidents involving Council vehicles S6, 1217 r1218 405 784 801 Annual Local Authority Allotments and Garden Competition 54 Provision of Allotments, Hulibridge 494 Rawreth Shot Allotment Site, Grazing rights 987 ANGLIAN WATER AUTHORITY Capital Schemes 222 Estimates and Charges 223,506 Appointment of Members 295 Technical Schemes 634 Fthnanoial Arrangements 649 Recreational Waterways, Private Bill 786 Collection of General Services Charge 915,1046 Programme of Capital and Minor Works 1170 Unsewered properties l19 Cesspool emptying 223 Antorial Bearings, Grant of Arms 303 Ashingd.on and E.Hawbrell Memorial Hall 203,989 Awarc of Certificates, Royal Society of Health Food Hygiene Course. 507 9N r'!'!1!7'!' 11 '!'•'f BRMIERFON ROKI) - Purchase of 3 acres of land for Community use purposes 664,797,806, 907,1156 BRiTISH RAIL Proposed closure of alternative entrances to Rochford and Hockley rail stations 1016,1181 Broadcasting — Commercial 1086 Budget — 1975 533 BDILDING REGUlATIONS - RThAXATION (i) Meadowside, West Avenue, Hu.llbridge 4 ii) 6 Rookery Close, Rayleigh 5 iii) Southend. Municipal Airport 113 iv) 17 Ferndale Road, Rayleigh 310 v) Ill High Road, Rayleigh 389 vi) 5 Stuart Close, Great Wakaing 471 vii) EEB, London Road, Rayleigh 471 viii) 8 Warwick Road, Rayleigh 471 ix) Southend. -
The Conservatives in British Government and the Search for a Social Policy 1918-1923
71-22,488 HOGAN, Neil William, 1936- THE CONSERVATIVES IN BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND THE SEARCH FOR A SOCIAL POLICY 1918-1923. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1971 History, modern University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE CONSERVATIVES IN BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND THE SEARCH FOR A SOCIAL POLICY 1918-1923 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Neil William Hogan, B.S.S., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 1971 Approved by I AdvAdviser iser Department of History PREFACE I would like to acknowledge my thanks to Mr. Geoffrey D.M. Block, M.B.E. and Mrs. Critch of the Conservative Research Centre for the use of Conservative Party material; A.J.P. Taylor of the Beaverbrook Library for his encouragement and helpful suggestions and his efficient and courteous librarian, Mr. Iago. In addition, I wish to thank the staffs of the British Museum, Public Record Office, West Sussex Record Office, and the University of Birmingham Library for their aid. To my adviser, Professor Phillip P. Poirier, a special acknowledgement#for his suggestions and criticisms were always useful and wise. I also want to thank my mother who helped in the typing and most of all my wife, Janet, who typed and proofread the paper and gave so much encouragement in the whole project. VITA July 27, 1936 . Bom, Cleveland, Ohio 1958 .......... B.S.S., John Carroll University Cleveland, Ohio 1959 - 1965 .... U. -
The Falkland Islands War of 1982
The Falkland Islands War of 1982: A Legal, Diplomatic and Strategic Evaluation by Craig Alexander Snyder Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Department of Politics BROCK UNIVERSITY St. Catharines, Ontario @ June 1989 ABSTRACT The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. -
Appendix: the Price of Victory
Appendix: The Price of Victory According to official estimates and public statements, the War itself cost f800 million, replacement of eqmpment lost during the campaign cost f1172 million and the total capital costs incurred since 1982 have amounted to f2005 million (Figure A.2). The additional postwar defence costs will amount to almost B.6 billion over ten years (Figure A.1). A large amount of this expenditure has already been spent or committed, not only on the replacement of equipment but also on the building of a new strategic airfield at Mount Pleasant, 20 miles from Port Stanley, on the development of a military base, also at Mount Pleasant, to house the Islands' garrison, and on the related infrastructure facilities such as roads (almost non-existent outside the Islands' capital) and docks required for these developments (Figure A.1). But large capital expenditures remain outstanding together with the large running costs of the garrison. The postwar economic aid programme, including immediate rehabilitation and compensation of civilian losses and a six-year development plan, but excluding longer-term claims for compensation from the Islanders, totalled f51 million (Figure A.3). By 1992, therefore, the total expenditure on the War, on Fortress Falklands and on the economic aid extended to the Islands since 1982 will amount to at least f4.5 billion (Figure A.4, 1983-84 average prices). But this figure is almost certainly a large underestimate of the final cost which for various reasons is likely to be weil in excess of f5 billion. The f4.5 billion figure, for example, excludes a number of additional items of expenditure for which figures are not currently available or are difficult to estimate. -
1983 January.Pdf
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