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The Two-Party System in the United States: Its Origins and Evolution in the Service of Power, Privilege and Capital by Mark A

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The Two-Party System in the United States: Its Origins and Evolution in the Service of Power, Privilege and Capital by Mark A The Two-Party System in the United States: Its Origins and Evolution in the Service of Power, Privilege and Capital by Mark A. Lause $1 Reprinted from Against the Current THIS FOUR-PART SERIES by historian Mark A. Lause is a conversation on the history and evolution of the two-party system in the United States, a sacrosanct pillar of capitalist political “stability” in this country. These articles have been published in issues 173-176 of Against the Current. Mark Lause is the author of several books including Race and Radicalism in the Union Army (2009) and the newly published A Secret Society History of the Civil War (University of Illinois Press, 2014). Media, the schools, and the other great institutions of American civilization used to tell us that the two-party system was the envy of the world. They did so with great repetition but without dwelling too much on our actual experience with it. That’s a much harder sell nowadays, but the dominant institutions and their paid pundits still agree that the system works and that only naïve ideologues challenge it. This brief review of the experience with the two-party system is the story of power and how wealthy white gentlemen chose to structure it. Initially accorded no role in the process, native peoples, African- Americans, Latinos, laboring people of European descent and women had their impact on events through other means. The most successful of these challenges, though, required understanding the structures of power that dominated their society. That certainly remains the case if there’s any hope today of successfully breaking through the Democratic Party’s stranglehold on social movements. What freedom the American people generally enjoyed they attained through their own actions. They did not achieve these gains through the two-party system but demonstrably in spite of it. The relevance of this discussion is increasingly evident in the wake of the November 2014 midterm elec- tions, with the Congressional ascendancy of rightwing Republicans, the continuing debacle of the centrist corporate Democrats, and signs of a potential emerging independent political challenge. Such possibilities can be seen for example in the strong showings of Green gubernatorial candidate Howie Hawkins in New York, independent socialist Angela Walker running for Milwaukee County sheriff, the victory of the Richmond Progressive Alliance in that California city, and previously the election of socialist candidate Kshama Sawant to Seattle City Council. How to build from these and similar candidacies toward a break from the stranglehold of the capitalist parties is a critical and urgent discussion for the left. We hope that this historical survey contributes to understanding how the two-party system, which the author calls America’s “other peculiar institution,” is not a political law of nature but rather a long-lasting tool of ruling class control through many periods of social and economic turmoil. For the movements to break out of this straitjacket requires, indeed, a new wave of thinking and acting. n Reprinted from AGAINST THE CURRENT April 2015 SOLIDARITY • 7012 Michigan Avenue • Detroit, MI 48210 [email protected] www.solidarity-us.org 2 The Two-Party System in the United States The Two-Party System, Part 1: The Other Peculiar Institution By Mark A. Lause STARTING WITH THE foundations, the American political Britain but from their own home-grown masters and bosses. system, like its social order and economic structure, began as At times, they even tried to shape the political order that a New World variation of that in Britain. The United States would come out of the revolution. constituted a republic of sorts, though the representative In the end, though, the American Revolution remained features of its government remained inherently weak, allowing what Karl Marx and others would later describe as a bourgeois coequal status to deliberately unrepresentative and unelected revolution. The propertied elite managed to prevail. branches of government. The Continental Congress always based its claim of legiti- Almost immediately, a party system appeared, promising to macy not on the popular movements but on those older colo- deepen these representative features by offering voters input nial structures. With few exceptions, those bodies — from into the decision-making processes in giving them options at the Virginia House of Burgesses to the colonial assemblies of the polls. These parties would accomplish much of what they New England — pressed for independence and established hoped, until the people cast ballots for serious and radical what became a common government of the United States on change — precipitating the fatal crisis of the 1860s. their authority. Despite a tumultuous 17th century, the British made Despite some promising movements for something more, arrangements that permitted their rise to global prominence. the governments after independence remained no less com- With the monarchy restored but strictly limited in its function, mitted than before to maintaining an idea of rights rooted first the two chambers of the Parliament (Commons and Lords) and foremost on ownership. They maintained upper houses of had effective rule of the country. The day-to-day functions of the legislative bodies expressly intended not to be represen- the government hardly concerned the average English subject tative of population, sometimes by means of higher property on either side of the Atlantic, since the Parliament did not requirements and, nationally, by vesting the authority of the district itself to represent changes in the population and, more upper house on the state legislatures and according each importantly, because the suffrage remained restricted to the state two senators, regardless of the state’s population. (U.S propertied. Senators were not elected by pop ular vote until 1914, after As a result, the Parliament remained preoccupied with ratifica tion of the 17th Amendment.) balancing the concerns of the landed gentry with the needs At its heart, the principal prop erty these governments strove of urban commerce. Their predispositions created distinct to protect were African slaves. Des pite the im portance of prop- caucuses in the Parliament, and these “caucus parties” — the erty in land or in the means of commerce, such as shipping, Whigs and Tories — represented the most important model slaves remained essential to the plantation production of for what became the U.S. party system. tobacco. This became the new nation’s most important asset, even as half the former colonies took measures to eliminate The American colonists incorporated these essential fea- the “peculiar institution,” while the other discovered the tures of 18th century British politics into their own system. Transatlantic importance of cotton to the Industrial Rev o- They adopted a two-chambered legislative body, a distinct lution. court system, and almost everywhere served alongside the Crown-appointed royal governors. There are some historians The national government reflected this imperative. For 32 who also argue for embryonic caucuses emerging within the of the first 36 years of the United States, Virginia slavehold- colonial assemblies, reflecting tensions between the more ers occupied the presidency. While George Washington had commercial coastal towns and more parochial agricultural clear concerns about slavery and took measures to manumit interests. his own slaves, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and James Monroe did nothing on the subject. Despite periodic friction at having the ultimate governing In hindsight we might see slavery or the extermination of power overseas, these general political structures worked native peoples as key questions, but neither actually made because those who used them had no intention of repre- a dent on the preoccupations of the national party system senting any social or economic interest broader than those which began to emerge. represented in the British parliamentary system. The system was of the owners and rulers, by the owners and rulers, and The “First” Party System for the owners and rulers. From the earliest days of the new republic, the Founders The colonial resistance to British authorities necessarily cautioned against the formations of “factions” and parties that mobilized the people, particularly in the cities. These fre- would constitute interests capable of short-circuiting their quently hinted at a political course not only independent from carefully planned constitutional systems of checks and balanc- Its Origins and Evolution 3 es. Almost immediately, though, they went about the process maelstrom rode a tide of patriotism to become not only the of developing parties along British lines. Thus caucuses tended dominant party but really the only national party. to take shape within legislatures and quickly began to function Jefferson, for his part, had declared in his inaugural address, like permanent parties. “We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.” By 1813, the Distinctive and often conflicting interests divided the sec- triumphant advocate of an agrarian future for the United tional elites as well as different economic and social concerns States. declared that America could only secure its indepen- within those sectional elites. Almost immediately, though, they dence through Hamilton’s course and foster manufacturing began grouping into a faction around Alexander Hamilton, capitalism. While the Democratic-Republicans tended to differ urging the use
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