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Three Phases journal of jesuit studies 7 (2020) 103-116 brill.com/jjs Jesuits in the Highlands: Three Phases Alasdair Roberts University of Aberdeen [email protected] Abstract The Jesuit mission to Scotland began with minimal numbers in the sixteenth century but built up with the support of Catholic nobles. Leading members of the Society had serious hopes of converting James vi to his mother’s religion although the king merely used them and their lay patrons as a counter to Presbyterian pressure. Apart from the show-piece victory at Glenlivet there was no Jesuit presence in the Highlands. John Ogilvie was not, as has been suggested, a Highlander. During most of the seventeenth century, gentry families in the Grampian mountains were served on a small scale from neighbouring Lowland bases. No knowledge of Gaelic was required. The final phase represented a change of approach, as Jesuits worked among some of Scotland’s poor- est people in forbidding terrain and extreme weather. Setting themselves to learn the Gaelic language they achieved notable success in Braemar and Strathglass. Keywords Counter-Reformation – Glenlivet – Scots mission – Jesuit Leslies – Braemar – Gaelic – Strathglass – Jesuit Farquharsons At the end of the sixteenth century members of the Society of Jesus working in Scotland had grounds for optimism about their “way of proceeding.”1 This combined a focus on influential members of society with a well-informed reli- ance on orthodox doctrine and practice as defined by the Council of Trent. The politics of the time let James vi (1566–1625; r. [Scotland] 1567–1625; [England] 1603–25) encourage Catholic-minded members of the nobility as a balancing 1 Thomas M. McCoog S.J., The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland and England, 1541–1588: “Our way of proceeding?” (Leiden: Brill, 1996). © Alasdair Roberts, 2020 | doi:10.1163/22141332-00701007 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc-nd 4.0 license. Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 06:03:12PM via free access <UN> 104 Roberts restraint on Presbyterian pressure. The Scots Mission was concerned with high international politics, with Robert Persons (1546–1610) at the head of those who were confident that James would adopt the religion of his mother: “Our chief hope is in Scotland, on which depends the conversion not of England only, but of all the north of Europe.”2 North-east Scotland became a bastion on behalf of the old religion, and cas- tles were raised. In the wake of image-smashing and kirks beyond control (of- ten unfit for use) the cult of Christ’s wounds was revived: Arma Christi adorned the domestic chapels of gentry families and the ihs Jesuit monogram became a symbol of Counter-Reformation.3 The Jesuit John Hay (1547–1607), who was related to the earl of Erroll, visited the tower-houses of his kin at Delgaty and Towie Barclay on his pioneering 1579 mission to Scotland.4 The Society’s supe- rior in Scotland James Gordon (1541–1620), uncle to the earl of Huntly, finally gained access to the royal presence in full hope of achieving a conversion: After dinner the King disputed with him in his chamber from 2 o’clock till 7, in the presence of all his officers and gentlemen of the Court as well as some of the principal ministers, whom the King commanded not to speak […]. On two points the King was convinced and agreed with Mr James as to justification and predestination, but he said this was not a papist doctrine and that he would not sign his hand to it. Mr James re- plied that he would both write it and sign it. Gordon admired the king’s “keen intelligence, and a very powerful memory, for he knows a great part of the Bible by heart.”5 However, no hint of conversion emerged during two months of following James “to the chase and everywhere else.”6 Meanwhile Anna, his queen, was received as a convert by the Jesuit Rob- ert Abercrombie (1536–1613). He had no illusions about the king’s firm inten- tion to be the next supreme governor of the Church of England.7 2 Narratives of Scottish Catholics under Mary Stewart and James vi, ed. William Forbes-Leith, S.J. (Edinburgh, 1885), 166. 3 Ian B. D. Bryce and Alasdair Roberts, “Post-Reformation Catholic Houses of North-East Scot- land,” Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 123 (1993): 363–72. 4 Forbes-Leith, Narratives, 148. 5 Calendar of State Papers, Spain, ed. Martin A. S. Hume, 4 vols. (London, 1899), 4:260. The original is in the Archives of Simancas, iv, 1587–1603. 6 Forbes-Leith, Narratives, 203. 7 For politics involving Alexander Seton at the heart of government see Maurice Lee, “King James’s Popish Chancellor,” in The Renaissance and Reformation in Scotland, ed. Ian B. Cowan and Duncan Shaw (Edinburgh, 1983), 170–82. journal of jesuitDownloaded studies from 7 Brill.com09/27/2021 (2020) 103-116 06:03:12PM via free access <UN> Jesuits In The Highlands: Three Phases 105 Gordon had greater success at local level in debate with George Hay (c.1530– 88). Based at Rathven near Speymouth, Hay was praised as “the most learned of the ministers, a man of good birth, fairly versed in Greek and Latin literature.”8 According to the report that went to Rome, however, he was no match for a properly educated Jesuit. Gordon’s rejection of Hay’s “garbled quotations” from the church fathers led to a pause: Then the minister, sending to his own house which was at some leagues distance, procured a whole horse-load of books, and among them the writings of the ancient doctors. By means of these, in the presence of a great concourse of nobles and ladies, Father Gordon vanquished the min- ister by bringing forward complete sentences and not isolated phrases from the ancient writers to whom the minister had appealed. This occur- rence made a great noise and produced a great effect, for a large number of persons returned in consequence to the religion of their fathers and others were encouraged to persevere therein.9 The event serves to illustrate the importance of local advocacy in vernacular Scots beyond pamphleteering from abroad, based on a sound understanding of theology through Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. Members of the Society of Jesus were required to send reports from many countries to the superior general in Rome and they did so fully on Scotland. William Forbes-Leith employed his time on the staff at Stonyhurst translat- ing the college’s “Scotia” file which led to three volumes in print.10 Too readily dismissed in the past, Forbes-Leith has lately been gaining respect.11 Hubert Chadwick, historian of the college’s Flanders era,12 continued the process. 8 Forbes-Leith, Narratives, 203. Hay published The Confutation of the Abbot of Crossraguel’s Masse in 1563, a King’s College lecture, M. G. Hay oratio habita in gymnasio Aberdonensis in 1571, and he helped Andrew Melville to draft the Second Book of Discipline in 1578. Rich- ard L. Greaves, “George Hay (c.1530–1588),” in odnb, http://www.oxforddnb.com.ezproxy .lib.gla.ac.uk/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-12716 (accessed September 2, 2019). 9 Forbes-Leith, Narratives, 204. 10 Memoirs of Scottish Catholics during the xviith and xviiith Centuries, ed. William Forbes- Leith S.J., 2 vols. (London: Longmans, Green: 1909), following Narratives. “Scotia” at Stony- hurst was first filed in Jesuit archives as “Anglia 42.” 11 Peter Davidson and Thomas M. McCoog, S.J., “Father Robert’s Convert: The Private Catholicism of Anne of Denmark,” Times Literary Supplement, November 24, 2000. 12 Hubert Chadwick, St Omers to Stonyhurst: A History of Two Centuries (London: Burns & Oates, 1962). journal of jesuit studies 7 (2020) 103-116 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 06:03:12PM via free access <UN> 106 Roberts While teaching at St. Aloysius College in Glasgow, Chadwick researched and wrote about Scotland.13 Peter Shearman paid tribute to Chadwick’s “consid- erable contribution to our knowledge of the history of the Jesuit Mission in Scotland.”14 Back at Stonyhurst, he transcribed the Society’s correspondence for that country, including some two hundred letters for the years 1594–1627. Held in the Farm Street archive, they were translated by retired Jesuits advised to avoid an elaborate prose style. The last of them, Myles Lovell, confirmed that the result was “rough and ready.”15 He helped to make eighty-six letters up to 1606 available in English. A further 110 documents await translation. Thomas McCoog, responsible for Farm Street archives around the turn of the millennium, made his own contribution by placing Scotland in a British and Irish context.16 There was early Jesuit activity between Ireland and the Hebrides, with James Galwey (1579–1634) making his first converts in Islay about the time of John Ogilvie’s (1579–1615) death: After seven days there he was denounced, and went with two compan- ions to Oronsay where there was a chapel of St Columba, and thence to Colonsay; in both he reconciled forty people of mature age who had nev- er seen a priest before, and he said Mass for them.17 Galwey was also at Arran, Jura, Gigha and mainland Kintyre, but he was too close to Campbell power in Argyll. More success was to be enjoyed among MacDonalds by Franciscans.18 McCoog has shown that a surprisingly large 13 Hubert Chadwick, “Father William Creighton S.J., and a Recently Discovered Letter (1589),” Archivum historicum Societatis Iesu [ahsi] 6 (1937): 259–86; Hubert Chadwick, “A Memoir of Fr.
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