Alexander Married Two Persian Wives – One Was the Daughter of Darius and the Other Was the Daughter of Darius’ Rival, Ochus
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T C K a P R (E F C Bc): C P R
ELECTRUM * Vol. 23 (2016): 25–49 doi: 10.4467/20800909EL.16.002.5821 www.ejournals.eu/electrum T C K A P R (E F C BC): C P R S1 Christian Körner Universität Bern For Andreas Mehl, with deep gratitude Abstract: At the end of the eighth century, Cyprus came under Assyrian control. For the follow- ing four centuries, the Cypriot monarchs were confronted with the power of the Near Eastern empires. This essay focuses on the relations between the Cypriot kings and the Near Eastern Great Kings from the eighth to the fourth century BC. To understand these relations, two theoretical concepts are applied: the centre-periphery model and the concept of suzerainty. From the central perspective of the Assyrian and Persian empires, Cyprus was situated on the western periphery. Therefore, the local governing traditions were respected by the Assyrian and Persian masters, as long as the petty kings fulfi lled their duties by paying tributes and providing military support when requested to do so. The personal relationship between the Cypriot kings and their masters can best be described as one of suzerainty, where the rulers submitted to a superior ruler, but still retained some autonomy. This relationship was far from being stable, which could lead to manifold mis- understandings between centre and periphery. In this essay, the ways in which suzerainty worked are discussed using several examples of the relations between Cypriot kings and their masters. Key words: Assyria, Persia, Cyprus, Cypriot kings. At the end of the fourth century BC, all the Cypriot kingdoms vanished during the wars of Alexander’s successors Ptolemy and Antigonus, who struggled for control of the is- land. -
Alexander the Great and Hephaestion
2019-3337-AJHIS-HIS 1 Alexander the Great and Hephaestion: 2 Censorship and Bisexual Erasure in Post-Macedonian 3 Society 4 5 6 Same-sex relations were common in ancient Greece and having both male and female 7 physical relationships was a cultural norm. However, Alexander the Great is almost 8 always portrayed in modern depictions as heterosexual, and the disappearance of his 9 life-partner Hephaestion is all but complete in ancient literature. Five full primary 10 source biographies of Alexander have survived from antiquity, making it possible to 11 observe the way scholars, popular writers and filmmakers from the Victorian era 12 forward have interpreted this evidence. This research borrows an approach from 13 gender studies, using the phenomenon of bisexual erasure to contribute a new 14 understanding for missing information regarding the relationship between Alexander 15 and his life-partner Hephaestion. In Greek and Macedonian society, pederasty was the 16 norm, and boys and men did not have relations with others of the same age because 17 there was almost always a financial and power difference. Hephaestion was taller and 18 more handsome than Alexander, so it might have appeared that he held the power in 19 their relationship. The hypothesis put forward here suggests that writers have erased 20 the sexual partnership between Alexander and Hephaestion because their relationship 21 did not fit the norm of acceptable pederasty as practiced in Greek and Macedonian 22 culture or was no longer socially acceptable in the Roman contexts of the ancient 23 historians. Ancient biographers may have conducted censorship to conceal any 24 implication of femininity or submissiveness in this relationship. -
INTRODUCTION in the Late Fourth Century, Athens Came Under The
INTRODUCTION In the late fourth century, Athens came under the spell of one of the more colourful and complex fi gures of her history: Demetrius of Phalerum. A dilettante who bleached his hair and rouged his cheeks, a man whose luxurious banquets were conducted in perfumed and mosaic-clad rooms, Demetrius was also a product of Aristotle’s philo- sophical establishment, the Peripatos, and a remarkably accomplished scholar in his own right. Th is erudite and urbane fi gure rose from political obscurity to rule his native city for the decade 317–307. His regime occupies a vital transitional period of Athenian history. In temporal terms, it provides the link between the classical Athens of Lycurgus and the emerging Hellenistic city of the third century. It was a time at which Athens was still held fi rmly under the suzerainty of Macedon, the dominant world power of the day, as it had been already for three decades, but the very nature of that suzerainty was being re-defi ned. For much of the previous three decades, Athens had been but one of numerous Greek states subordinated to the northern super-power by a web of treaties called the League of Corinth. By the time of Demetrius, both Philip and Alexander, the greatest of the Macedonian kings, were gone and the Macedonian world itself was fragmenting. Alexander’s subordi- nates—the so-called Diadochoi—were seeking to carve out kingdoms for themselves in Alexander’s erstwhile empire, and in the resulting confusion, individual Greek states were increasingly becoming infl u- ential agents and valued prizes in the internecine strife between war- ring Macedonian generals. -
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
William Greenwalt
WILLIAM STEVEN GREENWALT DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS, SANTA CLARA UNIVERSITY SANTA CLARA, CA. 95053 Education Ph.D. Ancient Greek and Roman History, University of Virginia, May 1985 M.A. Ancient Greek and Roman History, University of Virginia, August 1978 B.A. History and English with High Distinction, University of Virginia, May 1975 Dissertation The Development of Royal Authority in Argead Macedonia Academic Honors, Awards and Distinctions Profiled as a Macedonian Scholar of note in Volume One of the journal, Karanos. Member, the Scott R. Jacobs Fund: endowing graduate students and junior faculty for the study of Alexander the Great and his ancient legacy (2010-). Chair, Department of Classics (2013-14). Director of the Honors Program, Lead Scholars Program and the Office of Fellowships, (2008-12). Chair, Department of Classics, 2000-2006. Teaching Award for Summer Excellence, 2005. Durham Summer Program Professor, 2004. University of California at Berkeley, Visiting Professor, 2004. Faculty Director, Alpha Learning Community, 2003-2006. College of Arts and Sciences Special Recognition Award for Energy, Vision, and Leadership in Pioneering Residential Learning Communities, 2002. College of Arts and Sciences Tenure Committee for the Arts and Humanities. Chair, 2003-2004; Committee Member, 2001-04. Brutocao Award for Teaching Excellence, 2001-2002. Promoted to Full Professor, 2001. Chair, Session III (“The Thracian Kings”), Eighth International Congress of Thracian Studies, Sophia, Bulgaria, 2000. Faculty Founder and Director, Communitas Learning Community, 1999-2003. College of Arts and Sciences David E. Logothetti Teaching Award, 1998-1999. College of Arts and Sciences Tenure Committee for the Arts and Humanities Chair, 1995-1996; Committee Member, 1993-1996. -
Alexander's Seventh Phalanx Battalion Milns, R D Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1966; 7, 2; Proquest Pg
Alexander's Seventh Phalanx Battalion Milns, R D Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1966; 7, 2; ProQuest pg. 159 Alexander's Seventh Phalanx Battalion R. D. Milns SOME TIME between the battle of Gaugamela and the battle of A the Hydaspes the number of battalions in the Macedonian phalanx was raised from six to seven.1 This much is clear; what is not certain is when the new formation came into being. Berve2 believes that the introduction took place at Susa in 331 B.C. He bases his belief on two facts: (a) the arrival of 6,000 Macedonian infantry and 500 Macedonian cavalry under Amyntas, son of Andromenes, when the King was either near or at Susa;3 (b) the appearance of Philotas (not the son of Parmenion) as a battalion leader shortly afterwards at the Persian Gates.4 Tarn, in his discussion of the phalanx,5 believes that the seventh battalion was not created until 328/7, when Alexander was at Bactra, the new battalion being that of Cleitus "the White".6 Berve is re jected on the grounds: (a) that Arrian (3.16.11) says that Amyntas' reinforcements were "inserted into the existing (six) battalions KC1:TCt. e8vr(; (b) that Philotas has in fact taken over the command of Perdiccas' battalion, Perdiccas having been "promoted to the Staff ... doubtless after the battle" (i.e. Gaugamela).7 The seventh battalion was formed, he believes, from reinforcements from Macedonia who reached Alexander at Nautaca.8 Now all of Tarn's arguments are open to objection; and I shall treat them in the order they are presented above. -
(Collection SOLO 72), Éditions El-Viso, Paris 2019, 56 Pp
ROCZNIK ORIENTALISTYCZNY, T. LXXIV, Z. 1, 2021, (s. 197–199) DOI 10.24425/ro.2021.137251 Recenzje / Reviews Hélène Le Meaux and Françoise Briquel Chatonnet, Le sarcophage d’Eshmunazor (Collection SOLO 72), Éditions El-Viso, Paris 2019, 56 pp. The anthropoid sarcophagus of Eshmunazor II, son of Tabnit I, kings of Sidon, was discovered in 1855 in the necropolis Magharat Ablūn, south-east of Saida (Sidon), and it is now in the Marengo crypt of the Louvre Museum. The booklet under review offers photographs and a study of the sarcophagus with its perfectly preserved Phoenician inscription. Its copy is presented according to the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum I, pl. III; it is followed by a transliteration and a translation of this historically important text. The discovery of the anthropoid sarcophagus of Tabnit I in 1887 increased scholarly attention to Eshmunasor’s sarcophagus and its inscription, for it became clear that the death of the young king was unexpected and sudden. This explains why Tabnit was buried in a sarcophagus prepared for the Egyptian general Penptah, as indicated by the hieroglyphic epitaph, while his first and unique son Eshmunazor was born after Tabnit’s death. The most likely explanation is that Tabnit was killed or deadly wounded at the battle of Salamis in 480 B.C., where he commanded the Sidonian war ships belonging to Xerxes’ fleet. At first Xerxes was victorious everywhere, but his attack of the Greek fleet under unfavourable conditions at Salamis ended on September 28 in a disastrous defeat of the Persian fleet, composed largely of Phoenician war ships, the Sidonian fleet being the most important one. -
Myth, the Marvelous, the Exotic, and the Hero in the Roman D'alexandre
Myth, the Marvelous, the Exotic, and the Hero in the Roman d’Alexandre Paul Henri Rogers A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Romance Languages (French) Chapel Hill 2008 Approved by: Dr. Edward D. Montgomery Dr. Frank A. Domínguez Dr. Edward D. Kennedy Dr. Hassan Melehy Dr. Monica P. Rector © 2008 Paul Henri Rogers ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii Abstract Paul Henri Rogers Myth, the Marvelous, the Exotic, and the Hero in the Roman d’Alexandre Under the direction of Dr. Edward D. Montgomery In the Roman d’Alexandre , Alexandre de Paris generates new myth by depicting Alexander the Great as willfully seeking to inscribe himself and his deeds within the extant mythical tradition, and as deliberately rivaling the divine authority. The contemporary literary tradition based on Quintus Curtius’s Gesta Alexandri Magni of which Alexandre de Paris may have been aware eliminates many of the marvelous episodes of the king’s life but focuses instead on Alexander’s conquests and drive to compete with the gods’ accomplishments. The depiction of his premature death within this work and the Roman raises the question of whether or not an individual can actively seek deification. Heroic figures are at the origin of divinity and myth, and the Roman d’Alexandre portrays Alexander as an essentially very human character who is nevertheless dispossessed of the powerful attributes normally associated with heroic protagonists. -
Download the Campaigns of Alexander Free Ebook
THE CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER DOWNLOAD FREE BOOK Arrian, J. Hamilton, Aubrey De Selincourt | 432 pages | 28 Oct 1976 | Penguin Books Ltd | 9780140442533 | English | London, United Kingdom Wars of Alexander the Great I've also enjoyed reading the trilogy of Alexander novels by Mary Renault, which are highly imaginative but well researched. Before the noble could deal a death-blow, however, he was himself killed by Cleitus the Black. We don't start with an account of Alexander's birth and childhood, let alone his forebears or a description of his kingdom or the political The Campaigns of Alexander. For Arrian, it is Alexander's fairness, his appreciation for courage in both word and action, and his "nobility of heart" which allowed him to see in even those he conquered noble traits to be admired. Jun 11, Jeremiah Lorrig rated it it was amazing. More Details Greeks of Alexander's day knew nothing of China, or any other lands east The Campaigns of Alexander India. Revelation - And they had a king The Campaigns of Alexander them, [which is] the angel of the bottomless pit, whose name in the The Campaigns of Alexander tongue [is] Abaddon, but in the Greek tongue hath [his] name Apollyon. Rome and the Mediterranean. Many of these cities being many miles away from Macedonia. He left only a small contingent to guard The Campaigns of Alexander defile, and took his entire army to destroy the plain that lay ahead of The Campaigns of Alexander army. For they were told that the kings of the Ganderites and Praesii were awaiting them with eighty thousand horsemen, two hundred thousand footmen, eight thousand chariots, and six thousand fighting elephants. -
Fantasy and Metaphor in Meleager
TAPA 145 (2015) 233–251 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 2015 New Orleans, Louisiana Fantasy and Metaphor in Meleager KATHRYN GUTZWILLER University of Cincinnati MELEAGER OF GADARA IS ONE OF THOSE INCREASINGLY RARE GREEK AUTHORS whose works are somewhat known to many classicists but whose influence on ancient and later literature remains underappreciated. Meleager’s anthol- ogy of Greek epigrams called the Garland produced Latin imitations shortly after its creation in the early first century B.C.E., and allusions to Meleager’s own, mostly erotic poems are found in prominent programmatic passages of Latin poetry. Examples include the first three poems and the last poem of the Catullan liber, the opening of Propertius’s Monobiblos, the first speech in Vergil’s Eclogue 1, and the opening lines of Tibullus 1.2.1 I would assert that as a model for Latin erotic poetry Meleager rivals Callimachus in both direct allusions and as a source of topoi and imagery. Alessandro Barchiesi has spo- ken of the Garland as a model for elegant poetry books because of its careful arrangements,2 but what was it about Meleager’s own poetry that appealed to Roman poets? Pointing toward an answer to that question, I here examine 1 Catull. 1 and 116, the beginning and end of the liber as we have it, contain a com- plicated and interrelated series of allusions to the proem and concluding epigram of Meleager’s Garland (Anth. Pal. 4.1, 12.257). The paired sparrow poems (Catull. 2–3) owe much to Meleager’s paired insect epigrams (Anth. Pal. 7.195–96), while Verg. -
The Successors: Alexander's Legacy
The Successors: Alexander’s Legacy November 20-22, 2015 Committee Background Guide The Successors: Alexander’s Legacy 1 Table of Contents Committee Director Welcome Letter ...........................................................................................2 Summons to the Babylon Council ................................................................................................3 The History of Macedon and Alexander ......................................................................................4 The Rise of Macedon and the Reign of Philip II ..........................................................................4 The Persian Empire ......................................................................................................................5 The Wars of Alexander ................................................................................................................5 Alexander’s Plans and Death .......................................................................................................7 Key Topics ......................................................................................................................................8 Succession of the Throne .............................................................................................................8 Partition of the Satrapies ............................................................................................................10 Continuity and Governance ........................................................................................................11 -
The Deadly Styx River and the Death of Alexander
Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics The Deadly Styx River and the Death of Alexander Version 1.3 May 2011 Adrienne Mayor Stanford University and Antoinette Hayes Pfizer Pharmaeuticals Abstract: Plutarch, Arrian, Diodorus, Justin, and other ancient historians report that rumors of poisoning arose after the death of Alexander in Babylon in 323 BC. Alexander’s close friends suspected a legendary poison gathered from the River Styx in Arcadia, so corrosive that only the hoof of a horse could contain it. It’s impossible to know the real cause of Alexander’s death, but a recent toxicological discovery may help explain why some ancient observers believed that Alexander was murdered with Styx poison. We propose that the river harbored a killer bacterium that can occur on limestone rock deposits. This paper elaborates on our Poster presentation, Toxicological History Room, XII International Congress of Toxicology, Barcelona, 19-23 July 2010, and Society of Toxicology Annual Meeting, Washington DC, March 2011. © Adrienne Mayor. [email protected] 2 THE DEADLY STYX RIVER and the DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT Adrienne Mayor and Antoinette Hayes According to several ancient historians, rumors of poisoning circulated after the death of Alexander, at age 32, in Babylon in 323 BC (Bosworth 1971 and 2010; Lane Fox 2004). Some close friends suspected a legendary poison gathered from the Styx waterfall near Nonacris in Arcadia (north central Peloponnese, Greece), a substance reputed to be so corrosive it could only be contained in the hoof of a horse. Many ancient and modern writers have speculated on the true cause of Alexander’s death, which remains an unsolved mystery.