The Minor Parties
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The Ideological Foundation of the People's Party of Texas Gavin Gray
1 The Ideological Foundation of the People’s Party of Texas Gavin Gray 2 Short lived insurgent third parties are a common feature in American political history, though few were as impactful as the nineteenth century People’s Party.1 Although the People’s Party itself faded out of existence after a few decades, the Republican and Democratic Parties eventually adopted much of their platform.2 In recent history Ross Perot and Donald Trump's appeals to economic nationalism is reminiscent of the old Populist platform. Since its inception, the ideological foundation of the People's Party has remained a point of contention among historians. Traditional historiography on the People's Party, which included figures such as Frederick Jackson Turner and Richard Hofstadter, described it as a conservative movement rooted in agrarian Jacksonianism. In 1931 John Hicks' The Populist Revolt presented the new perspective that the People's Party, far from being conservative, was the precursor to the twentieth century Progressive movement. For the purpose of this study I focused exclusively on the ideological foundation of the People’s Party as it existed within the state of Texas. The study focused exclusively on the People’s Party within Texas for two reasons. The first reason is because the People’s Party organized itself on a statewide basis. The nationwide People’s Party operated as a confederation, each state party had its own independent structure and organizational history, therefore each state party itself must be studied independently.3 The second reason is because one of the People’s Party’s immediate predecessors, the Southern Farmers’ Alliance, had its roots in Texas.4 If one is attempting to study the origins of the People’s Party, then one must examine it where its roots are oldest. -
Efforts to Establish a Labor Party I!7 America
Efforts to establish a labor party in America Item Type text; Thesis-Reproduction (electronic) Authors O'Brien, Dorothy Margaret, 1917- Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 01/10/2021 15:33:37 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/553636 EFFORTS TO ESTABLISH A LABOR PARTY I!7 AMERICA by Dorothy SU 0s Brlen A Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Department of Economics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate College University of Arizona 1943 Approved 3T-:- ' t .A\% . :.y- wissife mk- j" •:-i .»,- , g r ■ •: : # ■ s &???/ S 9^ 3 PREFACE The labor movement In America has followed two courses, one, economic unionism, the other, political activity* Union ism preceded labor parties by a few years, but developed dif ferently from political parties* Unionism became crystallized in the American Federation of Labor, the Railway Brotherhoods and the Congress of Industrial Organization* The membership of these unions has fluctuated with the changes in economic conditions, but in the long run they have grown and increased their strength* Political parties have only arisen when there was drastic need for a change* Labor would rally around lead ers, regardless of their party aflliations, -
National Prohibition Convention, Music Hall, Cincinnati
Wright State University CORE Scholar Martha McClellan Brown Correspondence Martha McClellan Brown Papers (MS-147) 6-16-1892 National Prohibition Convention, Music Hall, Cincinnati Oscar B. Todhunter Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/ special_ms147_correspondence Part of the Women's History Commons Repository Citation Todhunter , O. B. (1892). National Prohibition Convention, Music Hall, Cincinnati. This Letter is brought to you for free and open access by the Martha McClellan Brown Papers (MS-147) at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Martha McClellan Brown Correspondence by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. I I NATIOl'JAL PROHIBllflON -CONVENTION, CO M MITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS: I PRINTING COMMITTEE: J. B. MARTIN, Chairman, H. T. OGDEN, Chairman, 29 West Fifth Street. MUSIC HALL, CINCINNATI, 65 West Fourth Street. HALL COMMITTEE: MRS. M. McCLELLAN BROWN, Secretary, DR. J. A. THOMPSON, Chairman, Wesleyan College. 154 West Eighth Street. SAMUEL '9ELLS, Treasurer, DECORATION COMMITTEE: 67 Vine Street. JUNE 29-30, 1892. MRS. L. s. PACKER, Chairman, 29 Saunrlers Street. RECEPTION COMMITTEE : FINANCE COMMITTEE: E. J. MORRIS, Chairman, REV. M. C. LOCKWOOD, Chairman, 10 West Third Street. 2 Wesley Avenue. PRESS CO MMITTEE: MUSIC COMMITTEE: OSCAR B. 'l'ODHUNfER, Chairman, JAS. H. FILLMORE, Chairman, . 185 Race Street. 141 West Sixth Street. To Editors: Returns already received from the press of the country indicate that the National Prohibition Convention is attracting a great deal of attention this year, and will be better reported than any of the preceding five National Conventions of the party. -
Some Aspects of Life and Politics in the United States of America in 19321)
M. S. VENKATARAMANI SOME ASPECTS OF LIFE AND POLITICS IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN 19321) To the present generation of young Americans the so-called two party system appears to be an almost unshakeable and permanent feature of the nation's polity. Several well-known American liberals (as, for instance, Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois and Walter Reuther, head of the powerful United Automobile Workers), who, in earlier years had reposed little faith in the Republican and Democratic parties, have gradually veered round to the view that the quest for reform must be pursued within the framework of the two major political parties. "Third parties" on the American scene have become virtually skele- tonized for various reasons and their plans and platforms receive scant notice at the hands of the media of mass communication. With the advent of good times during the war and post-war years, organizations advocating a radical reconstruction of the social and economic order have found a progressively shrinking audience. Radicalism among the intelligentsia has become a factor of minor significance. Will there be any important changes in such a state of affairs if the current business "recession" continues much longer or intensifies? Do "bad times" favor the growth of militant parties of protest and dissent? Few students of the American scene expect that in the foreseeable future there will be any widespread move away from the two traditional parties. It is interesting in this connection to examine the developments in the United States a quarter of a century ago when the nation was plunged into one of the most serious economic crises in its annals. -
A History of Maryland's Electoral College Meetings 1789-2016
A History of Maryland’s Electoral College Meetings 1789-2016 A History of Maryland’s Electoral College Meetings 1789-2016 Published by: Maryland State Board of Elections Linda H. Lamone, Administrator Project Coordinator: Jared DeMarinis, Director Division of Candidacy and Campaign Finance Published: October 2016 Table of Contents Preface 5 The Electoral College – Introduction 7 Meeting of February 4, 1789 19 Meeting of December 5, 1792 22 Meeting of December 7, 1796 24 Meeting of December 3, 1800 27 Meeting of December 5, 1804 30 Meeting of December 7, 1808 31 Meeting of December 2, 1812 33 Meeting of December 4, 1816 35 Meeting of December 6, 1820 36 Meeting of December 1, 1824 39 Meeting of December 3, 1828 41 Meeting of December 5, 1832 43 Meeting of December 7, 1836 46 Meeting of December 2, 1840 49 Meeting of December 4, 1844 52 Meeting of December 6, 1848 53 Meeting of December 1, 1852 55 Meeting of December 3, 1856 57 Meeting of December 5, 1860 60 Meeting of December 7, 1864 62 Meeting of December 2, 1868 65 Meeting of December 4, 1872 66 Meeting of December 6, 1876 68 Meeting of December 1, 1880 70 Meeting of December 3, 1884 71 Page | 2 Meeting of January 14, 1889 74 Meeting of January 9, 1893 75 Meeting of January 11, 1897 77 Meeting of January 14, 1901 79 Meeting of January 9, 1905 80 Meeting of January 11, 1909 83 Meeting of January 13, 1913 85 Meeting of January 8, 1917 87 Meeting of January 10, 1921 88 Meeting of January 12, 1925 90 Meeting of January 2, 1929 91 Meeting of January 4, 1933 93 Meeting of December 14, 1936 -
Black History and the Class Struggle
®~759.C A Spartacist Pamphlet $1 Black History i! and the Class Struggle No. 18 Page 24 ~iI~i~·:~:f!!iI'!lIiAI_!Ii!~1_&i 1·li:~'I!l~~.I_ :lIl1!tl!llti:'1!):~"1i:'S:':I'!mf\i,ri£~; : MINt mm:!~~!!)rI!t!!i\i!Ui\}_~ How the Liberals and Reformists Derailed the Struggle for Integration For Black Liberation Through Socialist Revolution! Page 6 VVorkers protest manager's use of "N" word and fight for union recognition, demanding: "Stop the Plantation Mentality," University of Virginia at Charlottesville, , 21 November 2003. I '0 ;, • ,:;. i"'l' \'~ ,1,';; !r.!1 I I -- - 2 Introduction Mumia Abu-Jamal is a fighter for the dom chronicles Mumia's political devel Cole's article on racism and anti-woman oppressed whose words teach powerful opment and years with the Black Panther bigotry, "For Free Abortion on Demand!" lessons and rouse opposition to the injus Party, as well as the Spartacist League's It was Democrat Clinton who put an "end tices of American capitalism. That's why active role in vying to win the best ele to welfare as we know it." the government seeks to silence him for ments of that generation from black Nearly 150 years since the Civil War ever with the barbaric death penaIty-a nationalism to revolutionary Marxism. crushed the slave system and won the legacy of slavery-,-Qr entombment for life One indication of the rollback of black franchise for black people, a whopping 13 for a crime he did not commit. The frame rights and the absence of militant black percent of black men were barred from up of Mumia Abu-Jamal represents the leadership is the ubiquitous use of the voting in the 2004 presidential election government's fear of the possibility of "N" word today. -
H. Doc. 108-222
THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS MARCH 4, 1865, TO MARCH 3, 1867 FIRST SESSION—December 4, 1865, to July 28, 1866 SECOND SESSION—December 3, 1866, to March 3, 1867 SPECIAL SESSION OF THE SENATE—March 4, 1865, to March 11, 1865 VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES—ANDREW JOHNSON, 1 of Tennessee PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE SENATE—LAFAYETTE S. FOSTER, 2 of Connecticut; BENJAMIN F. WADE, 3 of Ohio SECRETARY OF THE SENATE—JOHN W. FORNEY, of Pennsylvania SERGEANT AT ARMS OF THE SENATE—GEORGE T. BROWN, of Illinois SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES—SCHUYLER COLFAX, 4 of Indiana CLERK OF THE HOUSE—EDWARD MCPHERSON, 5 of Pennsylvania SERGEANT AT ARMS OF THE HOUSE—NATHANIEL G. ORDWAY, of New Hampshire DOORKEEPER OF THE HOUSE—IRA GOODNOW, of Vermont POSTMASTER OF THE HOUSE—JOSIAH GIVEN ALABAMA James Dixon, Hartford GEORGIA SENATORS SENATORS REPRESENTATIVES Vacant Vacant Henry C. Deming, Hartford REPRESENTATIVES 6 Samuel L. Warner, Middletown REPRESENTATIVES Vacant Augustus Brandegee, New London Vacant John H. Hubbard, Litchfield ARKANSAS ILLINOIS SENATORS SENATORS Vacant DELAWARE Lyman Trumbull, Chicago Richard Yates, Jacksonville REPRESENTATIVES SENATORS REPRESENTATIVES Vacant Willard Saulsbury, Georgetown George R. Riddle, Wilmington John Wentworth, Chicago CALIFORNIA John F. Farnsworth, St. Charles SENATORS REPRESENTATIVE AT LARGE Elihu B. Washburne, Galena James A. McDougall, San Francisco John A. Nicholson, Dover Abner C. Harding, Monmouth John Conness, Sacramento Ebon C. Ingersoll, Peoria Burton C. Cook, Ottawa REPRESENTATIVES FLORIDA Henry P. H. Bromwell, Charleston Donald C. McRuer, San Francisco Shelby M. Cullom, Springfield William Higby, Calaveras SENATORS Lewis W. Ross, Lewistown John Bidwell, Chico Vacant 7 Anthony Thornton, Shelbyville Vacant 8 Samuel S. -
Extremism in the Electoral Arena: Challenging the Myth of American Exceptionalism Gur Bligh
BYU Law Review Volume 2008 | Issue 5 Article 2 12-1-2008 Extremism in the Electoral Arena: Challenging the Myth of American Exceptionalism Gur Bligh Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview Part of the Election Law Commons Recommended Citation Gur Bligh, Extremism in the Electoral Arena: Challenging the Myth of American Exceptionalism, 2008 BYU L. Rev. 1367 (2008). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.byu.edu/lawreview/vol2008/iss5/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Brigham Young University Law Review at BYU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in BYU Law Review by an authorized editor of BYU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BLIGH.FIN 11/24/2008 5:55 PM Extremism in the Electoral Arena: Challenging the Myth of American Exceptionalism Gur Bligh Abstract: This Article explores the limitations that the American electoral system imposes upon extremist parties and candidates. Its thesis is that extremists, and particularly anti-liberal extremists, are excluded from the American electoral arena through a combination of direct and indirect mechanisms. This claim challenges the crucial premise of American constitutional theory that the free speech doctrine is a distinct area of “American exceptionalism.” That theory posits that the American strict adherence to viewpoint neutrality, the strong emphasis upon the “dissenter,” and the freedom granted to extremist speakers is exceptional among liberal democracies. The Article argues that once we focus upon the electoral arena as a distinct arena, we discover that in this domain of core political expression, dissenting extremists are marginalized and blocked and their viewpoints are not represented. -
Doomed to Failure? UKIP and the Organisational Challenges Facing Right-Wing Populist Anti-Political Establishment Parties
Abedi, A. and Lundberg, T.C. (2009) Doomed to failure? UKIP and the organisational challenges facing right-wing populist anti-political establishment parties. Parliamentary Affairs, 62 (1). pp. 72-87. ISSN 0031-2290 http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/41367 Deposited on: 22 October 2010 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Doomed to Failure? UKIP and the Organisational Challenges Facing Right-Wing Populist Anti-Political Establishment Parties This is a pre-copy editing, author-produced version of an article accepted for publication in Parliamentary Affairs following peer review. The definitive publisher-authenticated version (‘Doomed to Failure? UKIP and the Organisational Challenges Facing Right- Wing Populist Anti-Political Establishment Parties’, Parliamentary Affairs, 62(1): 72-87, January 2009) is available online at http://pa.oxfordjournals.org/content/62/1/72.abstract. Amir Abedi Thomas Carl Lundberg Department of Political Science School of Social and Political Sciences Western Washington University Adam Smith Building 516 High Street 40 Bute Gardens Bellingham, WA 98225-9082 University of Glasgow U.S.A. Glasgow G12 8RT +1-360-650-4143 Scotland [email protected] 0141-330 5144 [email protected] Abstract: Using the UK Independence Party (UKIP), we examine the effects of sudden electoral success on an Anti-Political Establishment (APE) party. The pressures of aspiring to government necessitate organisational structures resembling those of mainstream parties, while this aspiration challenges APE parties because they differ not just in terms of their policy profiles, but also in their more ‘unorthodox’ organisational make-up, inextricably linked to their electoral appeal. -
LGBTQ Election 2015 Update1
LGBTQ EQUALITY & Northern Ireland’s Political Parties An independent survey General Election 2015 UPDATED VERSION (1) In April 2015 I emailed all the political parties in Northern Ireland that have candidates standing the the 2015 General Election. I enclosed a list of questions about their policies and active records on important lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans* and queer issues. The following pages contain the original information and questions sent to the parties, along with their replies and some additonal facts about each party’s record on LGBTQ rights. All replies are printed exactly as received, except where editied (with due respect and care for key facts) to keep them roughly around the requested 150 word limit. Parties are listed in the order their answers were returned. Where parties have not responded, I have researched their available policies, manifestos and records online and compiled some information. While most of us who identfy as LGBT or Q are unlikely to vote based on a party’s LGBTQ policies alone, it does help to know what each party thinks of some of the issues that effect our lives. And, more importantly, what they have already done and what they plan to do to tackle some of the serious problems caused by homophobia and transphobia; invisibility; institutionalised discrimination and exclusion. I hope that it will be updated and added to over time. This is an independent survey. It has no agenda other than to give each party an opportunity put on paper what they intend to do to help us build a more equal Northern Ireland in terms of sexual orientation and gender identity. -
Partisan Dealignment and the Rise of the Minor Party at the 2015 General Election
MEDIA@LSE MSc Dissertation Series Compiled by Bart Cammaerts, Nick Anstead and Richard Stupart “The centre must hold” Partisan dealignment and the rise of the minor party at the 2015 general election Peter Carrol MSc in Politics and Communication Other dissertations of the series are available online here: http://www.lse.ac.uk/media@lse/research/mediaWorkingPapers/Electroni cMScDissertationSeries.aspx MSc Dissertation of Peter Carrol Dissertation submitted to the Department of Media and Communications, London School of Economics and Political Science, August 2016, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the MSc in Politics and Communication. Supervised by Professor Nick Couldry. The author can be contacted at: [email protected] Published by Media@LSE, London School of Economics and Political Science ("LSE"), Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. The LSE is a School of the University of London. It is a Charity and is incorporated in England as a company limited by guarantee under the Companies Act (Reg number 70527). Copyright, Peter Carrol © 2017. The authors have asserted their moral rights. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published. In the interests of providing a free flow of debate, views expressed in this dissertation are not necessarily those of the compilers or the LSE. 2 MSc Dissertation of Peter Carrol “The centre must hold” Partisan dealignment and the rise of the minor party at the 2015 general election Peter Carrol ABSTRACT For much of Britain’s post-war history, Labour or the Conservatives have formed a majority government, even when winning less than half of the popular vote. -
Strategic Positioning and Campaigning
1 Introduction To give a sense of the politics of extreme parties, the Appendix lists all candidates in U.S. presidential elections who won at least half a percent of the popular vote. For each election year, the table lists candidates by my reading of their ideology, with the most conservative candidate listed at the top, and the most liberal candidate listed at the bottom. Candidates not belonging to one of the two major parties are shown with an asterisk after the party affiliation. Also shown is the percentage of the popular vote each won. The data begin with the election of 1832, the first election in which virtually all states chose presidential electors by popular vote. Ordering parties by ideology entails some subjective judgment. A prin- cipal difficulty is that for much of the nineteenth century slavery and the consequences of the Civil War were the main issues, whereas in the twenti- eth century economic issues can distinguish parties. I classify Republicans as more liberal than Democrats through the election of 1872. From 1876 (when Reconstruction ended) and thereafter I classify Republicans as more conservative than Democrats. Two features are of note. • Third parties, even popular ones, rarely become major parties. Indeed, only one minor party, the Republican party, ever became a major party. • Most small parties have extreme ideologies, in the sense of not lying between the ideologies of the two major parties. Of the 41 elections, 28 had small parties which won at least 0.5 percent of the vote. Of these 28 elections, only four had a moderate party.