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POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION OF HOLY RELICS: EXAMPLES FROM SOUTH ASIAN MUSLIM SOCIETY

Sachiyo KOMAKI*

In , many and carefully preserve Islamic holy relics. A large proportion of them are articles which are believed to have belonged to the Prophet and the rest are deemed to have belonged to his family, his companions or later renowned Muslim . Here I consider the cult of Islamic holy relics from an anthropological perspective, based on the theme of the "succession of holiness." Most of the holy relics open to the public are accompanied with a storied history in which dynastic rulers and renowned saints make an appearance. In this sense, the succession of holy relics is intimately connected with politics. However, the holy relics are also tangible objects that strongly arouse feelings of respect and affection for the Prophet, as well as act as a reminder of his life and times. It is likely that those who view the relics perceive umma or all , rather than a specific individual or group, as the successor to the relics. Herein lies an imaginative world, or poetics, concerning the succession of holy relics. Meanwhile, relatively inexpensive charms and based on the motifs of certain holy relics are being circulated as souvenirs from holy places. This phenomenon, whereby holy relics in the form of charms and amulets are brought into an individual's private domain and venerated, means that they are also being passed down among the general populace. I would like to call this the pop aspect of the succession of holy relics. This paper considers from the above perspectives the aspects of politics, poetics and pop in the succession of holy relics based on my fieldwork in South Asia, in particular in North and . Keywords: cult of relics, South Asia, politics, poetics, pop

Introduction This paper aims to consider the cult of Islamic holy relics in South Asia from an anthropological perspective, based on the theme of the "succession of

* Associate Professor, Takasaki City University of Economics

Vol. XLD 2007 71 holiness." What are called here Islamic holy relics refer to visible and tangible objects which have attracted religious faith and are known by such general names as tabarrukat, asar-e mubarak or asar-e sharif in South Asia. A large proportion of them are articles which are believed to have belonged to the Prophet Muhammad. However personal effects of people included in the category of holy person who were granted baraka by God, namely the family of the Prophet (his daughter Hazrat Fatima, his cousin on his father's side as well as son-in- Hazrat and his two grandsons Hazrat Hasan and Hazrat Husain), his companions and later renowned Muslim saints, are also revered as Islamic holy relics. It must be said that hitherto researchers have paid comparatively little attention to the holy relics in spite of the zealous and strong interest demonstrated by believers. Literally, the study of relics, or remains, has been left far behind even among anthropologists. Though there is plenty of anthropological literature focused on so-called saints whether they were real people or fictional characters, or whether they are living or dead, in most cases these were ultimately people whose pedigree or genealogy could be traced back to the Prophet, and the cult of relics has tended to be overlooked as a part of the cult of saints. However, both the cult of saints and the cult of relics are faith in a holy man or thing derived from the Prophet, and one should not be seen as a secondary phenomenon of the other. It has often been pointed out that the tracing back of a 's genealogy as far as the Prophet endorse~ the honourable pedigree and the very sainthood itself. However, it has been shown that the succession of relics is also intimately connected with the endorsement of sainthood, and that in tum their succession by renowned saints and their families vouches for the authenticity of relics [Sanyal 1996: 105-110]. In other words, both saints and relics have the Prophet as their source and have an equivalent relation whereby their assertions regarding this source provide mutual reinforcement. Based upon this, what I would particularly like to emphasize is that relics become a powerful medium that creates a dyadic chain between the successor and the successee, which links the past owners and the present owner, and constructs some kind of social relation. Via the succession of holy relics, their present owner seems to make a claim, in a visible and tangible form, to have succeeded to some power from the previous owner. This power may be symbolical political power, or it may be supernatural magical power. Allow me

72 ORIENT POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION,OF HOLY RELICS to give an example. In recent memory, the Taliban leader Mullah showed himself robed in the Prophet Muhammad's mantle when the Taliban administration was formed. According to Ahmed Rasid this happened as follows:

On 4 April 1996, Omar appeared on the roof of a building in the centre of the city, wrapped in the Cloak of the Prophet Muhammad, which had been taken out of its for the first time in 60 years. As Omar wrapped and unwrapped the Cloak around his body and allowed it to flap in the wind, he was rapturously applauded by the assembled throng of mullahs in the courtyard below, as they shouted

u Amir-ul Momineen." This oath of allegiance or "baiat" was a procedure similar to when Caliph Omar (sic. may be ) was confirmed as the leader of the Muslim community in Arabia after the death of the Prophet Muhammad. It was a political masterstroke for, by cloaking himself with the Prophet's mantle, Mullah Omar had assumed the right to lead not just all Afghans, but all Muslims [Rashid 2002 (2000): 42].

Since his performance imitating the caliph directly connected to the assertion of a new leader of the Muslim community, the succession of holy relics is clearly no trivial matter in the understanding of contemporary Muslim society. This issue of succession is considered here from the three angles of politics, poetics and pop. 1 Here the term politics refers to the political nature of the act of succeeding to and possessing holy relics, and to the act of publicly displaying the "fact" of that succession and ownership. To put it concretely, this means drawing attention to the storied histories and ritual exhibitions of the relics. The poetics aspect focuses on the imaginative world embraced by the average pilgrims when they face the relics. In such cases, one may well imagine who is the "true" successor to the holy relics. Finally, pop is an analytical concept that follows Brooker's definition of "a consistent reference to and source in the materials and processes of consumer culture" [Brooker 1999: 190]. In concrete terms, it refers to the situation where holy relics have been mass-produced as charms and amulets and have become "commodities" for consumption. May not the purchaser of these charms and amulets be called a successor to the holy relics within a pop context? This paper considers from the above perspectives the aspects of politics, poetics and pop in the succession of holy relics. The examples below are based on my

Vol. XLIT 2007 73 fieldwork in South Asia, in particular in and Pakistan.

1. Jama Masjid of Old In South Asia, many mosques and shrines carefully preserve holy relics that are deemed to have belonged to the Prophet and his family. For instance, Jama Masjid of , the shrine of the Sufi saint Hazrat in , and Badshahi Masjid of , and so on. Most of these holy relics have a storied history in which dynastic rulers and renowned saints make an appearance. First of all, let us consider the case of Jama Masjid in Old Delhi. Jama Masjid is the largest in India, designed by the fifth Mughal emperor (r. 1628-58). When one enters the main entrance facing the Mughal Palace Lal Qila, meaning the , and turns right, towards the north-eastern comer of the mosque, one arrives at a locked white chamber. If one then express ones desire for a viewing to the mosque staff one may well be able to see the following relics. I have visited to these relics on February 12th, 2001 and February 27th, 2002. A few chapters of the written on deerskin by Hasan and Husain. Both are written in Kufi script (the dominant early priestly script) and stored in shallow wooden cases with glass lids. A hair from the Prophet's beard. This is fixed in a chunk of resin and stored in a small glass container. According to the mosque staff, "there are only three places in the world with genuine hair of the Prophet. These are the Topkapi Palace in , the shrine in , Jammu and , and here, the Jama Masjid of Delhi." A camel hide sandal of the Prophet. This is stored among jasmine petals in a shallow wooden case with a glass lid. A footprint of the Prophet embedded in rock. According to a member of the mosque staff, these relics were carried off from by Timur (1336-1405) and taken to India by Timur's descendant, the first Mughal emperor (r. 1526-30), then inherited by the . Until Shah Jahan enshrined them in this mosque, the emperors kept the relics in a room in their own fort. From Shah Jahan onwards, the emperors used an underground passage linking the fort and the mosque when they paid reverence to the relics. The mosque staff also explained to me that the relics are revered not only Muslims but also by and . Certainly, it was a Hindu family from who had paid their respects at the same time as the author. After the relics were put away in the chamber, they touched the hands and sleeves of the mosque staff who had taken out and explained each one, and tried to acquire

74 ORIENT POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION OF HOLY RELICS baraka from the relics by indirect contact, since, as non-Muslims, they were unable to touch the relics directly [photo No. 1]. After thus acquiring baraka with both hands, they then tried to attach it to themselves by gestures of washing their faces and chests. Incidentally, according to the historian Umar, during the reign of the sixth emperor (r. 1658-1707), the relics were kept in the chamber situated on the north-west side of the mosque. They were also considerably greater in number than today. Namely, they were a few chapters of the Quran said to have been written by Ali; a few chapters of the Quran written by Photo I. The white shrine of Jama Masjid hous­ Hasan; a full Quran written ing holy relics by Imam Husain; a chapter written by Imam Ja'far; the hair and shoes of the Prophet; ; the coverlet of the holy shrine; a palm-print of Ali; the hol y sheet of Fatima; and the coverlet ofKa'ba [Umar 1993: 321]. Mughal emperors went to the mosque to pay their respects as a mark of reverence for the re lics, and they offered twelve asharjis on the last Friday of the month of Ramazan. In addition, special occasions for visits by the emperor were the first Friday of the month of Muharram, from the lOth to the 12th Rabi' ul Awwal, the II th of the month ofRabi' -us Sani, the 13th of the Jamadi-ul Awwal, the first Friday of Jamadi-us Sani, and the 27th of the Rajab on the night of Shab-i Mira); particularly spectacular ceremonies were held on "Rajah Sharif (the religious gathering on the 27th of the Rajab)" and "Milad Shar(f (the religious gathering on the 12th ofRabi' ul Awwal, i.e. the Prophet's birthday)". On the 28th rituals of visit were perfom1ed and on the day of"" thefatiha was offered to the martyrs (Imam Husain and his companions) [Umar 1993: 321].

Vol. XLII 2007 75 It is said that the Mughal emperors paid much veneration in a variety of forms to the relics [Umar 1993: 321-322]. The twelfth emperor (r. 1719-48) used to go to the mosque every Friday to offer his prayers and to perform the rituals of visit with the princes, ministers and nobles. After prayers and veneration of the relics, he distributed hundreds of rupees in the form of nazr (dedication) to beggars, ascetics and travelers. This custom of nazr began in the time of Aurangzeb and continued until 1739. After this, the relics were hidden away and only revealed to the public once a year, on the 12th Rabi' ul Awwal. During the reign ofthe thirteenth emperor Ahmad Shah (1748-54), on the advice of two nobles, it was decided to transfer the relics from Jama Masjid to Lal Qila, where they were enshrined in the wooden mosque inside the fort, and visited by the emperor and inhabitants of the fort. However, from records of the fourteenth emperor 'Alamgir II (r. 1754-59) paying reverence to the relics on the festival of the Prophet's birthday (milad al-nabi or bara wafat), it is known that they were taken again to Jama Masjid from the fort between 1754 and 1755. Afterwards, the emperors stopped going to the mosque to pay reverence to the relics, and the box containing the relics came to be taken to the fort. As a result, it is said that some people came to regard the genuineness of the relics with suspicion [Umar 1993: 322-323]. Thus, more relics than at present were enshrined in the Mughal-era Jama Masjid. Moreover, it seems that there was a period of devoted care and performance of zealous ritual.

2. Shrine of Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya The second case is of the or Sufi shrine of Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya, a famous Sufi saint of the , located in the south-east of New Delhi [photo No. 2]. This saint is said to be a , in other words to possess a pedigree and genealogy stretching back to the Prophet. The holy relics enshrined here are as follow. I) Several hairs from the beard of the Prophet. I saw these twice, at the festival of the Prophet's birthday (hijri calendar the 12th Rabi' ul Awwal) in 1991 and 1996.2 On the second occasion I noticed that the number of hairs had increased, and so asked one of the shrine staff, i.e. pirzada (custodian of the shrine) about this. I received the reply that some of the hairs had multiplied and split in two just as if they were alive, and so had been separated and preserved in separate containers. He added that the very fact that such a miracle had occurred was a guarantee of the authenticity of the relics. 2) A small piece of leather said to be the final remnant of a book written by Hazrat Ali. 3) A small brick of

76 ORIENT POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION OF HOLY RELICS

Photo 2. Shrine of Hazrat Nizamuddin baked Karbala mud said to have been soaked with the blood of Hazrat Husain; its colour is said to change from brown to red on the anniversary of his death (hijri calendar the 1Oth Muhan·am). This is also said to be genuine due to this annual change in hue. 4) A footprint of the Prophet embedded in rock. This is proof of a miracle performed when the Prophet left his footprint on a rock after a non-Muslim had challenged him to prove that he really was a messenger from God. These relics are said to have been given into the safekeeping of the shrine by (r. 1837-58), emperor, shortly before he was arrested near 's in 1857. The relics are open to the public once a year on the Prophet's birth anniversary and it went as fo llows at this shrine in 1996. After noon of the "eve" of the 12th Rabi' ul Awwal (in the hijri calendar a day begins at sunset) many buildings in the were decorated with festive illuminations, and an awning, from whi ch were hung gold and silver cords, was stretched over the courtyard to the south of the saint's tomb chamber. Soon a performance of (the devotional music of the Sufis) commenced there. Around that time pilgrims gradually gathered and spread mats in the courtyard to the north of the tomb chamber to reserve their space as their

Vol. XLll 2007 77 numbers steadily increased. Soon after four in the afternoon the pirzadas assembled in the courtyard to the south of the tomb chamber. The qawwali performance ceased and a preacher (a senior pirzada) seated himself where the musicians had been. At 4:20 a religious gathering known as milad sharif began. In this gathering the preacher sat facing the entrance to the tomb chamber and a few pirzadas seated themselves opposite one another at intervals of one or two metres to form a path between him and the tomb chamber. The pilgrims seated themselves to encircle this, as a rule with the men on the right, when facing the tomb chamber, and the women on the left. The preacher at the centre of it all chanted the F atiha and recounted the Prophet's life while reciting at intervals "La /1/aha Ilia Allah" and then went on to give a sermon on the way a Muslim should be according to the sunnah (the way of the Prophet). During this, large cloth-covered platters and baskets were brought one after another onto the "path" between the preacher and the tomb chamber; these contained food such as nan (leavened bread) and dal (lentil soup). These had been given as offerings by pilgrims and became tabarruk (a medium for baraka) during the gathering. These offerings are distributed among all the pilgrims in the evening. After a while another person took over as the preacher. He also first chanted Fatiha and then Naat-Shareef (exalted poetry in praise of the Prophet Muhammad) and then began to recount the life of the Prophet. When he came to the scenes of the Prophet's sickness and death, everyone in the congregation, including the preacher, stood up aild chorused "Ya Nabi Assalam-U-Alaikum". After this the two preachers intoned du 'a in alternation and the congregation repeated the choruses of amin. This roughly hour-long religious gathering concluded with the azan (call to prayer) of the and the congregation began to perform wuzu (ritual ablution), the men to join together in a service in the mosque to the west of the tomb chamber, the women to separately in the space on both sides of the mosque. Unlike the usual asr prayer, Qur 'an Khani (recitation of the Quran) was also performed. At 5:50 pm, when the asr prayer finished, a male ascetic facing east from inside the mosque began to sonorously chant Naat-Sharif. At the same time, in the courtyard to the south of the tomb chamber the congregation began to form separate lines of men and women under the instructions of the pirzadas. The time was finally approaching for the "relics" of the Prophet's family to be displayed. The relics were to be displayed to the west of the tomb chamber, in other words between the tomb chamber and the mosque. The ascetic faced

78 ORIENT POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION OF HOLY RELICS towards the relics and chanted Naat-Shareef. Of this shrine's relics, the hairs, the small piece of leather and the small brick of Karbala mud were enshrined in a showcase that was placed on a pedestal of chest height and covered with a velvet cloth. The footprint of the Prophet was placed at the base of the pedestal holding the showcase and bucket and jug brimming with rose water were readied at its side. When a pirzada removed the velvet cloth covering the showcase the devotees surged forward. The pirzadas did all they could to hold them back and to order them into lines so that the men and women could alternately approach the relics. When their turn came, the pilgrims intoned du 'a as they viewed each of the showcased relics and then gratefully received rose water wrung by the pirzadas from a cloth with which they had soaked up rose water poured from the jug onto the Prophet's footprint. Some people cupped the baraka-filled rose water in both hands and drank it there and then, while some people put it in small bottles to take home. Some young couples dripped it into the mouths of the infants they were holding. After doing these things, they carefully rubbed the few remaining drops in their palms onto their foreheads, cheeks and the clothes on their chests. This revealed a mentality whereby not even a single drop of sacred rose water was overlooked. The viewing of the relics was temporarily halted by the azan to the , and everyone in the shrine turned toward the tomb chamber and intoned du 'a. With this it became the 12th Rabi' ul Awwal, namely the day of the Prophet's birth anniversary according to the hijri calendar. After the maghrib prayer a qawwa/i gathering was held in the courtyard to the south of the tomb chamber and the relics were displayed to the pilgrims until late into the night. The event continued for two more days, but from the next day onwards only the stone slab with the Prophet's footprint was displayed. The Prophet's birth anniversary at the Nizamuddin Dargah thus centres on a religious gathering and the viewing of the relics. The popularity of the Prophet's birth anniversary even rivals that of the ' (saint's death anniversary) at this shrine, and it is not hard to imagine that the objective of the visitors to the shrine is the once-a-year veneration of the relics. They gather to acquire knowledge of the Prophet's life and miracles, as well the baraka emitted by the relics that act as their proof, at the shrine of a saint who is a "descendant" of the Prophet's family. In this sense, one may say that the relics possess the power to periodically transform the shrine into a place where "communion" with the family of the Prophet is possible.

Vol. XLIT 2007 79 3. Badshahi Masjid of Lahore Both examples so far have been in North India. Let us now take a look at the case of Badshahi Masjid in Lahore, Pakistan. We leave behind the congested and noisy streets and move to the northern edges, to the old city where Badshahi Masjid is situated. This mosque was built during the reign of the sixth Mughal emperor Aurangzeb and is the largest mosque in the city. It was inaugurated on June 27th, A.D. 1674 or third month 12th, A.H. 1084; that is, the inauguration was held on the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad and it seems that the emperor himself hastened from Delhi to join in the magnificent ceremonies [Chaghatai 1972: 9]. The main entrance of Badshahi Masjid, which faces the Alamgiri Gate of , has an impressive appearance which mirrors the glories of the Mughal . The relics are kept in the upper story of this archway [photo No.3]. One first removes ones shoes and gets a numbered token from the shoe keeper before proceeding into the entrance hall. On the north wall of the entrance hall are boards with a history of Badshahi Masjid (in and English), a list of the holy relics (in Urdu) and a history of the holy relics (in Urdu). When one enters the mosque and turns right, one finds an entrance leading to the galleries. It is instantly recognizable by a few khadims standing by [photo No. 4]. One passes through this after paying the admission fee to a khadim, and climbs a steep and gloomy stairway. There, at last, are the holy relic galleries. The following relics were on display in glass showcases along the walls, divided between three rooms and four sections. Room 1 (Section 1): a. hair attributed to the Prophet, b. a quilt used by the Prophet, c. a reproduction of the Prophet's banner, d. a green worn by the Prophet with a cap round which it was tied, e. a green cloak worn by the Prophet, f. the Prophet's staff. Room 2, on the east side (Section 2): a.-b. stone shards from Ka'ba sharif, c. a fragment of the ·black cloth cover of Ka'ba sharif, d. a fragment from the cover of the Prophet's tomb, e. underwear attributed to the Prophet, f. the Prophet's sandals, g. a sketch of a sandal attributed to the Prophet, h. stone impressed with the mark of the Prophet's foot. Room 2, on the west side (Section 3 ): a. two teeth attributed to the Prophet's companion Hazrat Uwais Karni, b. the banner of Hazrat Husain, who was martyred at Karbala, c. Hazrat Husain's turban, d. Hazrat Husain's tomb cover, e. the turban of Hazrat Husain's elder brother, Hazrat Hasan, f. Hazrat Husain's cap, g. red earth from Karbala, h. a Holy Quran which escaped burning during the lndo-Pak War.

80 ORIENT POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION OF HOLY RELICS

Photo 3. The main gate of Badshahi Masjid

Photo 4. The entrance to the galleries

Vol. XLII 2007 81 Room 3 (Section 4): a. the of the Islamic scholar Hazrat Abdul Qadir Jilani, founder of the Qadiri order, b. the tomb cover of Hazrat Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani, c. a kerchief attributed to Hazrat Fatima, the Prophet's daughter, d. a talisman belonging to Hazrat Ali, e. Hazrat Ali 's cap with a turban tied round it, f. a quilt attributed to Hazrat Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani, g. Hazrat Fatima's prayer rug. The attitude towards these relics of the individual pilgrims varies: some gaze hungrily at them, their faces close to the glass showcases; some diligently read each and every explanation and expound them to their companions; and some stop in front of a particular relic and make a zealous personal prayer, read from the Quran or chant its specific passage. They are not simply looking at the relics; they are praying to acquire baraka, namely God's blessing, their hands held facing upwards at chest height. When they have finished this viewing people take home with them a tabarruk in the form of rose petals, which are placed in the center of the room to be continually bathed in the baraka emitted by the re lics. By the way, relics are displayed along the walls in glass showcases; as well as each item having a caption in Urdu and English as mentioned above, explaining what it is and who it belonged to, some of them are accompanied by a more detailed explanation in Urdu. However, the closest attention should be paid to the following explanation of the history of the relics written in Urdu on

Photo 5. The explanation of the history and the list of the holy relics

82 ORIENT POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION OF HOLY RELICS the board in the entrance hall [photo No. 5]. The content is as follows (explanatory comments by the author are given in parentheses). 3

The History of These Sacred Holy Relics The origins of the holy relics kept above this (mosque) entrance are detailed in the records of the late () Sayyid Nur-ud-din 's survey of 1853 (sic), ordered by Sir John Lawrence (the then Chief Commissioner of the , and Viceroy of India between 1863 and 1869), and republished by Sayyid Muhammad Latif in his book Lahore (published in 1892). Some of these holy relics were gifted by local patrician, judges and Sayyid (descendants of the family of the Prophet Muhammad) when Timur occupied Damascus in A.H. 803 (A.D. 1400). On the first day of the third month of A.H. 805 (A.D. 1402) Timur crushed (the army of) the (Ottoman) Bayezid I (at the battle of Ankara), at which time he was also presented with several relics. After Timur's death these holy relics were handed down among his successors, and taken to (North India) by (the first Mughal emperor) Babur. After the death of (the twelfth emperor) Muhammad.Shah (r. 1719-48) the was on the decline and (the founder of the Durrani dynasty) Ahmad Shah Abdali (1722-73) won at (the battle of) Hindustan and annexed the Punjab. He married his son to Muhammad Shah's daughter, Mughlani Be gam. She (Mughlani Be gam) was the daughter of his (Muhammad Shah's) wife Malika Zamani. Mughlani Begam's mother, Malika Zamani, found her situation in Delhi uneasy and she moved to Jammu (Kashmir) with all her possessions, including the holy relics. At that time Jammu was the domain of her daughter Mughlani Begam and one of her (Malika Zamani's) relatives, Khwaja Ibrahim Khan, was the then ruler of Kashmir. After a time necessity compelled Malika Zamani to pawn the holy relics to Shah Muhammad Baza and Muhammad Chatha, at their request, for the sum of Rs. 80,000. They (Shah Muhammad Baza and Pir Muhammad Chatha) divided the holy relics between themselves in proportion to the money each had contributed and left for their respective homes. Pir Muhammad brought his share of the holy relics to Rasulnagar in . In 1747 Maha Singh, the father of (1780-1839) occupied Rasulnagar and all its possessions, including the holy relics. In 1794, amid growing consternation over reports of Shah Zaman's (the grandson of Ahmad Shah Abdali) advance on India, the Maharaja Ranjit Singh sent all his wealth, including the holy relics, to the Fort of Mukerian, which belonged to his mother-in-law Sada Kour. A great fire broke out at the fort and everything was burnt to ashes. However, even though

Vol. XLIT 2007 83 gunpowder was stored in the room below it, the room which housed the relics was spared from the flames. All the Sikhs and Muslims were amazed and their veneration for the relics increased. When Sada Kour died her grandson Maharaja (her daughter's son) inherited the holy relics, which he took to his fort of Chavinda. When Sher Singh was murdered in 1843 his property was appropriated by the State, at the head of which was Hira Singh. Hira Singh sent the holy relics to his own residence in Lahore. When Hira Singh was murdered in 1845 the holy relics were placed in Lahore Fort in Khawabgarh-i- upon the orders of Maharani Jindan Kour (the wife of Ranjit Singh and mother of Duleep Singh). They were under the charge of Jawahar Singh's trusted groom Musanmi Kulli and Badr-ud-din. The holy relics that fell to the share of Shah Muhammad Baza were bought by the late Faqir Sayyid Nur-ud-din as properties. Thus the once scattered holy relics have been reunited in one place. When the British captured the Fort in 1846 (with the Treaty of Lahore concluded in March of that year) the holy relics came under British control together with the Fort. On the 22nd of the third month, A.H. 1301 (A.D. 1883) the holy relics were handed over to the Anjuman-i-Islamia on the orders of the Punjab Government. They were later transferred to Badshahi Masjid where they are still kept today. Auqaf Department, Punjab Provincial Government

According to this, the collection of holy relics in Badshahi Masjid too, like the collection in Old Delhi's Jama Masjid, has a history stretching back to Timur. Needless to say the Mughal dynasty was founded by Babur, a descendant of Timur and heir of the Timurid dynasty. The current guardians of the relics, the government of Punjab Province, while stressing their "authenticity" via a history linking them with Timur, also seems to be emphasizing the continuity of Muslim rule from the pre-modem Timurid and Mughal to the contemporary government of Punjab Province, Pakistan, as well as attempting to establish its own authority and display its piety through its care of the relics. In this way the relics become a powerful medium that creates a dyadic chain between the successor and the successee, linking the past owners and the present owner, and constructs some kind of social relation between them. However, this is not the only important thing. Essentially, the relics and their ownership are in a complementary relationship that mutually endorses their authenticity and divinity as well as legitimacy. For example, in the case of the afore-mentioned Jama Masjid in Old Delhi, as soon as the Mughal emperors

84 ORIENT POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION OF HOLY RELICS stopped zealously worshipping the relics in the mid-eighteenth century, some people began to doubt the authenticity of the relics. Strangely enough, this coincided with the decline of the Mughal dynasty. It may be said that the decline in the owner's authority and doubts as to the relics' authenticity actually arose in the same period. Cases where the careful treatment by the owner is an endorsement of authenticity are, generally speaking, often seen with particularly priceless and rare articles. The holy relics are a classic example of this. This pattern was brought into sharp relief in the case of Badshahi Masjid with "the theft of a holy relic." According to a BBC news report of August 1st, 2002,4 under the headline of "Pakistan police probe relic theft" the report goes as follows (the author's explanatory comments are in parentheses).

Police in the Pakistani city of Lahore are investigating the theft of a pair of shoes (a sandal of the Prophet, f. in Section 3 above. In fact one of three sandals.) believed to have belonged to the Prophet Mohammad. A police official told the BBC that the sacred relic was stolen from a glass case inside the , built in 1673 during the Moghul period. The glass case was found broken and empty by a house keeper on Wednesday night, he said. The shoes were one of the historic exhibits on display to the public inside the mosque, which is visited by dozens of people every day from Pakistan and abroad. Punjab Minister for Religious Affairs, Ghulam Sarwar Qadri, said the government would hold an inquiry into the theft, which he said was either the result of a conspiracy or due to negligence by mosque staff. BBC correspondent Malik in Lahore says the relic is highly venerated by Muslims and the theft is the first incident of its kind in Pakistan. 5 The shoes are said to have been presented to the emperor Tamerlane on the conquest of Damascus in 1400. They were eventually brought to the sub-continent, along with other relics, in the sixteenth century, during the early Moghul period. Lahore City District Mayor Amer Mahmood said the burglary was an attempt to destabilize the government, but he did not elaborate. However, in fact the theft of a holy relic threw the Punjab government into confusion. This is because according to a follow-up report the offenders had yet to be arrested and the irate Punjab government had announced the dismissal of all the khadims connected with the galleries as well as several officials. 6 The author's own fieldwork substantiates the contents of this report. When I visited Lahore from the end of February to early March 2003 I was able to

Vol. XLII 2007 85 make the following observations. First of all, at least five of the khadims connected with the relic galleries had been transferred due to professional negligence. Next, the security of the galleries was much tighter than before. There were two armed guards, one posted near to the entrance and one inside Room 2. This was not all, sensors have been attached to the showcases and inadvertently touching them triggers an alarm. In addition several monitors are on the floor below the galleries to display scenes from the security cameras installed in each gallery. Also, as if this security system were not enough, it has been proposed in the provincial parliament to transfer the custody of the relics to , and this motion will apparently be deliberated in the near future (see [Komaki 2004] for details). It is safe to say that the serious attitude adopted by the provincial government towards the theft serves to demonstrate that the holy relics are symbolic assets which are linked with the dignity of the provincial government. The authenticity of the relics, whether or not the stolen one is returned, will be thoroughly vouched for as long as the theft continues to cause confusion and to be taken seriously.

4. Politics, Poetics and Pop in the Succession of Holy Relics The histories of the relics in not just Lahore's Badshahi Masjid, but also in the afore-mentioned Jama Masjid of Old Delhi and the sqrine of Hazrat Nizamuddin, imply a connection with the Mughal dynasty. The current owner who emphasizes this kind of storied history is generally declaring, in a direct or indirect manner, that, via his succession to the relics, he has acquired some kind of power from the former owner, such as symbolical political power or supernatural magical power. In fact, this is imparted orally to the pilgrims at Jama Masjid and Nizamuddin Dargah, and at Badshahi Masjid it is displayed in Urdu, the national language of Pakistan, on a board in the entrance hall of the mosque. In this sense, the succession of holy relics is intimately connected with politics. However, the relics are also tangible objects that strongly arouse feelings of respect and affection for the Prophet, as well as act as a reminder of the times in which he lived. It is likely that those who view the relics perceive umma or all Muslims, rather than a specific individual or group, as the successor to them. Paying attention to the storied histories at the same time leads to an interest in the places and times at which the relics are displayed. For relating such histories means that it is not possible for the relics to be treasures that are simply stored away carefully in a sanctuary. In other words, they need to be displayed to

86 ORIENT POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION OF HOLY RELICS the public for the power acquired by the successor/owner to be recognized. Pilgrims are permitted to view the relics at Jama Masjid upon request, they are open to the public once a year at Nizamuddin Dargah, and they are on permanent display at Badshahi Masjid. Whether or not they are aware of the political agenda of the successor/owner, the people who come face to face there with the holy relics forget where and what they are as they transcend time and imagine the days of the Prophet. And they offer such very concrete prayers to the relics. Thus the holy relics are also tangible objects that strongly arouse feelings of respect and affection for the Prophet, as well as act as a reminder of his life and times. The zeal of the devotees who come to view the relics takes a variety of forms depending on the case, however they were all extremely earnest. Just who do those who view the relics see as the successor to the relics? Probably they perceive umma, or all Muslims, as the successor to the holy relics, rather than a specific individual or group that is looking after them. I held conversations with people who had actually visited the relics; the following remarks are those which left the strongest impression. "The holy relics are open to the view and private prayers of all. This is because is not a religion belonging to any particular ethnic group." "I do not pray to the holy relics, but I love and respect them as things which are derived from the Prophet. The holy relics are things to tum our thoughts to the Prophet when we look at them." "Apparently asked to return the holy relics (in the treasury of the Topkapi Palace) but they refused. Of course they would, because every Muslim (of every ethnic group and country) loves and reveres the Prophet." Herein lies an imaginative world, or poetics, concerning the succession of holy relics. In other words, the holy relics exist as not only political tools but also as media for faith. In the cult of relics, besides this kind of politics and poetics, relatively inexpensive charms and amulets based on the motifs of certain holy relics are being circulated as souvenirs from holy places. Various kinds of charms and amulets adorned with the holy relics are on sale in the shops of the previously mentioned shrine of Hazrat Nizamuddin; on February 21st, 2001 the author purchased photographs of each relic (five rupees), a wall ornament embedded with a photograph of the Prophet's footprint (forty rupees), a hanging scroll of a drawing of the Prophefs sandal (twenty-five rupees), and a sticker of a drawing of the Prophet's sandal (five rupees) [photo No.6]. According to the shopkeeper,

Vol. XLII 2007 87 Photo 6. A wall-hanging and a sticker of a drawing of the Prophet's sandal

Photo 7. Stickers of a drawing of the Prophet's sandal

"The sticker may be stuck on a wall, but if you want to ensure the continual protection of baraka you should carry it around with you in your wallet or bag." In the shops at another Sufi shrine of the Chishti order in North India too, charms and amulets were on sa le for five rupees in the form of posters. These depicted the Prophet's green turban with a cap, his green cloak, and his stick. Next, let us look at the situation in Pakistan. At a shrine of the Qadiri Order

88 ORIENT POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION OF HOLY RELICS in , the shops of the shrine were selling charms and amulets in the form of a sticker [photo No. 7]. This was a simplified and more colourful version of the relic of the Badshahi Masjid, "a sketch of the Prophet's sandals (g. in Section 2)." It may be seen from these examples that, even when the holy relics have become charms and amulets or mass-produced copies, they are still believed to contain baraka. May it not be said that this phenomenon, whereby holy relics in the form of charms and amulets are brought into an individual's private domain and venerated, means that they are also being passed down among the general populace? I would like to call this phenomenon, whereby such charms and amulets are purchased and possessed as a prayer for the safety of an individual or family, the pop aspect of the succession of holy relics. Thus, in the succession of the holy relics may be observed a politics whereby, by the linkage of their origin with a historical personage such as a mighty conqueror or renowned saint, the successor and the holy relics themselves are endowed with power as well as holiness and authenticity from the connection with the big context of history and politics; a poetics whereby they are linked in a more narrow sense to the context of the religious world, arousing an imaginative power that inspires the Muslim community; and a pop angle whereby, at an even narrower individual or family level, the possession of a copy of a holy relic is used as a form of personal protection. Accordingly, it is possible to observe the various angles of politics, poetics and pop in the succession of holy relics.

5. Methods of Succession That Endorse the Authenticity of the Holy Relics When one examines the above cases in detail, a number of patterns emerge in the verification of the authenticity of the holy relics. Firstly, we can always observe in them a storied history of just how the holy relics came to be there. Namely, the pilgrims are informed in writing or orally of the history of how they passed from the original place of safekeeping to the place where they are currently enshrined - this can take such forms as theft (including pillage), gift and sale, and will be dealt with later - of who were the owners/successors, of whose hands they passed through, and of the kind of transport and journey. The storied history of the holy relics is something that presents a history of the changes in their owners and places of safekeeping, that clarifies their itinerancy, and that may be called a "cultural biography [Kopytoff: 1986]." Secondly, it is interesting that dynastic rulers and renowned saints feature as characters in these storied histories, in particular as the successors and

Vol. XLII 2007 89 successees of the holy relics. The appearance of a celebrated historical figure in these storied histories means that a historical and political element is added to the tale. By connecting the relics in such ways to a historical and political context, the authenticity of the relics comes to be understood as dependent on a more trustworthy and reliable source of information. In this way it is clear that the authenticity of relics is vouched for by the existence of a storied history or "cultural biography" and by the appearance of dynastic rulers and renowned saints in it. The singularity of this method of endorsing authenticity becomes clear when it is compared with the science of and the science of Sayyid genealogy. Namely, in the hadith not only the matn (text) that is the content of the sunnah. of the Prophet but also the isnad (their chain of transmitters) is clearly written down. It is the work of the hadith scholar (muhaddith) to verify the authenticity of the hadith from this kind of process. Meanwhile, it is the science of Sayyid genealogy that verifies the correctness of a pedigree and lineage that goes back to the Prophet, and this has come to be the task of genealogists and naqibs (Sayyid heads designated by the state). Genealogists awarded documents recognizing Sayyid genealogy and used these to support the authority of genealogy. Furthermore, by such devices as learning the science of genealogy themselves and taking the genealogists under their protection, the naqibs under various Muslim dynasties took control of Sayyid genealogy, such as prevention of the falsification of genealogy [Morimoto 1999]. However, it is not just that there is a dearth of "legitimate" and scholarly traditions to support the authenticity of the relics, but there are no writings that encourage their reverence in either the Quran or the six major Hadith collections and Islam has no canonization mechanism to begin with. Hence an attempt to trace the authenticity of relics was an extremely individualistic task. Thus it may be considered that a local approval process is performed in which the authenticity of relics is endorsed by such things as a storied history in which dynastic rulers and renowned saints make an appearance, numerous miracles, the number of pilgrims and the manner of their faith. It would seem that one important element in this kind of local approval process was the existence of kingship. The shape of the intimate relation between the cult of relics and kingship has already been mentioned. It may be argued that the cult of relics has declined due to the influence of modernization, secularization and Islamic reform movements [Parveen 1993]. Yet, one should rather say that the patron of the

90 ORIENT POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION OF HOLY RELICS ritual, or the king, was lost as a result of colonization and modernization, and the abolition of large-scale ritual, or a reduction in the scope of the ritual, was experienced. However, a reduction in the scale of rituals does not signify the "decline" of the cult of relics. As has been shown above, holy relics are undergoing pop succession in the form of charms and amulets, and faith in them is flourishing at a more individual level. Finally, I would like to note that the methods of succession to the holy relics dealt with in this manuscript may be broadly classified into theft (including pillage), gift and sale. In the storied histories of holy relics in Old Delhi's Jama Masjid, New Delhi's Nizamuddin Dargah and Lahore's Badshahi Masjid it is explained that the holy relics were pillaged by Timur and brought to North India by Babur, and then reached safekeeping in their various locations after being inherited by Mughal emperors, sold by empresses, bought by devout Muslims and donated to the shrine or mosque. According to Geary, who analyzed the circulation of holy relics in the Christian society of medieval Europe, of these three methods it is sale in which authenticity is most suspect [Geary 1986]. Ifwe look again at the example ofBadshahi Masjid, it is true that the holy relics underwent a process of being sold by the empress and bought by two Muslims during their history. However, in the twenty-first century the method of succession that most vouches for authenticity occurred, namely theft. Incidentally, if sale is the most suspect method of succession, we were able to actually see it used in what was instead a skilful form of succession. This was the purchase at the Sufi shrine of colourful and compact "reproduction" charms and amulets with holy relics as their motif. There is also the succession method of the purchase of holy relics that are kitsch, pop and not the genuine article. However, we can by no means ignore the faith that baraka also dwells in kitsch and pop "replicas" of holy relics.

Conclusion This paper attempted to focus on the politics, poetics and pop of the succession of holy relics in South Asian Muslim society, based on some examples, and to consider this from an anthropological perspective. As a result it was found that the hidden agenda of the owner, that is, politics and the imagination of the pilgrims, that is, poetics do not necessarily coincide and sometimes conflicts arise. Furthermore, it was found that in contrast with politics and poetics which involve an awareness of society or community, pop is extremely individual-oriented, seeks spiritual benefits in this world (or seeks "profit" in this world) and is strongly linked with consumer society and mass

Vol. XLII 2007 91 society. This was the pop aspect, produced in large quantities but purchased individually and consumed in personal use. The significance of examining the succession of holy relics according to the trio of politics, poetics and pop was the way in which it made this multi-layered perspective possible. Recently it is being argued that the form of Islam known as the cult of saints or the cult of relics is in decline due to the effects of modernization, secularization or the surge in Islamic reform movements. However, the cases introduced in this paper powerfully demonstrate that this kind of Islam still brims with energy and enthusiasm. The cult of relics and large turnouts for the Prophet's birth anniversary bear witness to this too, but I would also like to draw attention to the circulation of charms and amulets modelled on holy relics. The existence of charms and amulets that take holy relics as their motif demonstrates that dignified and historied relics, even after being made into colourful and compact "reproductions," are believed to be vehicles for baraka. Moreover, in most cases such charms and amulets may be purchased for a small sum at Sufi shrines everywhere. Thus holy relics are venerated not only on pilgrimages and visits to the holy places in which they are kept, but also, by way of the charms and amulets modelled upon them, in a more individual and everyday space. In other words, the political, poetic and pop cult of relics is by no means a pre-modem and dying faith that can be expected to wane. Rather one may say that, as in van Gennep's folk theory [Gennep 1943: 96-98], it repeatedly undergoes "invention" and "modification" in a shape that conforms to the times, and is a faith brimming with the energy to live in the present.

Notes 1 The triadic concept of "politics, poetics and pop" is based on issues raised by Prof. Masakazu Tanaka, Kyoto University, at the "Symposium on poetics, politics and pop around the sacred places in South Asia" (organized by Prof. Tanaka, December 7-8, 2000) (http·// www zinbun.kyoto-u ac.jp/-shakti/sacred.html). The syntax of "politics, poetics and pop" used in the paper may not necessarily fully grasp Prof. Tanaka's intended meaning when he raised the issue. In particular, the word "pop" was proposed by Prof. Tanaka as an analytical concept for the understanding of "the nature of believers in a cross-section of faiths (denominations)" when religion has become "more fluid due to the influence of the media and tourism." However I include the implications of"popularization" and "consuming culture" in my use of the word. 2 September 21st, 1991 and July 28th, 1996. 3 This history is based on Sayyid Muhammad Latif's "Lahore" [Latif 1995 (1892)] but there are a number of discrepancies between the two. The history in this paper also appears in another work [Komaki 2004] but is reproduced here for the convenience of the reader. 4 BBC Thursday, August 1st, 2002, Pakistan police probe relic theft (http://news.bbc.co.uk/ 1/hi/world/south_ asia/2165 780.stm) 5 However, a lock of the Prophet's hair was stolen from Hazratbal in Indian-administered Kashmir in the 1960s. 6 According to one report there is a rumor that the criminals may have sold the "priceless

92 ORIENT POLITICS, POETICS AND POP IN THE SUCCESSION OF HOLY RELICS relic" to the Sultan of Brunei. Rumors were also flying that the holy relic may have found its way to Britain. Nevertheless, at the time of writing the whereabouts of the holy relic remains unknown and we arc still awaiting a full investigation.

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