EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA [BHARATIYA PURABHILEKHAo PATRIKA]

(BEING VOL. IX OF STUDIES IN INDIAN EPIGRAPHY)

VOLUME NINE : 1982

PUBLISHED BY THE EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA DHARWAR CONTENTS

Presidential Address ...K. G. KRISHNAfM, MYSORE...

1 Tenibhurni Plates of Vilcramaditya I ...H, S. THOSAR... 2 Mathura Stone Pedestal lascriplion of the time of Budhagupta, Year 161 ...KIRAN KUMAR THAPLYAL, LUCKNOW AND ARAVIND SRIVASTAVA, MATHURA... 3 A Duplicate Inscription of Chalukya Polekesi I at Badami ...K. V. RAMESH, MYSORE... 4 Glimpses of Chola Townships in Snlanka ...R. TIRUMALAI, NEW DELHI... 5 Susilpin Amriia ...G. BHATTACHARYA, BERLIN... 6 Some Aspects of Bhattiprolu Casket Inscriptions ...1. K. SARMA, MADRAS... 7 More on the Rajghat Shell Character Seal

..RICHARD SOLOMON, WASHINGTON .. S Self Immolation in Chola times and a New Inscription from Mallal .. R. TIRUMALAI, NEW DELHI... 9 A Note on Varika of the Inscriptions

...S. P. TEWARI, MYSORE .. 10 Some Important Inscriptions from Idar Taluk ...K. M. BHADRI, MYSORE... 11 Mallar Plates of Vyaghraraja ...AJAY MITRA SHASTRI, NAGPUR... 12 Notes on D. R. Bhandarkar’s Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings ...V. V. MIRASHI, NAGPUR... 13 Tenkasi Parakrama Pandya and his Successors ...N. SETHURAMAN, KUMBAKONAM...

14 Segmentation of unusually Long Texts of Indus Writings : A Mathematical Approach ...GIFT SIROMONEY, MADRAS AND ABDUL HUQ, MADRAS... »5 A Re-Examination of the Halmidi Inscription of Kadamba Kakustha

...M. J. SHARMA, MYSORE .. JOURNAL OF THE EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA [BHARATIYA PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA]

(being VOL. IX OF STUDIES IN INDIAN EPIGRAPHY)

VOLUME NINE : 1982

Editors Dr. Ajay Mitra Shastry N\GPUR Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer MYSORE

Secretary and Executive Editor Dr. S. H. RittI DHARWAR

PUBLISHED BY THE EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA DHARWAR Journil of the Epi^raphical Society of India [Bharatiya Purabhilekha Patr

[Being Vol. IX of Studies in Indian Epigraphy] : Vol. IX, pp. x+llS+Vil Pla

Editors : Dr. A. M. Shastry and Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer ; Secretary and ExecU

Editor ; Dr. S. H. Ritti. Published by the Epigraphical Society of India.

First Published—1983

COPY RIGHT © EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA

The Publication of the Journal was financially supported by the Indian Council Historical Research.

And the responsibility for the facts stated, opinions expressed or conclusi reached is entirely that of the authors of the articles and Indian Council of Histor Research accepts no responsibility for them.

PRINTED IN INDIA AT VlDYASAGAR PRINTING AND PUBLISHING HOUSE 158, 11th Main, saraswathipuram, ]vtYSORE-570 009^ EDITORIAL

Welcome to Goi^akhapur : Kadamba Inscriptions edited by Dr. B. R. We are happy to welcome our accre- Gopal. dited members to Gorakhpur for the We appeal to our members to please IXth Congress of the Epigraphical Society intimate to the society such events of of India and present them with the 9th academic interest and importance taking volume of our Journal. We are thankful place in any part of our country, so to -our members for their active coopera- that attention of our members may be tion which has enabled us to bring out drawn to them through this Journal. the issues of the Journal regularly. We Our Thanks are keenly aware that we have not been We take this opportunity to express able to publish all the papers pending our heartfelt thanks to our members who with us, inspite of our be.>t efforts in have encouraged us all through. The that direction. We even thought of membership is steadily increasing and the publishing a special issue including all number of participants in the annual the papers with us, but we could not congresses is also encouraging. We look succeed in doing so for paucity of time forward to their sustained interest and and, of course, funds. We hope to achr support for the growth of the Society. eve this goal by next year. We would like to place here on re-

National Seminar on the Kadambas : cord our deep sense of gratitude to the An event of considerable interest to Indian Council of Historical Research, the members of the Society took place New Delhi, for their continued support, this month at Banavasi in the Sirsi taluk in the publication of this Journal re- af North Kanara district in Karnataka gularly on the occasion of the inaugural State. It was a National Seminar on the of every congress. We are beholden to Cadambas. A special feature of the Seminar the authorities of the Council for their vas its organisation in a rural set up appreciation and encouragement of our -ight within the precincts of the temple activities. ?f MadhukeSvara at Banavasi the erstwhile Our Condolences japital of tlie Kadambas. The key-note We deeply regret the sad and unex- iddress was delivered by Shri K. V. pected demise of two of our stalwarts in Soundara Rajan, Additional Director the field of epigraphy and Indology viz., Seneral of Archaeology, New Delhi. Shri R. S. Panchamukhi and Shri C. Dr. George M. Moraes, the pioneer in Sivarama Murti. he Kadamba studies was the guest of lonour and one of the moderators of the Vidyaratna Shri R. S. Panchamukhi leminar. The highlight of the Seminar was was a noted Sanskrit scholar, Epigraphist he publication of the volume of Early and Historian. He was the former Director of the Kannada Research Institute, Dhar- Our Appreciation wad. He was the President of the 4th We highly appreciate the kind co- Annual Congress of the Society, held at operation extended by our friends in

Madras in 1978. Mysore, Dr. R V. Ramesh, Dr. S. Shri C. Sivarama Murti was a well Subramonia [yer and Shri Venkatesh in known Sanskrit scholar, Indologist and seeing this volume through the press in Art Historian. He was the former Director record time. We offer our sincere thanks of the National Museum, New Delhi. He to them. Our thanks are due to Shri has unfolded the glory of our Cultural S. K. Lakshminarayana, the Propriter of Heritage through his numerous scholarly the Vidyasagar Printing and Publishing publications. House, Mysore and his energetic assistant- We pay homage to these savants who Shri R. Venkatesh for accomplishing a have guided the society all these years. neat job in a limited time.

Shrinivas Ritti

Secretary and Executive Editor IN MEMORY OF

VIDYARATHNA SHRI R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, FORMER DIRECTOR OF THE KANNADA RESEARCH INSTITUTE, DHARWAR AND PRESIDENT OF THE IV ANNUAL CONGRESS OF THE EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA, HELD AT MADRAS, IN 1978

AND

PADMA SRI SHRI C. SIVARAMA MURTI, FORMER DIRECTOR, NATIONAL MUSEUM, NEW DELHI AND HONORARY FELLOW, EPIGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF INDIA

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

K. G. Krishnan

It is with a deep sense of gratitude while they should have all the three. that I have accepted the decision of the Besides, the medium also creates difficulty

Executive Committee of the Epigraphical in the matter of expression. This natu-

Society to ask me to preside over this rally leads to the so-called ‘generation gap’.

Congress. Perhaps in anticipation of more It is true that ancillary courses have been

service in the field from me the Society started recently almost in all subjects.

had called upon me to continue my work But the standards have been relaxed in

even after my recent retirement from the such a way that excellence, which is very

Epigraphical branch of the Archaeological much required, is given the go by. It is

Survey of India, where I have spent more not very difiicult to remedy this situation, I than thirty years. take this opportunity if there is the will ! The Archaeological

to project a review of the state of Epi- Survey of India which is controlling the

grapliical research and to lead with a few Epigraphical branch should arrange to start

suggestions regarding the lines along which a School of Epigraphy at the Office of

we may proceed. the Chief Epigraphist at Mysore, which is

Over the years during my career I undoubtedly the most suitable place.

have been witnessing the effects of change Students to be trained in the field should

that has come upon the Educational field be selected carefully, with excellence as

subjected to frequent shifts hi the matter the only criterion. They shouM be supported

of curriculum and the medium of instruc- financially. The course lasting for not less

tion. While the students coming out of than one year should aim at ensuring the

the institutions are generally a good group acquisition of the equipments indicated

by themselves, the confusion caused by above along with the training in decipher-

these frequent shifts has played havoc ment and intci'pretation of inscriptions.

leaving most of them until for many Even if a few, say not more than half

disciplines including that of Epigraphical a dozen, well-trained students are turned research. The minimum equipments needed out every year it will go a long way to

in a researcher in this field are a sound produce good researchers interested in the knowledge of Sanskrit, of a classical subject. Wc appeal to the Archaeological

(regional) language lilce the Prakrits, Tamil, Survey to initiate action in this regard. Telugu, Kannada and Malaya|am and of The next hurdle, bigger than all, is

Indian History. It is found that if they the nonavailability of original texts, well- have the one they do not have the other edited and in quick succession. The main

* Delivered the at VIII Annual Congress of the Epigraphical Society of India held at Bhopal on 13th,

14th and 15th February 1982. Presidential Address VI

to clear difficulty in respect of this is not so much imperative that a separate wing inscriptions in the preparation of the texts as in the the large accumulated Tamil facility to printing of the material We are cons- is set up with corresponding collections trained to observe that the Archaeological print them simultaneously. The

Survey should not fight shy of printing from other areas have also suffered the

the same by the off-set process, co.t not same fate, though they are lesser in with-standing, in the interest of the subject. numbers.

This is more urgent because of the risk We would like to draw the atten- involved in the preservation of the impre- tion of the authorities of the Archaeo-

ssions—not to speak of the original logical Survey of India to the fact that material, stone or copper, already lost or while the main department of the Survey

in the process of destruction. Here again as represented by the circles in various the Archaeo'ogical Survey should step in regions is getting the full benefit of every a big way to relieve the situation. The expansion proposal augmenting the strength project of reprinting the old volumes of of the units cadrewise and numberwise, a the right Epigraphia Indica is step in the Epigraph ical branch, which is in no difficult direction. It should not be very way less important especially on account for the Survey to extend this fficility to of its scholarly orientation, is still run the manuscripts of the volumes ready on on its old insufficient staff and funds, hand, which may be set up in print with being always at the tail-end of the recei- the help of a small treadle press and then ving line. We appeal to them to encou- reprint the required number of copies by rage that branch more effectively. It is process. The urgency in respect offset of hoped that the authorities will give due will be realised this work when it is consideration to these suggestions. noted that region-wise or language-wise We will now turn our attention to the largest number of a single collection some of the problems in Epigrapiiical i.e., not less than 20000, is from Tamil Research. One of the problems of acade- Nadu. This is the result of the accumu- mic interest is the origin of Brabmi. lation, over the years, of collections made Attempts have been made in the past from about 1900 by the then unit at to solve this. With no fresh material Madras with no corre.sponding provision com- ing up it may end up only in a restate- for their public.ition. With the merger of ment of known positions. It remains to that unit under the Assistant Archaeolo- be seen whether a change in our approach gical Superintendent for Epigrapliy in will lead to any results. Before Madras with the Office of the Govern- suggest- ing any new approach it is better ment Epigraphist for India at Ootacamund to restate the background confining the responsibility of having these publislied ourselves to a muter of fact statement rested with the Archaeologicil Survey of of known situations. India. All attempts to accelerate the speed of their public.ition have not borne The Brahmi known to us in the fruit resulting in the present huge accumu- north is from the Edicts issued by A^oka. lation of unpublished inscriptions. It is Prakrit was the language used by him. Vll PURABHILEKHA PaTRIKA

They refer to the Cholas, the Pandyas, have a script is iindoublc-dly unwarranted. the Keralaputras and the Satiyaputras along Dani’s attempt to date the cave inscrip- with other foreign powere outside his tions from the beginning of the Christian empire. Ho appeals to the other, powers Era fails to take note of the cultural to spread Ida message of dharma. His context in which they sliou'd have been edicts are found iipto Chitradur^^a in consid irod though he cl aim i to have attemp- Karnataka and Kiirnool District in Andhra ted to explain palaeography as pan of a Pradesh. It is known from other sources culture." We hold that a formal com- that he also sent missionaries to preach parison of the Adokan forms with those his message among the people of those of the cave inscriptions will not present a countries. true picture. It will be presently demoa- Etra‘od a factual Brahmi is found used in the inscri- how consideration of the ptions in the caves and caverns of Madurai, alphabets and the scripts in both the areas influences the question of the origin Ramanathapuram, Tiruchirapalli and Tira- of Brajirai. nclveli Districts of Tamil Nadu, far away from the findspots of the A^okan edicts The Brahmi script of AdSkan inscrip- in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. The tions represents a settled from of alphabet language of the inscriptions is Tamil. They in every respect. Scholars have analysed refer to the Choja, the Chera (Kera}a) very well the inter-relationship of the and the Pandya kings, though not all of alphabet of Sanskrit/Prakrit language and the same period. The caverns having beds the script. They ha/e shown, that there inscribed in some cases were used by are three basic vowels a, / and u and 19 Jaina ascetics. basic consonants from which the other As against this matter-of-fact situation vowels and consonants couM'bs derived.® what are the references made onthebasig But it is absolutely necessary that a of these inscriptions ? It is held that complete consideration of the phonetic

ASoka invented the Brahmi scripp and it values of these letters along with their spread to the south after the engraving of corresponding forms internally among his edicts. The name Brahmi met with themselves and also the relationship between in' later literature indicates that as any the sound and the form is made. Natu- oilier creation this is also attributed to rally the Sanskrit alphabet (also Prakrit by Brahma, the primordial deity associated courtesy) has been considered as basic for with the creation of the universe and that the purpose. In the course of an evolution its actual origin, not certainly attributable of any language the formation of an precede to A^oka, is unknown to anybody. The alphabet, which is supposed to introduction of this script after the times the appearance of writing, should have its of A^okan edicts is also referred on the own stages of evolution from the phonetic basis of a comparison of A^okaii forms point of view. It is not difllcultto indi- with those of the caves. The assumption cate the different stages in the evolution that the Chojas, the Cheras and the of the alphabet. The vowles present no

Paij-^yas, contemporaries of A^oka did not problem; a, i and u are basic and different Presidential Address

from each other and other vowels are only true that the rationale behind the selection extensions of these basic sounds. The of forms of these basic letters remains to consonants of the Sanskrit alphabet prc- be exposed.

sent a problem. The classification of these An examination of the cave inscrip-

as guttural, palatal, lingual, dental and tions in Tamil Nadu shows that the alphabet

labial follows clearly the place of birth required to 'write the Tamil text was already

of these sounds. But the middle three there and that it consisted of a few exten-

viz., the aspirates of the surds, the soft and ded letters which were derived from the the aspirates of the soft consonants arc basic ones e.g., la from la, pa from

phonetically the extensions of the primary na from na. The letter la has a form

hard consonants such as ka, cha, ta, ia unknown to the A.^6kan edicts." The

and pa. The nasals are produced by a letter ma is not the same as the Asokan

combination of action from the nose and foim as proved by the ductus in its evolu-

the places of birth of the five primary tion.’ It is also found that the autliors consonants. The ya, ra, la and va are of the cave inscriptions were not sure as different from the rest with reference to^ to how to distinguish between the stop

their place of birth only in degtees and consonants and the full consonants, more not in nature. The sibilants sa, &a and sha so because of the absence of sathyukt-

are to be classed with the palatals, though aksharas in Tamil. They were aware of

voiced. The sound ha is totally voiced the fact, obviously by contact with the

without a place of birth in no way common local people, that the consonants are to with all other sounds except with vowel be written alongside and not one below

a. Thus the basic consonants can be fur- the other. It will be gratutious to pre- ther reduced by eliminating the extension, sume that this development took plac;

to fourteen consonants {ka, m, cha, Ha, only after the script travelled from tin.

fa, na, ta, m, pa, ma, ya, ra, la, va).* north to the south. The non-observanc; Thus the evolution of this alphabet has of the dotting system germane to the

been arrived at in two (or more) stages, script on account of the rugged surface

basic and extended. The consonants are (found throughout its h story with verj

written as if they are vowellcd ones and few exceptions) has resulted in the half

when they are written one below the other hearted introduction of tlie medial vowc

{saihyukidkshara), the upper member is a only in some cases while the othci treated as a stop consonant without any medial vowels were attached to the conso-

mark over it. It -will be seen that the nants themselves. This indicates that these derivation of forms other than these three inscriptions do not belong to the mainstream

vowels and fourteen consonants agrees confined as they arc to the hillocks rcsortec the second stage with representing the to by the Jaina ascetics. It is evidem extension of the basic alphabet delineated that they wanted to provide for the writim above, in their written as forms well. of the Prakrit words by retaining tin This satisfies the requirements of an aspirates and sibilants. But it was soor evolutionary process as against the over- given up by using only the primary con- night invention of all the forms. It is sonants in their place quite in keepiip ix PuRAnHILEKHA PATRIKA with the local practice of absorbing the karas have only defined the rclalionslups northern words.® and laid down duties of persons born We are thus inclined to hold that a out of them covering only cases of known

basic alphabet common to the whole of and declared parentage. While these per-

India was developed and it was adapted mutations and combinations are discussed to the situations of the languages such as elsewhere, we get a few references to a

Sanskrit, Prakrit and Tamil with exten- term called Sahkarappa^iyap in Tamil

ded . or derived forms of writing the inscriptions of the 9th- 11th centuries.

special letters in the respective regions. This term was fully discussed leading to

Another problem is the study of caste the conclusions that Saiikarappadiyar as a

system which is of topical interest. Said group formed part of the kitdi (inhabi-

to be another divine creation, the slow tants), that they were chiefly in big cities, process of evolution through the ages due that some of them at least, if not all, to circumstances beyond human control were merchants and took part in the will explain its origin. But the prolife- transactions of the Nagara constitution ration and the debasement of the system which we find prevailing in such cities are aspects which may be studied afresh. and that they had a corporate body The debasement has obviously been caused among them.^® The etymology of the

by the rigid system making no provision word seems to point out that this group for uplifting the rejected or excommuni- might have consisted of persons born out cated members of the community who of the mingling of the castes {varna-

formed the fifth caste. Epigraphy is very sahkaray^ in which case they might have

late in recording intances of untouchabi- been allowed to live only in their own

lity in any part of India, though its quarters (pMi) and ''to follow apparently

existence is known from tradition and the profession of trading. The actual

literature for a very long time. A soli- castes involved in this case are not known

tary instance is known to us. An inscrip- from this reference. We may, however, tion of Rajendra-chola I (1012-1042 a.d.) infer that since nearly all of them are from Bahur in the Pondicherry State found to be merchants by profession they

refers to the exclusion of the inhabitants might have been born out of the union of a of tindachchen (quarters of the untoucha- VaUya male with a Kshatriya lady evi-

bles) from participation in the public dently by ^pratiloma, who was designated works like desilting the tank of the loca- by Manu as Magadha and be is prescribed

lity and other agricultural operations along the profession of merchant (vanikpathah)}^ with workers of other castes.® The suffix padi attached to the word

Regarding proliferation, it is obvious iankarappadi suggests that they were living quarters, though they formed that it must have been due to the inter- in separate called Nagarattar.^® caste marital relationship. Manu-smriti has part of the civic body all patient laid down the duties of the people born I thank you for your out of these marriages. Since the actual hearing and I hope, this address, though occurrence of such marital relationships short, will inspire you to work on many await our attention. is not governed by any rules the Smriti- such problems that ;

Presidential Address

Delhi, XX-XXIV 1 The Origin of Brdhmi - Ed. S.P. Gupta and K. S. Ramachandran, 1979, pp. 1-53.

2 Dani, Indian Palaeography, London, 1963, p. 10 and pp. 73-74.

3 Dani, op. cit., p. 27; Upasak, The History and Palaeography of Mauryan Brdhmi Script, Nalanda,

1960, p. 15.

4 Krishnan, ‘Brahmi Script in Tamil Nadu' in Studies in Indian Epigraphy (Journal of the Epigraphical

Society of India) Vol. I, 1974, pp. 26-30

5 The deh'vation of pa has to be related to a cursive form of ra only and not to SSfichi la as

Dani (op. cit,, p. 70-71) would have it, as it is disproved by later development.

6 Dani has ignored the full rounded form of this letter with the vertical bar extended downwords

seen in the cave inscriptions. This provides one more proof of its independent formation. The opinion of Ramesh that this form as well as the Kannada pa and la have to be related to the Jihvdmttliya and upadhmaniya signs deserves to be considered in this context (QJMS., Vol. Llll, pp. 77 ff.).

7 This much misunderstood letter has not been studied by scholars from the point of view of the ductus which BUhler has sagaciously used in explaining palaeographic developments.

8 Krishnan, Studies in South Indian History and Epigraphy, Vol. I, Madras, 1981, pp. 87-98,

9 A.R. Ep, 1976.77, No. B 198.

10 Ep. Fnd., Vol. XXII, p. 146-47.

11 Manusmtiti, chapter 10, verse No. 24.

12 ibid., verses Nos. 11 and 47.

13 5//., Vol. XVII, No, 310. .

1 TEMBHURN! PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA I

H. S. Thosar

These plates were discovered at side and the third plate contains nine

Tembhiir^i in the Sholapur district in lines. There are altogether thirtyeight lines. Maharashtra. Since then these were with The characters belong to the Southern Shri. M. M. Hadge, Sholapur district. type of Brahmi which was in vogue Shri. Arvind HingmirCj Lecturer in History, during the 7th century a.d, The script Kumaraswamy College, Aiisa, Osmanabad of the present grant is identical with District, made these plates available to that of the Savnuf and GadvaP plates me for reading. After a preliminary read-

of Vikramadilya 1, the Chalukya king of ing, we published a note on it in the Badami. The language is Sanskrit and Marathi Journal Ptatish{han, published the rules of sandhi have been generally from Aurangabad.^ observed. But there are a few errors in

the writing as well as in the drafting of This is a set of three rectangular the present charter. The characters cha copper plates, each measuring 20 cms. and vn, for example, look so similar that in length and 10 cms. in breadth. These they are to be deciphered with reference plates were held together by a copper to the context. ring passing through a circular hole, the diameter of which is 1 cm. The weight The object of the charter is to of the set is I kg. and 250 gms. record the royal grant of the village

Pariya^da to the brahmaria Vishiju^arman, Unfortunately each of these plates the son of Paij^usvamin and the grand has been broken into four pieces. The son of iSahkarasvamin belonging to ring has also broken into several pieces, Sa^dilya-gotra and Taittiriya-^akha. The out of which only two are extant. The grant was made at the request of ymwSyh reading has become very difficult, because Vinayaditya. the letters at the broken edges have been King completely lost. The same is the difficulty When the grant was made. a against in deciphering the letters on the rim. Vikramaditya I was on campaign the Pallavas of Kahchi. The present

The edges of the plates are thickened charter was issued by him from his and raised to give protection to the victorious camp at Da^aijuka-grama,

engraving. The first and the third plates which, according to the grant, was situated have been inscribed only on the inner to the east of Virajamahgala, and in the

sides, while the second plate is inscribed Ch6}a - dek. The donated village Pariyarj-

stated to be situated to the on both the sides. The first plate contains , da-grama is

ten lines; the second plate has nine on north of Karakihcha-nagara and included

the obverse and ten lines on the reverse in the Kajumayi-vishaya. The endowment -

Purabhilekha Patrika 2

the present was made on the occasion of the end him. This is confirmed by Vinayaditya of Uttarayana charter and it appears that was yuvaraja even prior to 672 A. d. The date of the grant is given as Choja-de^a, Virajamangala, Da^aijuka- Saka 594, regnal year 17, Ashadha, Utta- rayana samapti Neither the week day grama, Kaluniayi-vishaya, Karakihcha- the geogra- nor the tithi is mentioned. nagara and Pariyaijda-grama are phical names mentioned in the grant. Out of Like other Chalukya grants, this these, Choja-de^a is obviously the country charter begins with the Varaha-stuti. Then around Tiruchirapally in Tamil-nadu. The it sketches the genealogy of the Chalukya king’s victorious camp, at Da^aijuka-graiiia ruling family up to '/ikramaditya 1. It and its neighbouring town Virajamaiigala is more or less similar to other charteiS were located in the Choja-dek, according of the Chaliikyas of Badami, The present to the grant; will to charter was issued by Vikramaditya I so they have be out in from his victorious camp at Da^aijuka- searched Tamil-nadu. The donated graraa lying in the Chola-de^a and to the village Pariya^da can be identified with south of Virajamangala. This indicates Paranda, a taluk headquarters in the that even during the seventeenth year of Osmanabad district of Maharashtra, becau- Vikramaditya’s reign, the conflict between se it has got plionetical similarity with tbe the Chaltikyas and the Pallavas was in inscriptional counterpart and it is very full swing. The present grant, however, close to the findspot of the present sheds new light on the role played by grant. Secondly, the place name Pari- Viiiayaditya as yuvaraja in assisting his yanda has been mentioned in the records father Vikramaditya I in the administra- of the Cha}ukyas of Kalyapa, and has

tion of his kingdom. This is the only been identified with Paranda.® Hemadri’s

chatter so far known where Vinayaditya Pra^asti refers to the same place as

figures as yuvaraja. Pratyaijduka.’ Karakincha-nagara is proba- bly the present village of Karahja, Vinayaditya was the successor of which is a few miles south of Paranda. Vikramaditya I and is believed to have The Kalumayi - vishaya is probably ascended the throne in 681 a. d. But Kaliam, n taluk headquarters the the exact date of his accession has been in Osmanabad district, wnich is not a subject of controversy.'’ According to very far from Paranda. some scholars the reason for this discre- The present grant thus introdiice.s a new vishaya (division) pancy is that, even before his accession, called Kalumayi, existing Vinayaditya managed the affairs of govern- under the Clialukyas of Badami. This ment in an independent capacity® His division probably comprised the adjoining parts of father Vikramaditya 1 had to remain Sholapur and Osma- absent from the kingdom because the nabad districts. conflict between the Clialukyas and the The composer of this grant is Mahasm- Pallavas continued throughout his reign. rf/invgra/n'Am Jayasena who had also written So he appointed Vinayaditya as yuvaraja the Savjjur® and GadvaP plates of and left- the charge of administration to Vikramaditya I. Tembhurni Plates of Vikramaditya I 3

TEXT

[Metres: Verses 1, 7-10 ; verses 2-5 Arya‘, verse 6 Vasantatilaka]

FIRST PLATE

1 Svasti [!!*] Jayaty = avishkritath Vish9or=vvarahain ksliobJiit-ar^ijavami''*!] dakshin- onnata damsh tr-agra-vi^ranta-bhuvanath

2 vapuh ljil*ii] Srimatath Sakalabhuvana - samstuyamana - Manavya - sagotra^arh

Hariti-piitranarh sapta -

3 loka matribhis = sapta matfibhir = abhivarddhitanara ICarttikeya - parirakshaija -

prapta - kalyana-para -

4 rhparaijam Bhagavan - Nirayaija prasada - samasadita-varaba-lanchchhan ekshaigia - kshaija-va^ikri -

5 t - a^esha - raahibhritam Chalikyanam kulam=ala [mkarishi)or=A^vamedh-avabhritha“

snana •]

6 pavitrikrita - gatrasya ^ri Pulake^i - vallabha - maharajasya prapautrah=parakram akra-

7 iita - Vaaavasy = ad-i - para - nfipati - ma^idala - pra^ibaddha - vi^uddha-kirttib Sri - Kirttivarmma - prithivivalla

8 bha - maliarajasy=atraajas=samara samsakta - sakal - Ottarapath “ edvara ^ri - Har- - shavarddhana - parajay o

- 9 palabdha - parame^var - apara-namadheyasya Satyai5raya Sri - Prithivivallabha - maha -

- 10 rajadhiraja parame^vamsya priya - tanaya^=ehitraka

Second Plate : First Side

11 ^th - akhya - pravara - tiiraingameici=ailcen=aiva pratit - aiieka - samara - miikhe ripu- nripati-rudhira -

12 jal - asvadana - rasanayamana - jvalad = amala - ni^ita - nistrirak - dharay=avadhpta - dhara -

13 nibhara - bhujaga - blioga - sadri^a - nija - bhuja - vijita - vijigisliur=atma - kavach -

- avamagn - aneka - pra

14 haras = sva gurolh*] ^riyam = avanipati - tritay - antarilam = atmasatkritya krit= aik=adhislithit - a -

15 ^esha - rajyabharas=tasmin=rajya - Iraye vi[nashtani deva-brahma] - deyani dharmma- ya-

^6= - 16 ’bhivriddhaye sva mukhena sthapitavan [«] Raga - iirasi ripu - nareiidran= di^i

diiSi jitva

17 sva - vath^ajam lakshmira [i*] prapta^ parame^varatam = Anivdrita - Vikramadityah [«2*ii] Apicha[i*^] Mridita- -

PURABHILEKHA PaTRIKA

- - [i*] - vijit - e^varena 18 Narasilhha - ya^asa vihita Mahendra - pratapa vilayena nayana

pra-

"H] - 19 bhiuja ^ri Vallabhena jitath (tam) ['>3 Krita - Pallava - avramarddam dakshina

dig - yuvatim= atta - Kanchikah [^*]

Second Plate : Second Side

- [>'4* 20 Yo bhfi^.itn= abhiramayann= api sutaram Sri Vallabhena jitath (tam) n] Vahati svam= arthavantara Ra^iarasika(h*] Srimad= uru -

21 bala - skandhah [i*] Yo Rajamalla-Sabdam vihita > Maharaalla - kula > naSab

Dur= lafhghya - dushkara - vibheda - viSala ~

[i*] - 22 sala dur - ggadha * dustara-brihat= parikha - parita Agrahi yena jayat ESvara-

- pota » rajyara kahch =iva da

* 11 - - - - 23 kshi^a - diSah kshitipina Kahchi [" 6 ] sa vikram akranta sakala mahi manual

- - adhirajyo Vikramaditya » SatyS

= 24 Sraya - Sri - Pfithivivallabha - maharajadhiraja - paramiSvaras = sarvvan = evam

ajfiapayati fi*] vi

25 ditam “ astu vo = ’smabhib chatur - navaty = uttara - parhcha - Sateshu Safca - var- sheshv * atiteshu pravarddhaina -

26 ni vijaya - rajya - saihvatsare sapta - daSe varttamane Choja - lna]bulih*] praveSc

(viSy » 6)tkata Virtjamaiigala - pu -

27 rvva - dig - bhage = ’vasthita DaSa^uka - gramam = adhivasati vijayaskandhavSre Ssha

bha - masy = uttarS -

28 yana - samaptau [Tailttiriyasya Sapbdya - sagotrasya Sathkarasvaminab pautray Pa^btisvami -

- - 29 putrSya KaJumayP® vishaye Karakimcha iiagarasya(sy=6)ttara - parSve=

Third Plate

30 vasthitab Vishnu - Sarma^e Sri - Vinayaditya - yuvaraja - vijhapanaya Pariyanba nam grSmo '

31 = agSmibhir = = dattab I"*] Tad asraad vamSyair = anyaiS = cha rajabhir = ayur aiSvaryy • adinam vilasitam = achirathSu -

32 chamchalam » avagachchhadbhir == a - chandr - arka[*m] dhar - arijijava - sthiti-sama kSlaih yaSaS = chichishubhis = sva - datti - nirvviSe -

33 sham paripalaniyam = uktan = cha Bhagavata - veda vyasena Vyasena [li*] Bahubhir vvasudht bhukta raja-

34 bhis-Sagar-adibhirya (bhih'yajsya yasya yada bhumis = tasya tasya tada phala (lam) Svan = datum Suma - Tembhurni Plates of Vikramaditya 1 ^

35 hach = cahakyara duhkham anyasya [i*] palaiiam danain va palanam v = eti danach = chhrey6= nupalanamCnam) [ii*8ii] Sva -

36 dattam para - dat tarn va yo hareta [i*] vasundharaifa shashrthim varsha - sahasra^ii vishthayaib jayate

37 krimih [119*1 Chakikya - vamia -jatasya Pallav - anvaya - na^inalj [i-^] sarvv -aniva- nl - ajnasya ^asa -

38 naih ^a'sanaih dvishath(sham) [iilO=^ii] Mahasandhivigrahika ^ri - Jayasenena likhi- tam = idath 4asanaih “

Notes ;

1 . Thosar & HIngmIre, Pratis/ifkan, May-June 1981, pp. 11-13

2. Ep. Ind, Vol. XXVII, pp. 115ff. and plate

3. Ibid., Vol. X, pp. lOOff. and plate

4. Q.Yazdani, Early History of the Deccan, pts l-VI, p. 225

5. Ibid.

6. H.S. Thosar, Studies in the Historical and Cultural Oeograpky and Ethnography of Maratkwada,

(Unpublished thesis), p. 148.

7. Ibid.

S. Ep. Ind, Vol. XXVII, pp. 115 ff.

9. Ibid., Vol, X, p. 100 ff.

10. Ths name of the division appears to be Kujumayi [Ed.) ;

2 MATHURA STONE PEDESTAL INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF BUDHAGUPTA, GUPTA YEAR 161

Kiran Kumar TPiaplyc & Arvind Srivastava

Tile epigraph under discussion is nasal (h) is substituted for amsvara engraved on the pedestal of a now miss- vahia (line 3); v has been doubled whe ing statue. The pedestal was discovered in conjuction with the preceding r in the Bank Colony, near Govindnagar, samaih and same in line 5; amisvamlv on the outskirts of Mathura city, and been used instead of the final m at the er has very recently been acquired for the of verse 5, though at the end of the first ha

Mathura Museum through an antiquity of the same verse the final m (shov\

dealer, Sri Shambhoo Mai Saraf of as of the same shape as the consona

Chowk, Mathura. m but nearly half of its size and plac(

in the lower half of the line), and ni But for the damage to lines 1 and 2

anusvara, has rightly been used ; and caused by the chipping off of a piece of is substituted for. p in Bhddravade stone, the inscription is in a fairly good line 3. state of preservation. The drafting and

scribing of the inscription has been done The inscription is Buddhist in chara

carefully. It is written in the typical ter, its main purport being the install

northern Brahini of the Gupta period. tion of a set of four buddlia images f<

The language of the epigraph is Sanskrit the sake of religious merit {dharmarthan

and the text is throughout in verse. In It begins with the auspicious word siddha

all, there are five lines, each containing followed by salutations to the Buddh

one verse. The end of each haT-verse is who has been referred to as Dahba/

marked by a punctuation mark, resembling balin (possessor of ten powers}^ in line

a comma put in a slanting manner, instead Lokanatha (lord of the world) in line 2, ai of vertically, and the end of a full verse Jina (conqueror) in lined. All these a

by two slightly curved vertical strokes well-known epithets or names of tl

only in the case of the third verse, the Buddha.

end of the full verse is, in all probability Pratima - chatmhtaya is the term use inadvertently, marked with the symbol for the images installed. This may eitb used for the end of half verse. Such a set of mean four separate images c lapses are met with in other epigraphs four images carved on one and thesan as wclP. The metre in all the verses is slab. An observation of the traces < aryn. feet on the upper surface of the pedest; regards As orthography, only a few and the form of the pedestal itself shovs

points are worth menti'oning. Guttural that the latter was not the case. Mathura Stone Pedestal Inscription

The names of the donor of the image The historical importance of the ins-

and his father find mention in the epi- cription is enhanced by the mention of graph. The name of the donor’s father (i) the then ruling king, and (ii) the is clearly Gangabala. As regards the date of installation of the set of four

donor’s name, the text seems to read images. It says that when the set of Sankhikm\ The text would mean - images were installed king Budhagupta of ^ankhika who belonged to (the family, the famous family {prathita-vaMa) was

(?) of) Rashtra’. According to Monier- ruling the whole earth {kritsnam pniid-

WilUams’ Smskrit-English Dictionary iSafi- sati mahlih). Budhagupta, as will be khika as a name of a person is met clear from the discussion of date, below,

with in the Buddhist literature, and this is to be identified with the homonymous suits well in the context of the present Imperial Gupta ru’er, known from inscrip- epigraph which is Buddhistic in characterh tions and coins. The following inscrip-

But the same Dictionary mentions ‘Rashtra’ tions refer to Budhagupta as the reign- also as a personal name. If Rashtra be ing king:- taken as personal name then ^ankhika (i) Sarnath Buddhist Image Inscrip- may either be a place or a family name. tion (g. E.) 157.® But it is quite possible that Rashtre^ais (ii) Varanasi Pillar Inscription a mistake for Rashtriyena ie a governor. (g. e.) 159.^® iSahkhika in that case would be the governor of Budhagupta.' (iii) Damodarpur Copper-plate Inscription

(g, E.) 163.'^ The second line (as partly construc- (iv) Eran Stone Pillar Inscription eulogises the act of" installing ted by us) 1*65.^® (g. e ) the Buddha image. It says that one who (v) Shankarpur Copper-plate Inscrip- performs such an act would be happy tion (g. e.) 168.1® {sukhl) in the world of Mara (Marasya (vi) Damodarpur Copper-plate lake) and possess a pleasing personality Inscription (date lost).i® {nayanabhnamah= cha). Mara-loka may be interpreted as the world (or heaven) (vii) The Nalanda Seal Inscription.^®

presided over by Mara®, but it also Budhagupta's goldi® and silveri’ coins means realm of rebirth’ and the latter are also known. Five of his six silver suits better in the present context and coins bear the date 175 (g, e.=494 a. D.) should be accepted. The reading of the date on the sixth as

180 (g. e.=499 ad) is rathqr doubtful.^® In the last line, a pious wish is

expressed that the merit accruing out of The epithet prathita (celebrated) has this pious act of installing the Buddha ima- been used for the Gupta dynasty.®" It is very ges may bring complete {akshayam) nir- appropriate for the dynasty which had a vana (naiiieyasam) to the parents of the galaxy of celebrated kings like Samiidra- donor as also to all sentient beings of gupta, Chandragupta II, Kumaragupta I the earth.® and Skandagupta. PUEABHILEKHA PATRIKA

to in non-declinable and so cannot be changed The year of the date is referred the eka-shashfhe into vade. Secondly, in the epigraph, words. The reading varshe and day is clearly as 16 (shodaie), in between theas mentioned is quite clear. The word fortnight probably it was which cannot be the case if the looks like gala but most days in a ifl, with is mentioned, as the number of meant for Mn. The letters ga and only. has a hori- fortnight ranges between one to fifteen the exception that the latter inadvertently similar It seems that the scribe zontal bar in the middle, have a wrote vade for pade. However, it may form. Perhaps the scribe forgot to also be mentioned that instances of subs- add the horizontal stroke. Varsha-iate titution of va for pa are known. We may eka-shashthe would mean ‘in the year one cite, as an example, Vadrdntapa - vishaya hundred and sixty one.' The era used which occurs as part of a legend on a obviously is Gupta Era and the date in seal discussed by L. D. Barnett, in which Christian era would be 320+161=480 a.d. case vadra has been taken to stand for Budhagupta ruled at least between G. e. 157 padra.^^ We believe that the epigraph (=476 ad) and g.e. 175 (=494 ad), the two mentions the month Bhddrapada, and not dates known from his Saniath Buddhist the dark fortnight of the month Bhadra. Image Inscription and silver coins respec- The epigraphs mentioning Budhagupta tively (see above).^'’ The date g. e. 171 as the reigning king come variously from (=4^ AD) fits in well with the date-bracket Daraodarpur in Bengal, Nalanda in Bihar, known for the king. If, however, the read- Sarnath and Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh ing gafo, as it is, is accepted then the date and Eran and Sliankarpur in Madhya would be ‘year 61 expired'. Budhagupta Pradesh. Obviously, all these localities cannot by any stietcii of imagination be his kingdom. copper-plato placed in g.e. 61 when, as the Mathura were within A inscription of MahMja Hastin of year Stone ihllar Inscription-' shows, the Imperial g. e. 156 (=475 ad)“ from Khoh, Satna, Gupta king Chandragupta II was ruling. District Madya Pradesh, has the The date year 61 can only be reconciled expression Gupta raj'yabhuktau, i.e, ‘during the sove- with the reign period of Budhagupta if reignty of the Guptas’. Maharaja Hastin we presume that the practice of omitting was a feudatory of Budhagupta, since the hundred has been followed, and for 'year date falls within the reign of that one hundred and sixty one, only sixty Gupta ruler. Further, the Eran one has been inscribed. Stone Pillar Inscription tells us that one Sura^mi- The present inscription also mentions chandra administered the area lying bet- month and day. The text has BhadMvade. ween Kalindi (Yamuna) and Narmada, as One is likely to consider vade as standing for a governor of Budhagupta. Thus Budha-

vadi (the same as bad) i. e. dark fortnight. gupta’s kingdom was fairly extensive. This would mean the date gives the name of Mathura, where the epigraph under dis- the month as Bhadra and of the fortnight as cussion was found, marks the northern- vfl£//(dark fortnight). However, this does not most findspot of Budhagupta’s inscriptions. seem to, be the case for two reasons. As seen above, from the Eran Pillar Firstly, vadi {badi) being an avyaya is Inscription of that ruler we know that -

Mathura Stone Pedestal Inscription 9 in the Gupta year 165 (=484 a. d,) Sura4- difficult to assert whether or not that region micliandra was serving as his governor also foimed part of his kingdom. But, if for the area between Kalindi (Yamuna) it did, then it can be said that during and Narmada, Mathura, the findspot of Budhagupta’s rule, the Gupta empire was the present epigraph, falls within this r^ion. almost as extensive as it was during the time

If the suggestion that Rashtrena in the of Skandagupta. We do not know if he epigraph is a mistake for Rashtriye^a made any conquest in his reign period,

(governor) be correct, then it is possible but he certainly should be given the credit that four years earlier i. e., in G. E. 161 for maintaining the extensive empire in (=480) Sankhika administered that region on tact.^’ He should undoubtedly be ranked behalf of Budhagiipta. Neither Budhagiipta’s amongst the great kings of the Gupta epigraphs nor coins have been reported from dynasty. In fact, he was the last great

Gujarat-Kathiawar region and, as such, it is king of that celebrated ruling family.

TEXT

1 Siddha(mj*® [Yo vandya] [ba]ndhana - niruddham'*'* Janma * kshaya

matarii chakre*’ Dak-bala-baline namas=taimai h [l^n]

2 Karayati yab [pratimaih L6j®''kanathasya jagati Buddhasya i sa bhavati sukhi Marasya”"^ loke nayan-abhirama5=cha n [2*ii]

3 Kjitsnaih pra^asati mahiih Budhagupta-rajani prathita-vadie (vaihie) i varsha -^ata“*

eka-shashthe Biiadravade®^ slio^la^e divasi®* n [3*ii]

4 Pratima-chatush{ayam=idani dharm=artliaih Sankliikena rashtrena i bhaktyS Jinasya

karitam=adhuna Gangabala-putrejja « [4*ii]

5 Atra-kfiteh yat=pu^iyaih nai^reyasam=akshayatii hi tat=sarvvam i m3ta-pitr5§=

[5ii*] ch=asya sarvveshah=ch=avani-satvanam(nam) «

Translation

L. 1 Success Salutations to one Who preached the doctrine of destroying’

births (i, e. nirvana), Who is powerful by virtue of possessing the ten powers.

L, 2 He who on earth installs an image of the Buddha, the ‘Lord of the world’,

he becomes happy in the next birth and (is born with) a pleasing personality.

L. 3-4 To-day (when) king Budhagupta of the famous dynasty is administering the whole earth, in the year one hundred and sixty-one, in the month of Bhadrapada,

on the sixteenth day, a set of four images of Jina (literally the conqueror, i. e. the Buddha) is installed with devotion by Sadkhika- (of) Rashtra (family?), son of Gadgabala for the sake of religious (merit).

L. 5 Whatever merit be there in this act, may that be for the complete nirvana of

his (i. e. donor’s) parents and all sentient beings of the earth. PATRIKA 10 PURABHILEKHA

Notes

pl- p. 130 1 See e. g. in the Katra copper-plate charter of Jivagupta, Ep. Ind., Vol. XXXV, enutneratiori! 2 For the enumeration of the da^abalas, see Angutta'a NikSya (10,2,1.). For different Dictiomry sea ^abdakalpadnima (s, v.) and Vachaspatyam (s. v.), also Rai S. C. Das. Tibetan-English Govindnagar neai This description of Buddha is found in one of the inscriptions discovered in Ka?heri plate Mathura dated in the Gupta year 115 {A.R.Ep., 1976-77, No. B 77) and in the

of the Traikutakas, Year 246 (CIL-, Vol. IV, parti, No. 10, p, 39f. [Ed.]

the seconc 3 There is no doubt about the reading ^ahkfiikena ra. Of the two letters that follow, the addi one is either na or na. The first one looks like a square (or Brahmi letter ba) with

it th< tional horizontal stroke dividing it vertically into two roughly equal halves and giving ant appearance of the. But in this very epigraph the fetter tha occurs twice - in nathasya fine 2,

dhamarthaih in line 4. A comparison of the shape with these two shows marked difference ; fh<

one under discussion has almost square outline while the two have oval outline.

4 Not that we identify the two.

5 We owe this suggestion to Shri S. P. Tewari.

6 *...„....the later Buddhist theory of races of gods led to the figment of millions of Maras rulec

0V8[ by a chief Mara (Moniar - Williams' Smskrit-Englhh Dictionary, S. V. Mara).

7 Sometimes 'Mara' is applied to the whole of the worldly existence or the realm of rebirth, as

opposed to Nibbatja. Vide Pali Text Society's Pali-English Dictionary by T. W. Rhys Davids, S-K”. Mara).

8 The reading is smvMaM = 5) vaBr-safra/iff/Ji meaning for all sentient beings of the earth’ [Ed.[

9 Y.R. Gupta in ASIAR, 1914-15, pp. 124-25.

10 D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, 2nd ed„ p. 331f,

11 R.G. Basak, Ep.Ind., Vol. XV, 131 ff.

12 J. F. Fleet, CU.. Vol. ill, pp.88 ff.

13 B. C. Jain, Jr. Ep. Soc. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 62ff.

14 R.G. Basak, Ep.Ind., Vol. XV, 137 ff.

15 H.Sastri, MAS!, No. 66, p. 64.

16 Altekar, Coinage of the Gupta Empire, pp. 275 ff.

17 Allen, CCGD, p, 154; Altekar, op.cit., p. 278 ff.

18 Altekar, op, cit, p. 279.

19 Cf. (good for Gupta Sad=vaMa family) the Later dynasty in line 1 of the Aphsad Stona inscription of Adityasena (C//., Vol. Ill, 200 ff) and = pp. Vihddh aimya ('pure lineage’) for Malada, son of Ya^ovarman's minister in line 5 of the Nalanda Stone Inscription of YaSovarman ' Ep. Ind., Vol, XX, pp. 37 ff.).

20 If the reading of date as 180 (G.E.) on one of the silver coins is accepted then Budhagupfa's rule extended at least upto 499 A.D. For a different view, see, however, Altekar, op. cit., p. 279, Mathura Stone Pedestal Inscription 11

21 D. R. Bhandarkar in Ep. Ind., Vol. XXI. 1 ff.

22 L. D. Bamnett in JRAS., 1914, p. 402. 26 23 CIL, Vol. Ill, pp. 93 ff.

24 The evidence of Eran Boar Inscription of the time of king Torama^ja shows that Dhanyavishiju, a younger brother Wlatfivishiju, administered the region around Eran (District Sagar) under that

Huija king. His elder brother Matfivishiju is known to have governed that very region during

the reign of king Budhagupta. It is less likely that Torama^a conquered the region during the reign of Budhagupta who was master of an extensive empire. Most probably this feat was achieved by that Huq.a king after the death of that powerful Gupta king,

What is read as s[i]ddka[m] may as well be saddhanm. In that case, it would be part of the

first verse. The first part of the first verse has bean conjecturally restored by us.

26 The reading of the first part of the verse is doubtful.

27 The reading is tentative. What we have read as kre looks like nh3,

28 This has been conjecturally restored by us,

29 The letter read by us as s looks like sh or ha. First we thought of reading the text as msmshya lokl (world of men), but a careful observation showed that the middle letter is rs and not nu.

30 For the discussion on this reading, see above.

31 Read Bhadrapade. See above.

32 There is a slightly curved horizontal mark after divasS which normally indicates the end of half verse (and has been so used in this very inscription in the case of-other verses), instead of two vertical lines which mark the end of full verse. Though there is space for about two

letters after divasS in the line, it does not seem that any tetter (or letters) were carved after it. 3 A DUPLICATE IIMSCRIPTION OF

CHALUKYA POLEKESl I AT BADAMI

K. V, Ramesh

All the scholars interested in the Sometime back when T had occasion dynastic history of the Chalukyas of to visit Badami I utilised the opportunity

Vatapi are only too well aware of the to examine the Pallava inscription in situ. existence of two important inscriptions At that time, when I perceived the three at Badami in Karnataka, one belonging to damaged lines below the Pallava inscrip- the reign of Poleke^i I and dated in 543 tion I was pleasantly surprised to discover

A. D. and the other belonging to the that whatever letters had escaped damage reign of the conquering Pallava adversary in those three lines were exactly in corres-

Narasimhavarman dated in his 13th regnal pondence with certain consecutive letters year and hence assignable to 642-43 a.d. of the first three lines of the Badami

Of these two, the inscription of Poleki^i cliff inscription of Poleke^i 1, From the

I, which is engraved at an inaccessible attached illustration it can be easily seen that height on a cliff, records the construc- the first line of the damaged Chalukya tion, by that king, of a fort at Vatapi by inscription reads [5'vn]5

Narasiihhavarman is a clear evidence of second line read ivamedhddi and the surviving the fact that, in retaliation to Polekeii letters of the 3rd line read i^yagarbha. These

IPs conquest of the Pallava country, three lines thus form parts of the first 3

Narasiihhavarman had • invaded the Cha- lines of the cliff inscripiion which read: lukya domains and had successfully captured 1. Svasti ^aka-varsheshu chatuHateslm their capital Vatapi. While the cliff ins- pancha-shashti-yuteshu cription of Poleki^i I is in a state of excellent preservation, Narasimhavarmins 2. Asvamedh‘adi yajndndih yajva irauta- beautifully engraved Pallava Grantha ins- vidhdnatal} cription is badly worn out in parts. 3. Hiranya-garbha-sambhutaMahk} 6- Just below this Pallava inscription can VallabhUvarah be traced a few letters distributed over three badly damaged lines, and en,graved The presence at Badami of a duplicate

in characters typically belonging to Vatapi version of Poleke^i I’s inscription raises

Chalukya writing. While publishing the very interesting possibilities. For one thing, Pallava inscription in Vol. XI, part I of the assignment of the damaged duplicate the South Indian Inscriptions series it has version to the 7th Century A. D. in the been stated in a foot-note that the three South Indian Inscriptions volume upholds damaged lines below that inscription are my repeated assertion that any palaeogra- engraved in characters of the 7th century a.d. phical dating of early inscriptions, on . :

A Duplicate Inscription of Chalukya Polekesi I at Badami 13 whatever grounds, is subject to a conces- To sum up the above arguments brieily sion the of the scholar, on part profFerinj I could state my points as follows such date, to the effect that such dating 1. In case the assignment of the damaged should always be taken to be plus or inscription of Polekesi I to the 7ih minus 100 years if not more. century a. d. in the South Indian Ins-

criptions volume is wrong, and the For another, is it possible that, as a inscription actualy belongs to 543 a. d., further step of vendetta, the conquering it clearly highlights the futility of Pallavas had deliberately destroyed this trying to stick to ones guns in the inscription of Polelce^i 1 and that, after matter of dating early inscriptions the Pallavas were driven out, the Cha- solely on palaeographical grounds. lukyas had symbolically retrieved their prestige by engraving the text of the same 2. In case, as has been suggested by me, inscription at an inaccessible height where the well preserved cliff inscription was all the lines thus re-engraved have survived engraved after driving out the Pallava conquerors without any damage to this day. If this in or after 642-43 a. d., it becomes very alternative is the historical truth, then it clear that an inscription of the will mean that, inspite of its express middle of the 6th century was got re-engraved date, viz, Saka 465 which is equal to almost exactly 100

543 A. D., the well preserved inscription, years later during or immediately after 642-43 A.D. that is now available on the cliff, was engra- ved afresh some time during or very 3. A third interesting alternative is that soon after 642-43 a. d. This will again go Polekesi I, in the flush of his com- to show that, whether an inscription is pletion of the construction of the expressly dated or not, in so far as it is fort, which was indeed a great task an inscription belonging to a period prior accomplished by an upcoming ruling to 7th century a. d., only very limited house, got an unknown number of the help can be taken from its palaeographical same inscription engraved at Badami, features in attributing to it any absolute in different places and at different dale. If other evidences available in the heights and that wc have now dis-

inscription itself or from other related covered, by chance, the second copy.

epigraphs suggest a date later than the If this be the truth, then again, its

one in which the inscription itself is assignment to the seventh century in

dated we will have to accept such evi- the South Indian Inscripiions volume

dence at the expense of our pet theories takes us back to the same position on palaeographical development. of such palaeographical datings bogging

down to plus or minus hundred years. TOWNSHIPS IN SRIWNKA 4 GLIMPSES OF CHOLA R. Tirumalal

has already, I understand, published history that the Pillai It is a fact of inscriptions in 1972 in of Paran- the Ceylon Tamil ImfK'rial Ch6}as from the time parts; the publication could expeditions to 5ri- a few but taka I onwards took reference. unsuccess- not be had for immediate lahka. Althotij;li Paraiitaka was Sanskrit, Teliigu and ajainst Mahin- Indeed the Tamil, ful, Rajaraja I succeeded Kannada inscriptions in Burma, J^rilanka da (about 991 a. d.) and brought the and the Far Eastern countries could be simi- northern portion of ^rilahka under his larly brought together and made available in sway, and extended the Cho|a authority conspectus. I am happy to stale that and administration into the territory. The one Dr. V, Ramesh Chhia imperial conquest was not merely the Chief Epigraphist K. has welcomed this suggestion and would in the nature of a military venture or a political annexation. It was a colonis- trust that his efforts in this direction ation. The social and economic features would bear fruit. of the mainland were fully broujht m The present study is based on the 28 and transplanted, thoroujh and complete inscriptions first noticed in ARSIE., 1912 in the Chofa territory within the island (SI. Nos. 594 to 618) and subsequently pub- and it became a ‘province’ in every sen- lished in South Indian Inscriptions, Vol IV se during the effective period of Choja and the valuable inscription published and rule from about 991 A. D, to about competently commented by Dr. K. Indra- 1070 A. I).- Nowhere is this thorough- pala in his learned article on “An Inscrip- going transplantation more fully mirrored tion of the lOth year of Ch6ja Laftice^- than in the character and organisation varadeva from Kantalai”.^ of the townships. And some of these

features left their impress even after the The province [mandala) itself was re- Choja rule was ended by the Siifahala named asMummudiCliola-magdalam. The king, Vijayabahii and sometimes got Chela rulers were fond of renaming to the indigenous social fabric. grafted territories, rivers,* townships and streets gathers such This note data from publi- icheris) and channels* after themselves or shed readily-available inscriptions. It after the members of their family. The would be rewarding to work out the new capital, Polannaruva was named theme more fully, pursuing the study of Janaiiathamahgalam, after one of the titles the texts of all available cpigrapliic data. of Rajaraja I, Temples for Hindu deities, In this context it shouM help scholarship especially for 8iva were constructed and and research if the entire corpus of they were named likewise after the scions Tamil inscriptions in ^riluhka are collec- of the Choja dynasty. Thus, Vana.- td, carefully edited and annotated and vanmadevi^varamii^iaiyar was the deity in published in one volume, Sri A. Velu Polannamva* and the deity at Kalpc Glimpses of Chola Townships in Srilanka 15

Kovale was named Uttamach6}a-I^vara- the township {Namm-ur-Tui}dukinra Mutt- mudaiya-Mahadevar* and the temple at angai Koil marri. ... ) and proceeds to Mantota (Mahatittlia) Rajaraje^varam- record an award or decision ipariiu) regarding u^aiyar’. a wet land {nimilam) sold or transferred

for consideration of cash {kdiu) received. is evidence Even more significant the The land was 3 md in extent (99 cents) inscription available from the Kantalai dated in the 3rd block {chatukkam) under the 1018- in the reign of Choja Rajadhiraja I (c. the sluice outlet {kanndr) taking off from 54 a. d.'/. Dr. Indrapala rightly brings Vikraraacliola-vaykkal. out the significance of this inscription that “it appears that in iSrilanka also at Kantalai continued to be a brahma- least in the Tamil-inhabited areas the deya but was renamed as Vijayaraja- local government institutions of the Chola chaturvedimangalam when Vijayabhaya kingdom were transplanted. ” This inscription regained the freedom of Srilanka, and had continued to be so in the reigns was dated in the 10th year of l^anklia- of varma Cho}a LankeSvaradeva, whom Dr. Gajabalm II and Ni^kthkainalla. In the Indrapala interprets convincingly as a scion latter’s time it was known as chaturvedi- of the Choja Imperial family appointed bralmapurid

vicferoy rule the province in ^ri- as to This important evidence can bear out . lahka. This was identical with the mode the following inferences ; The different of appointing the sons of the Choja types of townships including brahmadeyas emperor as ChoJa-Paijdya viceroys in were founded and named after the scions Pandya-nadu- of the Chola family in ^rilankS, The town-

ship constituents looked after the endow- The territorial division in which the ments, and solicitously provided for Kantalai temple was located was named beneficient land use. They were in-charge Rajarajachoja - vajanadu - Rajavichchha - of the land, presumably unoccupied, and dara-vajanadii. The name Kantalai itself competent to make and register sales of land is a corrupt form of the Sanskrit word’ together with irrigation rights. Thus they Gangataja The township was a brahma- had identical functions and role as the deya, that is predominantly inhabited by brahmdeya-sabhas and mahdsabhds in the hrabmaijas and named as Rajaraja- mainland. It incidentally proves that the chaturvedimaflgalam. The brahmadeya, as embargo on brahma^as crossing the seas in the mainland, had a Sabhai and the weighed but lightly with those who were elder-constituents {Penimakkal) were con- willing to follow the Choja flag and seek vened by the beat of the big drums new verdures under the sun away from {Peruhguri). They met on a Tuesday, at the mainland. night, on the asterisk of Ayilyam on a

dvada^i day in Purva-paksha, i. e. Uth day This last inference is confirmed by

before the full moon, in the month of another inscription^" from the iSiva Devale

Kumbha (February-March). The damaged No. 2 at Polannaruva. “This beautiful

inscription refers, to a revenue official of little ^iva Devale constructed of granite 16 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

and limestone, in its architectural form, [kramavUtukkal) in order and some priests seems at once to class it with the Hindu especially of the ndrpattenndyiram group, fanes of South India erected from the who seem to have been widely-spread in ” 10th to the 12th centuries. the Tamil country, the pipers, the dancing

girls, and the attendants had all migrated This inscription is dated in the 3rd

to the conquered territory ; the outfit of year of Adhirajendra (Circa 1070 A.D.). the temple establishment was also a fairly A lamp service was instituted by one fiillsome replica of that of the mainland Vellala (agriculturist) iSiralan, alias temples. The use of the word talaimciru koijdachoia-pallavarayan of Mahgalappadi in the context of the successor service- in Virupedu-nadu in a kdflam (name holders is interesting. If one does not lost) in Chola-maijdalam for the shrine read too much of significance into this of Vanavapmadevi^varam-udaiyar in Jana- term, it allows -for replacements or sub- nathamahgalam (Polannaruva) to be stitution, a procedure which is not ordi- maintained at one ulakku of oil per day, narily noticiable in the arrangements made for which he made a deposit to earn in the mainland temples where the res- interest from the Chitra (Apirl - May) ponsibility descended on the lineal succe- month. This was undertaken by the ssors (\’argattdr) in the male-agnate line. priests [Padipadn[mukpa^(u\dai pancha- It would be tempting but risky to suggest chariya-devakanmikal) of the temple, from the available data that regular turns including a brahmaija Gomatam kra- were taken by interchange as between per- mavittap. . . and some i^ivabrahmaija sons from the mainland and those in the Tillainayaka-bhattap. The inscription also island by rotation. refers to apiper (uvuc/zc/w;;) Arayan Kaval The temple at Polannaruva also had Rajadhiraja Mudakkarai - nadalvap, a shrine for Vishiju /. e. Pajlikoijdar,^^ panmahe&ma-kankdi}i of the temple and and another deity Alagiyamaijavalar several dancing girls including Naj-pattep- (presumably Vishiju) was also installed payira-ma^iikkam. It proceds to conclude Xelundaruli vittuY^ there. that these members of temple-establishment, The system of endowing lands and after them, their successor (talaimdru) tax -free, and assignment of taxes and cesses priests, (tim'dradapai-paiji}uvar), parichara- from the king to the temple kar (attendant - service-holders), panmdhU- was also in vogue. Also a mra-kank'ani - ieyvar (the superintendent merchant-township (nagara) is evidenced by a slab among the priests), nattavar (the land- inscription presev- cd in the holding residents of the nadu), and the dan- museum at Colombo, Tali -kumaran, a headman or leader cing girls {devaradiyar) were to ensure the [kilavan) of iSirukurranallur service for which 5 ka^u were deposited. of Velai-na^u in Kshatriya^ikhamani-vajanadii The lamp was 2 ^dn and 4 fingers in in Cho}a- mandala set up a temple height. in Matottam alias Rajarajapuram in Miimmudi-Chola- The evidence leads to the following mandalam and named it as Rajaraji^va-

conclusions : ram. The yield from a few items of A few brahmanas whose nativity was tolls, and cesses besides land-revenue

Gomatam and were competent to recite Vedas {irai) were assigned for defraying the Glimpses of Chola Townships in Srilanka 17 expenses on tiruvardhajdmam worship, and lends support to the particularisation in 7 days’ festival in connection with Vai- Prof: Sastri’s interpretation.^’ Replica of kaii ViMkham. The land endowed as other specific bodies looking after parti- tax-free devaddna was to the north of cular deities or shrines are also noticed.

(description lost), east of Rajaraja- Thus in the 5th year of ^ri ^angapat- pperun-deru, the big street, south of marayan in the month of Margali, Kamniaijaciiclieri (the quarters of black- iSekkilan-^etti-lSahkan deposited 30 ilakkdk smiths) and the eastern boundary is not with the perurar of kumdraganam. From clear. Within that land, the residential the interest thereof the latter agreed to mansion (rndligai) of Kurrankaman, a make one food offering and one lamp.” land-holder (ku4l) of the towship, his Another deposit likewise was made by house and garden were to be excluded- l^ekkilan ^ennai with the same perurdr}^

For reciting Bharatara, 1 akkam, was A construction-piece was the gift of the shuttles weaving in provided. On Ilamayar of Kiiaichchheri (East quarter) the township, 1/8 akkam per month was among the Pirilamayar, an amildma caste. levied and for all transactions in the Doubtless with the Chola army a township 1 vattam from the giver or number of generals and chieftains had transferer and 1 from the taker also gone and perhaps stayed back. (or 1 vat tarn each for two parties invol- Ahnursuvan-ambalam,” Arahgan Ramehn, ved in any marriage alliance), was to be a donor who endowed 50 coconut trees collected; besides tolls from roadways for 5 lamps to be lit at saud/u,"" and {pddai idangafil). With these yields 6 several ndddlvans (chieftains)"^ including nalis of rice per day including 2 mli of Jayamuri - naplvap"® ^Mukari na^alvSn's rice for service were to be served and a daughter Karpakam."" Tiruppuvaijadevati bachelor-attendant was to get 8 ndli of of Mokanur, Tillaikkarak Tyagachinta- paddy per day. There was also a matha mani-muvendaveian, Panchanadivapn of and a head therein. iSrinallur are other benefactors on record.

In the same temple there was another The colonists had continued even shrine for Tiruvirame^varam-udaiyar. A after Vijayabahu wrested the independence native of l^irukulattur ....Devan l^andiman of Srilanka. He had invited and entrusted serving in the perundanam (army) of to the Tiruvejaikkarar, a corps of Tamil

Rajendra Chola entrusted 2 - with the gallants in service or soldiers hired by Sankarappadiyar and 1 kd^u each with him, the Daladaypperumpa|li, the

the betel-growers {veptilai vdifiyar) and Buddha Tooth Shrine [Danta-kuti) at with plantain-growers {valctkkdy-vaniyar)}^ Watadage and named the Buddhist shrine The object of the grant was to provide after them to be maintained and protected for Rami^varam - u^aiya - mahadevar by them. The Tiruvelaikkarar had com-

ceremonially riding on his sacred bull, prised three wings - including their ances- ^ahkarappadiyar, from this contextual tors - Valanjiyar, the Nagarattar who work occurrence, would' appear to be an occu- in close collaboration with them. Each

pational group of oil-mongers^" and this constistuent was given 1 rdi of land per ]8 PURAUniLKKIIA PaTRIKj

head. They were to protect the Buddhist praise the patron-ruler. One such versi

shrine, their endowed townships, the has survived

attendants and service-holders, the treasury, and those who sought refuge therein. TiiXr

Even at the risk of their sustaining injury 1 Selu or harm they would not swerve from 2 Kahganam vcrkanp-iniiiyar katfiijar the duty to protect the shrine. The 3 signatories (Tiruvelaikkdrar) included Kdmarva}aip - pahgayakkaijner tiladaiii parittar Valangai, Idangai ^irudanam, PiUaigaltanam,

Vadukar, Malayajar, Parivarakkondan and 4 pongolinir liingaiiiagar-ariyanai-chcliera-

- Palakalan.’®'* Tiruve}aikkarar Adigara^a 5 v-anureiir langal matUimadar tain pi*] l^aranan, belonging to one of the three The wings, also had made an individual endow- Vellaivilvattu Konekarar temple at Ma^ijapkarai ment for charity.^ (Tirukoijainahii) was one of the shrines celebrated by ^aivu-nayan- It will be interesting to recall that the mar, and held to be a sacred Siva-slha- - Chola garrisons (Muprukai Mahasenayar) la. were entrusted likewise with the protection The data of temples at Tiruvaliivaram^® and at presented would be enough to warrant that the Pattamaijai.'’ In an inscription at Anu- sociul and economic structure and i-adhapura the Tamils of four nadus fabric of the mainland found many of its figure as the donees and guardians of a faithful reproductions in the island. Buddhist-vihara.“" These were a significant feature of the Choja colonisation of Indeed, the Tamil bard with his cha- Srilahka, and even after t^rilaaka ceased racteristic erotic undertones, was not slow to be a part of the Choja empire, their to follow, and he was near at hand to vestiges had lingered.

Notes :

1 Colas., Vol I, p. 205.

2 Ibid., P.303,

3 Senart Paranavitana commemoration Volume., Vol. Vll, pp. 81-97 1978 4 See the author's Rajendra Vinnagar, pp. 1-3.

^ viiT’No.Tm wtae, sn.

6 ARSIE., 1912, No. 615.

7 SIL, Vol IV, No, 1412.

8 Dr. K. Indrapala, Senarat Paranavitana Commemoration Volume.

9 Op’ cit., ibid. ,,

Glimpses of Chola Townships in Srilanka 19

10 S.I l Vol' IV, No, 1388.

11 A.S.C., 1906, pp. 17

12 S.LL, Vol IV, No. 1390.

13 Ibid., 1391

14 S.I.I Vol IV, No. 1412, see also No. 1396. 15 Ibid; No. 1414

16 Colas, Vol II, 272, f.n. See also A.R.I.E., 1964-65 Nos B 300-309.

17 S.l,l., Vol IV, No. 1403

18 Ibid., No. 1404

19 Ibid., No. 1415

20 Ibid., No. 1414

21 Ibid,, No. 1410

22 Ibid., No. 1408

23 Ibid., No. 1393, 'C'

24 Ibid., No. 1390

26 Ibid., No. 1398

26 A.R.S.I,E.. 1905, B 120

27 Ibid., 1916, B 142

28 S.I.T., Vol. IV, No. 1405

29 Ibid.; No, 1413 5 SUSILPIM AMRITA

G. Bhattacharya

In the medieval period from 800 to Fortunately we find men lion of some

1200 A. D. a particular style developed in. of the artists of this period, who were

the art of Bihar-Bengal, which is genera- responsible either for engraving an epig- lly described as the Pala-Sana style of raph or executing a sculpture. The prou-

art. On the propriety of this nomen- dest of them, no doubt, was ^ulapaiii,

clature we don’t intend to say anything who was the royal artist at the court of

in this article, although we know it is the Sena king Vijayasena. In the an important point. This point will be Deopada inscription^ of the Sena king, discussed by us somewhere else. who dedicated a temple to the god

Pradyumnekara (a name given to a

Most of the art-historians, who Harihara image), ^ulapaiji was responsi- write on the medieval art of Bihar-Ben- ble for the execution of the temple. gal follow the account of the 17th cen- Sulapfipi is described as the crest-jewel tury Buddhist pseudo-historian Lama of the guild of artists of Varendra or Taranatha according to whom the art North Bengal {varendru-iilpi-goshjhi-chii-

-style of the medieval period of Eastern 4amat}i). He was also a royal officer

India was invented by two famous arti- {rdi}aka) of the king. The inscription re-

sts, Dhiman and his son Bitpalo (?). cords not only the name of ^ulapaiji

Unfortunately, there is no other docu- but also the names of his father, grand-

ment to support Taranatha’s statement. father and the great-grandfather. Perhaps To us these two names appear to be all of them were sculptors or architects.

like a fiction. Out of the thousands of If ^ulapani were a contemporary of

sculptures, both stone and metal, of this Vijayasena then surely his ancestors were

period, not a single piece contains the contemporaries of the Pala rulers and name of the sculptor, either as Dhiman did serve them as artists, in North Ben-

or Bitpalo (?). Those who have studied gal, because we know that North Bengal

carefully the development of this art-style was taken away by Vijayasena from the

will approve that the Eastern Indian Pala ruler Madanapala in about 1161 a. d.

style of the medieval period was not There is no other record available introduced by a single sculptor or two where a prominet artist of Biiiar-Bengal of them at a particular period. There is mentioned together with his gene- was a gradual process through a long alogy. period. The Bihar medium of the later Gupta period (7th-8th century a. d.) was But in the gallery of the British

taken up by the local artists to develop Museum, London, Indian Section, there

into a special style to be called Bihar- is an image of the Sun-god on the

Bengal style. pedestal of which there is an inscription : .

21 SUSILPIN AmRITA

of Rajyapala.* The recording the name of the sculptor. The riya stone inscription verse in line 20 runs like figure is from Bengal, Ramaprasad Chan- text of the da, who prepvared the catalogue of the this: medieval sculptures from India in the Indramla-mani-snigdhe iild-pa tte = ^ tinimale i British Museum commented, “The other pmiastir- iyath utkirnd ^rmidhanena iifpind n image of Surya bears on the base above

inscription in very cor- the horses this ‘This eulogistic composition (was) in Nagari characters of the rupt Sanskrit engraved by the artist i^riiiidhana on the Chanda's reading tenth century A. d." very clean stone slab, smooth (like) the together with and translation of the text sapphire or Indranilamani' Here we are like this his comment, have also another artist of the Pala period

from North Bengal viz,, iSrinidhaiia. 1 IndranilamapWishyah ^ilaya

buddhi^alina In October, 1980 I had the oppro- 2 ghatitaya kjitajnena Amritena su^i- tunity to visit Dacca, capital of Bangla- [Ijpina desh. There a young scholar showed (This image) has been carved in me the photo of a damaged Pala Vishiju

stone by the wise, grateful, and good image inscribed on the pedestal. The

artist Amfita, pupil of Indranilamapi. image was found in the village called

Kalayanagar in the Bogra District of “Here we have the name of two North Bangladesh (ancient Varendra). Gaudian sculptors. Am pita, and his tea- The young gentleman asked me to read cher, Indranilamat;i. In order to deter- the one line inscription on the pedestal mine how far the claim of Amfita as a of the image. I was surprised to see good artist (su^ilpin) is justified, we that the text of this inscription is exac- should consider two halves of this image, tly the same (ignoring a few, minor the upper half and the lower half, sepa- changes) as that of the inscription on rately.”^ etc, the pedestal of the Sun-god of the Bri- Unfortunately could not read Chanda tish Museum. The text of the Vish^ni the very interesting part of the record image inscription runs like this: correctly, Amriia does not refer to his

gum. What Chanda read as iishyah is 1 Siddham'[i*] indranilaraaHi-snigdlia-

actually snigdha and the whole expression Silayam biiddhi^alina indramlafiwiMnigdha-Silaydm. is Mmlla- 2 ghatitb=Wani kritajhena Amritena maiji is sapphiie, a precious stone of su^ilpina blue colour. Here the bluish stone of

which the image is made and which is We call the script of both the re-

generally known as Rdjmahal slate, is cords as Gaudiya and not Nagan as

compared to the smooth and bluish Chanda has said and date them in the

IndranJlamoni. The term occurs, also in 11th century a. d. instead of the 10th comparison to the stone, in the Bhatu- century. 22 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

It is really gratifying to know from have any other copy of this record engraved both the records that during the Pala on the pedestal of an image. But from period a notable artist Amnta had his a careful stylistic study of the two figures atelier in Varendra or more precisely in we will surely be able to group several the Rajshahi-Bogra region. Unfortunately sculptures as products of the master-artist we don't know actually how many sculp- Amfita. tures were made by Amrita and we don’t

Notes

1 Malumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. Ill, pp, 35 ff.

2 Expressed by a symbol.

3 Chanda, Medieval Indian Sculpture in the British Museum. London, 1936, p. 66 and PI. XX.

4 Ep. Ind.f Vol. XXXm, pp. 150 ff. and Plate.

5 Expressed by a Symbol. 23

6 SOME ASPECTS OF BHATTIPROLU CASKET

I. K. Sarma

Bhattiprolu casket inscriptions have slabs. The stone > were roughly ^!Klped earned a great place in Indian Epi- out of granite blocks of medium to coarse graphical studies, thanks primarily to variety, dull grey or smoky in Cttlour. A Alexander Rea (1892) and G. Biihler (1894). close comparison can be made with the It was Rea who retrieved them from the inscribed and polished granite uprights stupa. I propose despoiled to deal in this from the earliest levels at the Amaravati with certain new features noticed paper by mahachaitya.* It is clear therefore that a recent study of these stone me during cas- the earliest inscribed, sculptural activity kets, the inscriptions and the reliquaries was of the Mauryan period, as revealed within them. I am thankful to S/S. Hari- both at Amaravati and now at Bha|ti- narayana and Srinivasadesikan, Director prolu and the stone medium was either and Curator respectively of the Govern- of granite as in the present examples or ment Museum, Madras, for affording me a local variety of sandstone for the all the facilities to study and photograph pillar edict as at Amaravati. It may be these caskets now preserved in their noted that the ASokan edicts (MRE) at Museum. Rajulamaijclagiri, Erragudi and the recently discovered ones from Nitfur and U^e- There are, in all, six stones, massive, gojamin Bellary District were engraved on roughly worked on the exteriors which granite boulder faces which were given a belong to three caskets. Each casket com- neat polished finish, the polish serving prises a lower block having a central as a protective to the extremities of groove, deeply cut with a raised rim on weather. top to receive the lid of the upper block lids of the caskets of slightly bigger dimension. The inner Although the top even the contents within the face of the container as well as the lid and perhaps have been partly disturbed were smoothly finished, the inscriptions grooves seem to earlier operations, there appears being mostly engraved around the ridged during the be no dislocation of the lower bases socket of the lower stone and correspon- to the the casket. They were found imbedded dingly found on the lid part of of the the brick of the stupa’s central rim. upper stone. It is at once clear from into lower levels edging surface there- Their placement at the letters and highly polished Aiokan towards the inner central hollow might upon, that as in the case of serve as butresses engraving the have been intended to edicts, the rock face, after shaft. There need be no to the typical to the central letters (text), was subjected contemporaneity of all not been uncertainty on the ‘Mauryan Polish’. This fact has objects vis-a-vis the foundation In fact the interned noticed by the earlier writers. However, Rea’s casket no. 3 stone of the stiipa. ' black Rea merely described them as PURABHILEKHA PaTRIKA 24

This was extraneous modes of writing noticed in is the earliest in the sequence. the stone casket records. found at a depth of 5.50 metres below Bhattiprolu casket records reveal some surface on the east side of the central casket no. 2 was other significant features of fundamental shaft of the stupa ; similarly is the charac- found at the north side at 5.18 metres B. S. value. Most uniformly seen inherent and the topmost casket no. 1 was found teristic attempt of marking the example, ku, at a depth of 4.28 metres B. S. at the a in the consonants. For

corresponding south side. The inscription ra, ma are indicated with an additional on the lower container of the casket no. 3 horizontal stroke to the right top of the runs anti-clockwise and ends with the letter, which elsewhere stands for dirpha words Kubirako raja aihki. Significantly, kd, rd, md. The long d is marked by

among the various precious relics is a gold an additional vertical droop to tlie above

leaf-foil depicting a bent two-amed figure, horizontal line. As a remarkable legacy perhaps of the King Kubiraka himself, of this Bhattiprolu writing, one can see corroborating the above inscriptional state- this vowel notation continued in Tclugu ment. This casket was then caused to be script. Every word must end in a vowel setup in memory of the king who was and Tclugu is, therefore, rightly regarded also a Buddhist. as ajanta bhdsha. The dlrgha vowel over

the consonants is similarly written by The mortal remains of Buddha him- giving a vertical hook to the horizontal

self {Budha-Sariranath-nikhetu) were said line-head of the letter /cd, nd, id, and so on.

to have been enshrined in the lower This inherent vowelled consonant and

receptacle of the casket no. 1 which con- elongation has given Telugii an exceedingly

tained among several precious objects, mellifluous character and in course of twenty four silver coins, arranged in the time it has become the most musical shape of a four-armed svastikd below the among the Dravidian languages. In other

crystal phial and fixed at the bottom by respects the notation of the medial vowels

oxidation. The coins are small in size agrees very well with the Aiokaii inscrip- tions. It is great (like the tiny ka&us of copper) and are of importance that these very letters the crystal flat circular pieces. The reverse is plain on reliquary do but the obverse has iripdda, (riiula, lotus not possess the above additional strokes, flower and other illegible punched symbols. thus confirming the Mauryan affinities and These unique tiny coins with the group origin of this object. symbols on them, clearly indicate a Biihler long after said that Bhatti- prolu inscriptions Mauryan date. Another noteworthy find “have arisen in Anoka’s times from this very casket is an inscribed or even earlier” and re-

horizontal crystal amulet which was marked that “during 3rd century b. c., jointly gifted by the women's guild of several well marked varieties of the sou- Nandapura and the Srdimneyas of Suvana- thern Maurya alphabet existed.”

mdha. The letters on this hexagonal Analytical study of the inscriptions crystal object are closer to the Mauryan shows that thq reversed letters {da, dha, examples, and free from erroneous and ha] and topsy-iurvy letters {ma) written Some Aspects of Bhattiprolu Casket [nscriptions 25

in an anti-clockwise manner as on the are engraved the short inscriptions as lower container of casket no. 3, were well as the objects were caused to be largely due to the defects of the engra- engraved in the original place and brought ver not uncommon in A^okan edicts. The to the site during the consecration. scribes of A^oka like Chapa^a‘‘ hailed from North-west. The edicts found in Karna- Taking into account all the above taka and nearby Kurnool (Yerragu^i and mentioned factors one can find that Rajulamaijdagiri) were caused by such Mauryan craftsmanship is more explicit scribes who were accustomed for Kharosli- on the Bhattiprolu caskets and reliquari- thi writing. Since the lower as well as es than anywhere else. While at the upper lid parts of the stone casket are mahdchaijya of Dhanyakataka, excavations heavy and of granite, quarried locally, the have confirmed a settlement of Buddhist inscriptions on them were caused to be monks prior to the patronage of A^eka, engraved at the site by such engravers (pre-granite rail, pillar edict phase), who belong to a different land, whereaS BhatJiprolu stupa came to existence due the crystal reliquary which is of precious to the effective proselytising activity of stone and of miniature size,, on which Asdka's dhamma in South East India.

Notes

1 See Above Vol. I, pp. 60 ff.

2 Amongst the ASokan inscriptions, onl/ In Brahmagiri, Siddapura and Ja^inga . Fiameivara minor rock edicts, the name of the scribe viz. Chapala is mentioned. :

SHELL CHARACTER SEAL 7 MORE ON THE RAJGHAT Richard Salomo

parallel line this by two roughly drawn In a previous paper published in upper edge c at Above the lines, near the journal,' I described a seal found (describe the seal, are three parallel arcs Rajghat (Varanasi) bearing a beautifully tripith in the Kala Bhavan’s records as a carved inscription in highly ornate ^ra symbol), and some other stra “shell characters” or khkhal'pl In that marks. The lower part of the seal beat paper, I proposed a tentative reading for a 2-line Brahrai inscription in letter the inscription of suchitrarasabhajl. How- ” ” to 3/8 high, reading ever, at the time of writing the article, V4

I had not seen the actual piece; the (1) aviniukte[lva]rabha-- description was based on a photograph (2) tarakah of the seal and its plaster impression (The corrected spelling of the nami furnished by the Archaeological Survey would be avimuktekara-bhatiamkali.) Tlr of India, Since that time, I have had inscription is attributed in the Kali the opportunity, through the good offices Bhavan’s records to the 7th century A. D. of Dr. T, K. Biswas of the Bharat Kala but I would be inclined to date it (< Bhavan (Varanasi) to examine the seal

the 6th century ; note, for example, tin itself.” This direct examination revealed relatively old forms of va and k. important further information about the seal, most notably the presence of Other seals and sealings bearing tin another inscription in Biilimi characters legend avimukte^ vara-bhatfdraka, and similai

on the reverse side, as described below. legends such as avimukta, avimuktek, anc

avimuktekara[sya], have been found ir The seal is on a perfectly round considerable numbers at Rajghat ; severa disk of grey stone about 2” in diameter of them are described by V. S. Pathal ” and 2 tWek. The obverse bears the V in '‘Religious Sealings from Rajghat,”' aforementioned shell character inscription and by Kiran Kumar, Thaplyal.^ These in 7 characters (or possibly 6 see the ; seals range in date from about the 5lh discussion below). The shell characters to 10th centuries a.d. (Thaplyal, p. 140j, themselves are only about ” in height, V4 Unlike the present specimen, the seals but the ornate flourishes and other described by Pathak and Thaplyal liavo decoiMtive elements (presumably represent- the figure of a bull (Nandi), and some- ing extended vowel or other diacritic times also a trlMIa above the legend. marks) reach over the entire face of the They are considered to be temple seals seal (figs. I a), and are attributed to the ^aiva shrine of

The reverse side (fig. 1 b), which I Avimukta at Varanasi.

had not seen when the first paper was Obviously, the most important question written, is divided in half horizontally about this seal is the relationship between More on'the Rajghat Shell Character Seal 27

and shell character the Brahmi inscrip- to the posited reading, has a superscript

tions on it. It is tempting to try to diacritic which suggests the vowel d ra- show that they constitute a biscript, ther than u, and lacks any subscript

i. e. that they contain the same text which could correspond to r,

written in two different scripts ; this of Other attempts along the same lines course would prbvide a vital clue for the of interpreting the shell inscription as a decipherment of the problematic shell partial repetition of the Brahmi text character script. On circumstantial groun- seem to lead to similar problems. Thus, ds, this is not impossible; the arrange- for eaxmple, taking the shell inscription ment of the inscriptions on opposite as having 7, rather than 6 characters sides of the same seal certamly might (as in fact is probably the case), we can be taken to suggest such a possibility, try to read it as avimuktHvarasya. But and the approximate date of the Brahmi this also proves to be unsatisfactory, for inscription (6th century A. D.) corresponds reasons similar to those given above*; to the period when the shell script was for instance, what is now being taken probably most widely current.® However, as the fourth letter (the looped vertical it must be pointed out that there are at the center) certainly cannot be kte^ se/eral other factors which seem to weigh Neither could the last akshara, which against this being a true biscript. Most has a superscript flourish but no subs- importantly, there is the discrepancy bet- cript, be said to, represent sya. ween the number of characters in the Various other attempts at mconciUng two inscriptions : the Brahmi has 10 in some way the two inscriptions on the aksharas, while the ^ahkhalipi has only seal have all produced equally unsatisfa- 7, or 6 if tile vartical line with looped ctory results. In view of these problems, tail at the middle of the line is taken we must turn (albeit reluctantly) to the as an appendage to the third character, other alternative, i. e. that they contain rather than as a separate akshara. of two entirely different names. It should course, it is possible to suppose that the be noted, first of all, that such a situ- iankhalipi might represent an abbreviated

ation is not without parallel ; for exam- form of the name given in Brahmi for ple, a “double copper seaT was found, instance avimukte^varaf if the inscription also at Rajghat, with the legend pushya- is taken as having only 6 characters. chandrasya on one side and haravarmasya But even making such an assumption, on the other. Moreover, the very diff- serious problems remain. First of all, it erent style of the two legends on our is unlikely that the first character, which seal may be taken to suggest that they has a distinct subscript, could represent do not belong together; for while the the vowel a.® Likewise, the fourth iankhalipi is engraved with great care akshara is a simple character without any and skill, the Brahmi. legend is quite sub- or superscript, and thus could hardly rough and informal. Thus we may have be construed as kte. The next character, a case here of, so to speak, a palim- which would have to he iva according psest seal, with a previously extant seal 28 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

having been re-inscribed with another to establish it as such have failed, It is

name on the other side (though it is not still possible that further discoveries about, possible to be sure which inscription was or even a radical reinterpretation of the

the earlier one). Or it may be that the shell script might reveal a connection double seal was used simultaneously for between the two inscriptions. But in the purposes/ or by two different two indi- meantime it seems that 'the Rajghat seal as has been propossed viduals, in the case has failed to provide the hoped-for the double copper seal of mentioned Rosetta stone for &ahkhalipi.^’‘ The tenta- above.® tive reading offered in my first paper is This is not to suggest, however, that therefore provisionally retained, as it does the possibility of the seal being a biscript not seem to be possible to establish a is entirely ruled out ; but it must be direct connection between the two inscrip- admitted that at least so far all attempts tions on the seal.

Notes

Inscription t "A Shelf Character on a Seal from Rajghat (Varanasi)," Journal of the Epigraphkal

Society of India, Vol.* V(1 (1980), pp, 6-7,

2 No, 434 (accession no. 6302) of the Kala Bhavan's seal collection.

3 Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Vol. XIX. 2 (1957) pp. 168-79, pi. II, 10-4

4 Studies in Ancient Indian seals, pp. 140-42 and pi. XV 4.

5 See Richard Salomon, Shell Inscriptions (Calcutta University, 1980), pp. 36-41.

it for granted that 6 This and the following analyses of the shell characters take the script is Btahmi-derived and operates more or less according to the same general graphic principles as

the parent script. Cf. Shell Inscriptions, Postscript, 'p. 67.

and B. Ch. Chhabra, "Rajghat Double Seal," Journal of Indian 7 See Thaplyal, op. cit„ p. 17, XLVI (19681, pp. 35-7.

conversation) the possibility, for instance, that one legend 8 Dr. D.C. Sircar has suggested (in his patron deity. might represent the owner's name and the other that of

9 B. Ch. Chhabra, op. cit., p. 37.

possible shell character-Brahmi biscripts have been 10 Several other cases of what seemed to be the two texts to all of these cases presented similar difficulties in reconciling those found ; but of the Ci-Aruton (Java) described here. Compare, for example, the well-known case shell Further examples of seeming biscripts are inscription, discussed in Shell Inscriptions, pp. 59-60. Decipherment of the Shell inscrip- described in Appendix A to my paper on 'Progress Toward (forthcoming). tions' see The Adyar Library Bulletin, Vol. XLV 8 SELF IMMOLATION IN CHOLA TIMES AND A NEW INSCRIPTION FROM MALLAL R. Tirumalai

A poetic supplication to Maha^akti of Peruntirukkoil-Alvar in Purandare^vara

Subrahmanya Bharati commences as Temple in the village and gifted land

follows for its maintenance.’

“Kill my desire - or else The second instance is from Tiruvor-

Stop my breath riyur in the 30lh year of Rajendra Chola

Fell my body - or else I (1042, A. D.). Tnis case has to be dist-

Mop-up the Thought in it.”^ inguished. In Marudadu an individual

gave up his life to protect the communi- This, perhaps, is the latest lingering ty or the township from destruction. In trace of an ancient practice of offering Tiruvorriyur, a high-placed army officer one's body or life in fulfilment of a vow gave up his life so that his master’s or on behalf of another to save the latter’s distress may be relieved Kuttan Ga|a- life. An early sculptural representation of vadi was the military officer of Gangai- a hero offering his own head has survived ko^pn alias Uttamachola-Marayan who in the so called ‘Draupadi-ratha’. The was also styled as ^irudanam-Perundanam “ratha”, in reality, is a Durga Slirihe. -Marayan. Kuttan Ga^avadi in the 29th The Devi is shown as Paradevata. By the year of Rajendra Chola I (1041 a. D.) side of her feet are shown two warrior- had deposited an amount in Rajardjan devotees on either side. The warrior to Ka&u in cash with Nagarattar of Tiru- her right is kneeling before her, majesti- vorriyur, who agreed to measure out paddy cally holding his own head by the locks in lieu of interest accruing on the depo- with the left arm and severing the neck

sit for feeding , a brahma^a.^ Perhaps, with a sword with a dour, but serene this was done with a wish to get relief determination, perhaps to fulfil his vow.'“ from some distress or affiiction that he

There is clear epigraphic evidence for was in at the time. this practice of self-sacrifice or self-immola- In the very next year 1042 (a. d.) tion in the Chola times. Gaijavadi I^lumban alias Tannaimunivar

Marudadu, a township in the nadu of Peijdirgaijda Vi^aiyarayan stabbed himself the same name in Ve^kunt.akotfam was and died (in order to relieve) the distress threatened with destrucTon sometime about of his master, Gangaikon^a Cholan alias the 8th year of Rajaraja I (993 a.d,). An Uttamachsla-marayan of Tiruvarur in individual of Maganur-Putturai by name Tiruvarur-kurram, a sub-division of

Kalipperuman fell in order to save the Kshatriya-Sikhamai^i-vaja-na^u. The grate- village from destruction {atjyamayan^u). ful master, Uttaraachdjamarayan institu-

The urar of Marudadu gratefully instituted ted a lamp service in Tiruvorriyur temple a lamp service in his memory to god and gifted 90 sheep for its maintenance.® -

PaTRIKA 30 PURABHILEKHA

of the Pa^dya An inscription was noticed by the I resulted in the reconquest between the 7th author during his field settlement inspe- and Kerala countries reign."' Indeed, ction in Survey No. 235. in Mal|al Vill- and 11th years of his Piljai Tamil men- age, Sivaganga Taluk, Raraanathapuram the Kulottunga Cholm Semponmari in Rama- District. In that survey held a temple tions a battle near for Nachchiyaramman, the Sakti goddess, nathapuram District.® is also located. It runs thus: Kulottunga III also had taken out

TEXT^ an expedition against Vira-Pandya, the

- 1 Svasti[i*] ^ri - Kolottu contestant to the Papdyan crown who

2' nga^oia - devarkku ya- tried to retrieve his position, when Vikrama-Pa^dya had been installed as 3 11 avadu Viman king in Madurai after an initial chola 4 Udarap - ana Kolot - expedition. In this second campaign Vira tuhga^ola muvaraiya - 5 Paifdya’s attempt was crushed on the

6 pukku viyadi tofja battlefield at NeHur in about 1189 a. d.®

7 tMgutalai nondu Viman Udaran alias Kulottunga

8 tungutalai ku^utta Choja Muvarayan could be one of the

Ambalakkutfapuk - generals or chieftains who participated in either of the campaigns. The new Mallal 10 ku liattikudutta nilam - inscription states that he fell a victim to a 11 avadu kuli cheyyu[m*] disease and as a result he. had a chronic

12 tap meladuvum chatti [vi] headache affecting (him even in) his

- sleep. 13 yakkalum idap va^akk Or alternatively he could not sleep as a result. In order to relieve 14 apa tadipalavum mavukku him of this malady, Ambalakuttan had 15 tejkkil ta^i mup^u severed his head and died. A land grant KaUivilagam - udaiya - 16 m was made in his memory. The double - 17 [lu]kku kudutta nilam raa entendre on “Tungutalai" is noteworthy.

18 Tjuvap taiigal - ammaikkn A “similar instance has also been

minajap • 'J 19 tape noticed in Tirupurantakam in Kurnool District in an inscription The inscription is dated in the 11th paleographically assigned to the 13th century." year of Kulottunga - choja (1081 a. d. or The glorious Soma^ivagurudeva offered 1189 A, D.) depending on whether it is to Tripuradevi his (own) head so that to h) ascribed to Kulottunga I or III. good may. befall to the hero named It is unlikely that the regnal year could Alladda Viramalla. Another label in the pertain to KulSttunga If. It is known same temple reads “This is the that Kulottunga I and Kulottunga III were head to the goddess."i“ involved in about the 1 1th year of their respective reigns in wars with the Papdyas. In Chengam herostones, a hero was “The most sustained efforts of Kulottunga stated to have cut off his own head and :

A New Inscription From Mallal .^1

offered it to Korravai (Sakti) and a neighbouring n- village in M.idunu- 1 iiiipf herostone was raised to commemorate it.^^ vanam Road. The in-criptien. to the author's recollection, Two instances of the Andars (wor- is recorded on the pate’A.iv of the Siindarcsvara shippers) immolating themselves were also temp’eat Madurai. noticed, one at AnbiF' and the other at This practice of self-immokuion has Tiruppadirippuliyur.i® The former was in attracted the notice of foreign traveller'' 1250 a. d., and the latter was in the 3rd to South India like Marco Polo and year of Vikrama Pa^dya. Both were pro- Friar Odoric. Their observations arc extrac- tests against the township, the Maha- ted below sabhaiyar's action. In Anbil the Maha- Marco Polo {ciica 1293 A.n.j sabha claimed unlawfully land-dues from “ “ the temples for a land which was resu- They have in this coimtrv the cihtom which I am med from the deity’s holdings (Tiruna- going to rchue. When a man is doomed to die mattukkani). To safeguard the temple’s for any crime, he may declare that he will pul himself to death interest one Pajudai A^pr died. The in

honour of such or such an idol ; and township gave up the demand made on the government then grants him permission the temple and accepted the temple's to do so. His kinsfolk and friends then obligations as entered in the accounts of set him upon a cart, and provide him the temple. They also deified the deceased with twelve knives, and proceed to conduct A]ndar and erected his image and provi- him all about the city, proclaiming aloud ded ' for services in the temple.

“This valiant man is going to slay himself In Tiruppadirippuliyur the dispute was for the love of (such an idol).” And over 2 md of land (66 cents). The when they come to the place of execu- Brahmadeya holders claimed it as theirs tion he takes a knife and sticks it through while the Temple claimed it as theirs^ his arm, and cries : “I slay myself for the of To safeguard the temple’s interests one love of (such a god)”! Then he takes the fire. The the Mahe^varas fell into another knife and sticks it through his King, hearing this, enquired into the case other arm, and takes a third knife and the Temple’s through his chiefs, and upheld runs it into his belly, and so on until he

claims. The disputants also endorsed the kills himself outright. And when he is

Temple's title. dead his kinsfolk take the body and burn Many of the it with a joyful celebration. A later instance some Vairagis women also, when their husbands die and (austere mendicants) falling from the top are placed on the pile to be burnt, do Eastern Tower of Sundare^varar of the burn themselves along with the bodies. Madurai to protest against the Temple at And such women as do this have great the East India Company enter- soldiers of praise from all.” recorded. ing the temple precincts is also Friar Odoric {Circa 1321-2 a. d.) has To commemorate this act of self-sacrifice his “Cathay and the Way “blood-compensation observed in a grant of land as Anuppanadi, a Thither” ‘Udirappafti’ was made in 32 PURABHILEKHA PATRIK;

with : “ And another custom they have of this is a raised platform (sidi-patti) vertical pole (male-kambha) in the centre kind. One will come saying : “I desire to horizonta to sacrifice myself for my God?” And On this there used turn a man o then his friends and kinsfolk, and all the beam (sidi-mara) to which a players of the country, assemble together woman, who had made a vow to thi to make a feast for him who is deter- effect, was attached by a rope and iro; mined to die for his God. And they hooks, with his face downwards. Thi hang round his neck five very sharp knives, beam was then turned round by the by and lead him thus to the presence of the standers. The back of the devotee wa idol with loud songs. Then betakes one held by the iron hooks thrust throng] of those sharp knives and calls out with the flesh. After he had been swung roun< a loud voice,; “Thus! cut my flesh for five or seven or more limes accordin to his vow, they an' my God” ; and cutting a piece of his took him down

flesh wherever he may choose, he casteth rubbed his back with margosa leaves t-

it in the face of the idol ; and saying heal the wounds. This practice, which i again: “I devote myself to die for my God”, said to be described in a Kanarese wor he endeth by slaying himself there. And called Reniikapuranaj has been stoppC' straightway they take his body and burn by the Mysore Government. Mr. F. FawestI

it, for they look on him as a saint, Superintendent of Police, has found relic

having thus slain himself for his idol. And of this custom in the Ganjam district. may other things greatly to be marvelled The following comments can be mad at are done by these people, which are ” from the instances noticed from Ch6[ by no means to be written. inscriptions The practice of undergoing physical i) The evidence for this practice torture by suspending oneself by iron come from Tamil Nadu, Karnataka anc hooks thrust through flesh, hanging from Andhra. a beam had persisted in the old Mysore

State till late 19th century. Dr. Hultzsch, (ii) The practice had been prevalent fo the pioneer Epigraphist has furnished the long from about the 8ih century t' following account of his observation at 19lh century. And this weird practic Chitaldrug had attracted the notice of forei« travellers who were amazed ‘"A curious feature of this part of by th dour ease with which the Mysore are high stone-porches (uyyale- sacrifice took his own life. kambha), which are found near the temples from which and iron chains are suspended. (iii) The offering of the head has bee; At the swinging-festival of each particular in a temple of Sakti - as the Ma}lal goddess, a board is attached to the and Tripurantakam inscriptions boa chains, and on this an image of the out. The sculpture at Mahabalipuran goddess is placed and swung. Near the also confirms this practice befor swinging-porch in front of Ekanaihe^- the Goddess Durga. Thus it could be attri vari temple on the Chitaldurg rock there buted to the influence of Tantric o A New Inscription From Mallal 33

^akta worship forms and rituals. Even vicarious sacrifice for the benefit of Tiriivorriyur was a centre of Tantric another. worship. Chaturanana Pandita had a (vi) lt was even held as a mark matha there and at his instance of per- sonal dedicated loyalty for servants, Rajendra Clidla I rebuilt the temple. soldiers or gallants to make such a The former and Vagina Pandita, the sacrifice when their masters were in author of Jhanamritam had participated distress or at the time of his demise. in the temple festivals.

(vii) Where an individual has thus made (iv) It could be in fulfilment of a vow a life-sacrifice as an act of recom- and for offering one’s life at the feet pense for the unnatural death, the of Sakti as his own austere ritual, beneficiary - be it his master or the or for the benefit of another. Township community - instituted a (v) It was a known practice to offer lamp service and/or gave a land grant life for saving one’s the life of his to maintain such services and/or to master, or sometimes for the good provide sustenance for the dependents of the community. This was, then, a of the deceased.

Notes

to IVtahaiakti, TIte B/tarali, 1 A Supplication Poem of p. 93

2 Vanavil Publication, Dr. R. Nagaswami, Tantric cult of South Iniia p, 150 and pi. VII

3 AE.S.LE; B 411 of 1912

4 Ibid., B 141 of 1912

5 Ibid., B 138 of 1912

6 From the impressions of the inscription which was recently copied by the office of the Chief Epigraphist.

7 The Cholas, Vol. il, Pt. I, P. 15

8 Ibid., p. 20

9 Ibid., p, 128

10 ARSIE, 1909, P. 120, para 73

11 Seminar on Herostones, Ed. by Dr. R. Nagasvami (1979)

12 SIl.-, Vol. VIII, No. 193

13 Ibid., Vol, No. 759

14 Foreign Notices of South /nr/ra Edited by Prof: K.A.N. Sastri, 1972 Edn,, p. 167

15 Ibid., p. 197

16 Para 2 of his Report dated 30-11-1888 (No. 269) at page 2 of A.R.E. 1889. J. Burgess,

Director General, Archaeological Survey of India has noted thereor^; "This is the Chakrapuja,

in the Bombay Presidency it was which I have seen practised in Bengal as late as 1856;

suppressed at a somewhat earlier date". 8 A MOTE ON VARIKA OF THE INSCRIPTIONS

S. P. Tewa.

The job of fetching water and that same guess, this time with an additici.

of household bearers in the modern of the word ‘possibly' he makes aga^^

times, in North India is done by a class while explaining petavika-vdrikena of people known as bans. They are uttarakulika-vdrikaih,^ ignoring the

invariably referred to along with the texts altogether. Again, while editing t^ barbers, as "nau~barV. In the survey of same record in the pages of Epigraph'^

the native races of India, these people Mica, it seems to him that the wor^j

called bdris are said to be the house- vdrika indicates a class of people. Witlx^ hold servants of the kings having a great out any authority whatsoever, he compa.^

reputation of fidelity to their employers. res them with Gujarati vareddr or ta^c^

In the same report, it is also mentioned gatherers, whereas vareddr or vahareddf that on occasions, these people were also seems more to be a contracted form of employed as torch-bearers or some times pahareddr who is a watchman.'' Further, even as barbers and they did almost all with reference to deva-vdrika, he makes'

sort of house-hold jobs.^ Authenticity him a superintendent of a temple and

of the report of the survey mentioning next as a superintendent . of the gandlia*

bans as a class of barbers is also borne hiti^ Our^simple impression is that Sir-

out by the De&lndma-mdla of Hemachan- car could not make the term clear and

dra who refers to the name of a caste he has' jumped from a class of official

known as Vari'a.^ The Sanskrit commen- to tax-gatherer and then to a superinten-

tary on the same explains both Vachch- dent. His references to Brihaspati-smriti

hiutta and Vdrta as napiia I e. barber.’ and the Rdjatarahgit}i, with all regard to

In our opinion, the presently known him, hardly succeed in bringing the baris and the vdrid must be the same. point home.

The word Vdrid in its turn, on the other In the Brihaspati-smyiii, no doubt, ' hand, might be the corrupt form of the vdrikas are mentioned along with the Sanskrit word vdrika. Chdturvaidya-vanik and others who are (on the instruction of the king) to take The word vdrika is somehow a cur- care of the plantation and the upkeep of ious one which finds mention in some the trees standing on the boundaries of of the inscriptions also.* The ambiguity the villages.® In this case the job of a of the term is such that it has baffled vdrika would have been simply to give even eminent epigraphists like Sircar more water (war/) to the plants. than once. With reference to the phrase

'Vdrikasya haste nyasdkd m sthapaniyah^ In the same way, the ka taka- vdrika

he says once that the word vdrika app- of the Rdjatarahgini^'' also seems to be indicates arently a royal officer.' The the person whose duty it was to supply :

A Note on Varika of the Inscriptions 35

water to the army. Even the errand on 4. Their close association with the com-

which the kafaka - varika of the Rdja- munity of barbers is mainly based

larangini was sent suits only our inter- on the similarities in their profession

pretation better. of attending to the bath of the king.

Vdrikas, mentioned in the legends of This is also borne out by the evi-

the Nalanda seals, though not explained dences from the Jatakas.*® by Shastri, also seem to be the monks 5. In all probability the varikas are whose part duty in of the commune of the same who are known presently the monastery look was to after the water as bdris and are frequently referred supply.^ In the monastic set up where to as nau-bdri. there was no distinction of caste or creed 6. In the light of the above, the varikas involved, the assignment of the duties of of the inscriptions should also be a varika to a monk may have had a direct taken as the household attendants of relevance to the degree or level of that the kings whose main duty was to monk’s spiritual attainments. fetch water and attend to the bath This rather short note on varika leads of the king. Being close to their us to conclude as follows masters, as they were, they would 1. That in all probability, the word have also been looking after his

varika is an abbreviated form of personal belongings including the gifts

vari-vdhaka which yields the sense received from the visitors. of a water-carrier. Its formation and experienced vMka may be the same as bhara-vahas-tii- 7. That an old mis- bhdrikai}.^^ would have also been able to appropriate some of the gift items and 2. That the references to varika in the have thus earned the displeasure of Bnhaspati-smriti and the Rdjaiarahgini his master which would have resulted are also made in the same sense. in the proclamation that from now

3. That the varies referred to by Hema- onwards no gift Should be placed on chandra would also be the same as the hands of varikas any more: varikasya vdrikas. haste nydsako na sthapaniyah.

Notes

403-04. 1 Sherring, M.A., Hindu Tribes and Castes, Vol. I (reprinted) Delhi, 1974, pp,

2 Deiinama-mala ed, by Pischal, R„ Bombay, 1933, 7-47: Chai}dllae mchchhiutia-varis taha phale

vare iithaih.

3 Ibid,, vachchhtutt& tathS vario ndpitah.

4 Charter of Vish^usena, sam. 649, vide Ep, tnd.,Voi, XXX, pp, 171, 173-75 and 179) Vol, XXXi,

p. 164, n, 1. XXXII, pp. 56, 57, 60, See also Sircar, D. C., Epigraphy and lexicography jn 36 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

India, vide Proe. of the all Inlia Oriental Conference, Bombay, 1949, pp. 273-75, Indian Epigraphy 8-8, Indian Epigtaphica! Ghssaiy, pp. 245, 364, etc.

5 Epigraphy and lexicography, op. cit.. p. 273.

6 Ibid., p. 275

7 Ep. Iml, XXX, p. 173 ff.

8 Epigraphical Glossary, p. 364.

9 Siniti-vTikshaml-cha kurviran and raja kshetram datva chaturvaidya vanig-varika svamh puruUt-adhishthitaih etc. (Bfihaspati, G. 0. S. ed, p. 159).

10 RSja. : Tesham-madhye vasan-gudham-Adityakhya^ patnyitali hard Vigraharojasya priyafy kataka- varikal} VI. 345.

11 Shastri, H., Nalanda and Us Epigraphic material, M. A. S. I. No. 66, p. 38. S. I. 675, pi. Ill a

reads as !{rl Nalanda, Balnditya gandltaku{ya-varika-bhilcshuiiclm I. ; see also S. 919, 938 ff,

12 Dr. Agrawal, V. S. ( Harshacharita Ek Samskritik Adhyayan, Patna, 1964, p. 164) has mistaken even bharika as varika which is not correct.

13 For references see nahapako va nakapakanlevasi va (J. i. 342) ; hina-jachcho mala majjano nahSpita-

putio (J. 1 1 452, III 453), etc. 10 SOME IMPORTANT INSCRIPTIONS FROM IDAR TALUK

K. M. BHADRI

Idar Taluk is situated in the north- It is in Sanskrit languge and Nagari cha-

ern part of Sabarkantha District, Gujarat. racters and dated in Vikrama 1305 Alvi-

It once formed part of the erstwhile na, ba. 11, Monday, corresponding to

idar State. This Taluk contains a num- 1249 A.D., September 4. It introduces ber of temples, both Hindu and Jaina, MahamandaUhara Rand Lu^adhavaladeva,

tanks, step-wells, etc. Some of these who is not loiown so far. Its purport

monuments date from fairly early period. is to record the death of a hero named Though not very rich in epigraphical Bhu^iaka, probably the son of Mahman-

wealth, the taluk has yielded a number of dakimra Jagasilia in a btatle fought

inscriptions which have been noticed in against Raja Vira, Lu^adhavala of this

the Annuttl Reports on Indian Epigraphy. inscription is no doubt identical with his

Following is a brief review of some name sake figuring in another hero-stone important inscriptions. inscription® coming from the same place.

Vadali inscription of Dharavarsha^ is There are two damaged and worn perhaps the earliest record found in this out inscriptions in the compound of the region. It is incised on the lintel of the Baijanatha temple at Vadali. One of door to the sanctum-sanctorum of the these inscriptions* dated in Vikrama 1320, Vaidyanatha temple at Vadali- It ]s in Karttika ^u. 8, Thursday, corresponding Sanskrit language and Nagari characters. to 1263 A. D., October U (f. d. t. .09) It belongs to the reign of DhirSvarsha, refers to the rule of Mahdm^aka Arjuna- the Paramara king of the Chandravati deva and probably records some gift to branch and is dated in Vikrama 1264, the deity Vaidyanatha. The ruler referred Chaitra h. 13, Thursday which regularly to in this record can be none other than corresponds to 1206 a. d., March 23 the Vaghela king Arjunadeva who ruled (f d. t. .33). The purport of this inscri- between Vikrama 1318 and 1331.® The ption is to record the construction of the other inscription* dated in Vikrama 1331, mandpa of the Vaidyanatha temple by A^ivna ba. 10, Wednesday, correspond- Pra/I" Sahaijapala, the son of Haripala ing to 1274 A. D., September 26, seems and the grandson of Narapala, who was to record a gift made by a certain Rand the door-keeper {dvastha}}) of the ruler. Amanadeva on the occasion of a lunar This record is interesting in as much eclipse. as it throws light on the existence of the office of the door-keeper {dvdslhah) in An incomplete inscription’ from the court of the kings of the Paramaras Mahor dated in Vikrama 1532 and Saka of Chandravati in the 13th century. 1397 refers to the rule of Mjddhiraja

The next inscription® comes from Davajl. Bha^a, who, on the basis of his imperial 38 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

title and the date found in this inscrip- maternal uncle of the ruler. Another tion can bs identified with Rad Bha^a inscription” of the same ruler and same of the Rathoda family of Idar and whose year has been copied from Baroda Museum. two other inscriptions of the same year This inscription is said to have been (i. e. Vikrama 1532) have been noticed found at Goros. In this record Kalyapa-

elsewhere.® malla is described as Mahardyaihraya SLnd said to have been ruling from Ilacha- Next in chronological order are the durga (i.e. the fort of idar). Thus, the two inscriptions of Mahai ajadhiraja Bhara- family name Rathoda occuring in the maJia, son of Bhima of the Rathoda Baddla inscription and the characteristic family of I^ar. One of them® was found epithet Mahdraydihrdya and the reference in a step-well at Sabalw^d and the other^® to the fort and the region of I^ar {Idara- in a kiii}da at Sabli. Both of them are de&a) occuring in the Goros inscription written in both Sanskrit and Gujarati prove it certainly that Kalyanamalla be- languages and Nagari characters and dated longed to the same royal family as the in Vikrama 1599. They are historically one to which Bharamalla belonged. Rand important. The very facts that they present Saihga appearing in the Ba^lbla inscription Bharamalla as the ruling king in the cannot be identified at present. The Vikrama year 1599 and inform us that fact that he is described as the maternal he conquered the Adhila-durga (i.e. the uncle of Bharamalla shows that the Ra- fort of are important Idar), for the thodas of idar were matrimonially related political history of the Idar State. They to the Vaghelas from the time of Bhara- the of Bharamalla’s complete story struggle malla’s father Bhima if not earlier. for the throne of Idar and declare his final victory over Raija Saihga of Chitdd Some of these inscriptions are inte- by whom he was dethroned twice. An resting for the study of place-names also. inscription” found in the compound of Those from Davad furnish the earlier

R^mji-mandir at Vadali also belongs to forms of this place-name as Dayavada the same king. Though it is badly Dyavada. The present day Vadali was damaged and worn out the name of the known as Vatapalli in the 13th century. king and the adjective gdpdlagutia, which It may be noted here that both these forms part of his characteristic epithet as place-names seem to be associated with found in the above records, can be clearly Vata (peepul tree). The modern village read. of Mahor was known as Muhari-grdma in the mediaeval period and the fort of An inscription from Badola^* refers to Idar was called by not less than four the reign of RathQda Kalya^jamalla. It is different names viz., Adhila-durga, llacha- language and Nagari charac- in Sanskrit durga, lld-durga and Mdchhala-durga. ters and dated in Vikrama 1682. It re- cords the construction of the entrance to Thus the inscriptions from Idar Taluk

a well by Rdtja Samga, who hailed from help in the reconstruction of the politi-

the Vaghela stock and who was the cal and social history of the region. Some Important Inscriptions From Idar Taluk 39 Notes

1 A.R.Ep.. 1970-71, No. C 3028

2 Ibid., 1977-78, No. B 56.

3 Ibid., 1976-77, No. B 4230.

4 Ibid., 1977-78, No. B 70.

5 Chaulukyas of Gujarat, p. 204.

6 A.R Ep., 1977-78, No. B 63.

7 Ibid., No. B 63.

8 A.S.I.R.. 1936-37, p. 97.

9 A.R.Ep., 1977-78, No. B 64.

10 Ibid., No. B 66.

11 Ibid., No. B 74.

12 Ibid., No. B 53,

13 Ibid., No. B 48. 11 MALLAR PLATES OF VYAGHRARAJA : A RE-APPRAISAL A jay Mitra Shastri

The set of three copper-plates bearing language is Sanskrit and the record is this record was found at Mallar, a village composed in prose except the imprecatory in the Bilaspur District of Madhya stanzas. It constitutes a good example of

Pradesh, which is known to have yielded the ornate kdvya style. several other copper-plate charters and is The charter was issued from Prasanna- place of considerable a archaeological pura situated on the bank of the river as revealed recent archaeo- interest by Nidila by a certain Vyaghraraja who is logical excavations conducted the by described as the younger brother (anup) of University of Saugarh The inscription King Pravara-bhattaraka who is himself has been edited by D. C. Sircar and said to have been the son of Jaya-bhattaraka

Bhattacharya in Epigraphia Indica^ xxxiv, and to have belonged to the Amararya- pp. 45-50. kula. It aims at recording Vyflghraraja's

The set, as stated above, comprises gi-ant of the village Kunturapadraka included

three plates which are joined together by in the Purva-rashtra in favour of the

a copper-ring passing through a circular Brahmaoa Dikshlta Agnichandrasvamin, son

hole bored about the middle of the left of Dikshita Durggasvamin and a student

margin of each plate. The surface of the of the J^igyida and belonging to the Kapy-

seal attached to the ring is divided into Angirasa gotra. It was given on the

two parts by a thick horizontal line running twenty-seventh day of the month of Pausha

across it. The upper section, which is in the year 41 of the year of the increasingly somewhat smaller than the lower one, victorious reign.’

bears, in a row from left to right, the Though not stated clearly, the above-

side view of a wheel, the head of an mentioned year is evidently referable to

animal or bird (perhaps Garuda)® and a the reign of Pravara-bhattaraka and not

conch-shell. In the lower part we have a to that of Vyaghraraja, the donor of the

single-line legend giving the name of the charter. This is clearly indicated • not only

issuer preceded by the honorific iri in by the fact that Vyaghraraja is described nominative {&ri-Vyaghrarajah) and simply as a younger brother {anuja) with-

below it an indistinct device which may out any indication of his regal status

be a lotus flower.’ The first and last but also by the order in respect of the

plates bear writing only on the inner side grant which is addressed to the respectable

whereas the middle plate is inscribed on royal officers of the king {rdjncify sumdnya-

both the sides. The characters belong to rajapumhM) who could be none else

the nail-headed variety of the South Indian than his elder brother who is described

alphabet, the triangular tops of the letters in so very glowing terms. The fact that

being of the hollow or linear variety. The the seal affixed to the charter refers to Mallar Plates of Vyaghraraja 41

Vyaghraraja himself and not to the reign- c) The Purva-rashtra wherein the gran- ing king Pravara-bhattaraka may be ex- ted village is stated to have been plained away by assuming that at the situated finds mention in a few Sara- time of the grant Vyaghraraja may have bhapuriya records also.’ been looking after the administration on In view of the above considerations behalf of his elder brother who may the present record is, by common consent, have been ailing or otherwise incapacita- attributed to the Sarabhapuriyas. And in ted to rule or that Vyaghraraja may have with this ascription, efforts have been appointed as the provincial governor keeping been made to find a place for the ruling of Purva-rashtra and authorised to issue chiefs named in it in the Sarabhapuriya the charter in his own name.® dynasty. Jaya-bhattaraka, for instance, The chiefs Jaya-bhat^araka, Pravara- has been unanimously identified with the bhattaraka and \'yaghraraja as well as ^arabhapuriya chief Jayaraja, son of Pra- the Amararya-kula to which they belonged sanna or Prasannaraatra, who is known are not known from any other source. from a few of his own copper-plate ins-

However, it is now popularly assumed criptions.® However, while Pravara-bhafta- that these chiefs belonged to what is raka is described in the charter in ques- commonly known as the ^arabhapuriya tion as the son of Jaya-bhattaraka, the dynasty so called after its capital iSarabha- last known Sarabhapuriya monarch Pra- pura and that Amararya-kula was the vararaja describes himself as the son of real name of the family from which the Manamatra,® also known as Durgar^ja or l3arabhapura monarchs hailed. This suppo- Maha-Durgaraja.“ In order to overcome sition is based on the following conside- this difficulty, Jayabhattaraka’s son Pra- rations vara-bhattaraka has been designated by

Sircar and Bhattacliarya as Pravararaja I aj Prasamiapura, the place of issue of who is sought to be distinguished from

the grant, is reminiscent of the Sara- Manamatra-Durgaraja’s homonymous son bhapuriya king Prasanna or Prasanna- whom they propose to re-designate as

matra who may have been responsi- Pravararaja If this theory is to be

ble for founding and naming the city accepted, it will follow that Jayaraja (Jaya-

after himself. bhattaraka of the present record) was

followed by his son Pravararaja I (Pra- b) The names Jaya-bhattaraka and Pra- vara-bhattaraka of our inscription) who vara-bhattaraka remind one of the was himself succeeded by his uncle Mana- Jayarajaand the ^arabhapuriya chiefs matra-Durgaraja. On these lines the genea- Pravararaja and as such names are logy and order of succession of the Sara-

not known to have been borne by bhapuriyas (or Amararya-kula with which ruling members of any other family they are proposed to be identified) are ruling in the area and period in ques- proposed to be re-drawn as under tion, these rulers appear to have be- longed to the ^arabhapuriya dynasty. PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA 42

3, 1. l^arabha

4. 2. Narendra

5, Prasaana or Prasannamatra

Durgaraja-ManaJ^^^r^ Jayaraja (or Jaya-bha|taraka) 6. L_ p -| j Sudevaraja 8. Pravararaja II Pravararaja I (or Vyaghraraja 7, Pravara-raaljaraka)

Jayaraja (or On the other hand, B. C. Jain who, as three different names, to wit, and Durga- too, is in favour of ascribing this record Jaya-bhattaraka), Manamatra to the iSarafahapuriyas, holds that Pravara- raja.“ According to this view, Vyaghraraja (Jaya- bhattaraka is identical with Pravararaja was yet another son of Jayaraja

- - The known from the latter’s Thakurdiya*’ and bhattaraka) Manamatra Durgaraja.*® 6. MallaP‘ plates. And to meet this objec- genealogy, according to this reconstruction,

tive he suggests that Pravararaja's {i.e., would be as follows

Pravara • bhatlaraka’s), father bore as many

1 . iSarabha

Narendra

Prasanna or Prasannamatra

I Jayaraja-MSnamatra-Durgaraja

1

5. Sudevaraja Pravararaja Vyaghraraja

However, if this inscription is closely engraved in the nail-headed characters of scrutinised, the difficulties involved in its the South Indian alphabet with linear or attribution to the Sarabhapuriyas will hollow triangular tops. In case Vyaghra- become obvious. There are some funda- raja and other members of his family

mental differences in the character of are regarded as ^arabhapuriya chiefs, the Sarabhapuriya records on the one one will have to explain as to why the hand and the Mallar plates of Vyaghra- nail - headed variety of the South Indian

raja on the other which it is difficult to alphabet was singled out for use only in ignore in the present context. The for- a solitary inscription as against the box- mer, as is well known, are written in headed variety of the Central Indian the box-headed characters of the Central alphabet employed in all the remaining Indian alphabet while the latter are epigraphs. The attempt of Sircar and Mallar Plates of Vyaghraraja 43

Bhaltacharya to overcome this difficulty and future Brahmanas as in Vyaghraraja’s

by conjecturing that the donee of this record which maintains total reticence

charter came from the South fails to regarding the privileges and exemptions carry conviction. For, if we were to bestowed on the grantee which are, without

accept this suggestion, we must further a single exception, specified in all the

conjecture that the grantee had brought Sarabhapuriya grants. In all the standar- a South Indian scribe also with him dised iSarabhapuriya charters from the with the object of engraving the charter time of Jayaraja we come across five in anticipation of receiving a land-grant, imprecatory verses the last four of which

which is simply absurd. Secondly, in are attributed to Vyasa. Vyaghraraji's

respect of the style of composition this epigraph, on the other hand, contains

record is miles away from all the other only four such verses none of which is

grants of the dynasty to which it is ascribed to Vyasa and the wording of

sought to be attributed. The Sarabha- even these stanzas is considerably different

puriya records have nothing like the from that of the corresponding verses ornate description of the place of issue found in the ^arabhapuriya charters. There

we come acorss in the present charter is also difference in the manner of men-

and mention the place of issue without tioning the engraver, the ^arabhapuriya

even a single adjective. The description records using the expression utkirt}am

found in this record reminds us of classi- and Vyaghraraja’s inscription, kama kfitam.

cal Sanskrit literature and later epigraphs And finally, as for the seals, we find which abound in such descriptions. no similarity between the two sets of

Similarly, the description of Pravara- records in question. The upper portion of bhatt^raka in his younger brother's the seal attached to the Sarabhapuriya

inscription is quite dissimilar to that of charters bears the representation of the

the acknowledgedly Sarabhapuriya chiefs Abhisheka-Lakshml motif which is con- including Pravararaja with whom he is spicuous by its absence on the seal of sought to be identified. In addition to Vyaghraraja’s grant which shows three the general reference to the feudatories Vaishriavite symbols in a row. While the bowing down at the feet, the hardship latter seal bears a short prose legend in caused to the enemy women and liberal its lower section, that of the Sarabhapura gifts of wealth, earth and cows, all the chiefs contains a two -line legend in the standardised l^arabhapuriya records from Anushtubh metre alluding to the grantor’s the time of Jayaraja onward pointedly fatlter and martial qualities. The attempt refer to the issuing chief's religious lean- to explain away the difference between ings and devotion to parents which are the seals by assuming that ‘VySglira was conspicuously absent in Vyaghraraja's Jayaraja’s son born of a South Indian charter. The grant portion including the lady and adopted the seal of the family notification of this inscription also differs to which his mother belonged'” is hardly considerably from that met with in the convincing. Sarabhapura charters. The latter do not While the differences mentioned above refer to the worshipping of the present are too vital to be overlooked, the PURABHILEKHA PAPRIKA

family. Then again, the relationship bet- arguments adduejd iii favour of uttribiiling Jaya-bhattaraka and Pravara-bhafta- the record under review to the ^arabha- ween this inscription puriyas and regarding the identification of raka as indicated in the ^arablia- Jaya-bhattaraka, Pravara - bhattaraka and differs from that between Pravararaja.^* It Vyruhrariija jSarabhapura chiefs are abso- puriya chiefs Jayaraja and formed lutely illusory. That Prasannaptira, wherefrom is no doubt true that Purva-rashtra Vyaghraraja’s charter was issued, was named an administrative division of the ^arablia- after the l^arabhapuriya chief Prasaniia or puriya kingdom as well as of that of Pravara- Prasunnaraatra does not prove anything, for bhattaraka. However, administrative divi- we have instances of localities established by sions often remained unaffected by the or named after the members of other or change of rulers. Therefore there is even hosti'e dynasties serving as the nothing surprising if Pravara- bhattaraka, capital of the succeeding dynasties not to even if he belonged to a different dynasty, speak of their serving as the places of continued the administrative organisation issue of the coppei'plate charters of the of the l^arabhapuriyas unchanged. latter.** Likewise, the suggested similarity And lastly but not the least, had between the names Jaya-bhattaraka and the iSarabhapuriya monarchs actually Pravara-bhatfaraka brought to light by belonged to the Amararya-kula, they charter and those of the Sarabha- this would not have maintained complete piiriya monarchs Jayaraja and Pravararaja silence on this point in their other records respectively is only apparent. In the which are quite numerous.®* records of the Sarabhapuriyas themselves It will follow JayarSja and Pravararaja are nowhere referr- from the foregoing ed to as Jaya-bhattaraka and Pravara- discussion that in the present state of our bhatfaraka respectively and, for that knowledge there is no evidence what- matter, the word bhaftaraka is not found soever to equate the Amararya-kula with suffixed to the name of any acknowled- the ^arabhapuriyas and kings JayabhattS- gedly ^arabhapuriya chief. Secondly, the raka and Pravara-bhattaraka with the Sarabhapuriya chiefs word mahat is found invariably prefixed Jayaraja and Prava- to the names of the Sarabhapura kings raraja respectively.*® And consequently from the time of Jayaraja** in the body there is no need to alter the genealogy and order of succession of the text of their records. There is of the Sarablia- only a solitary instance of the mention pura chiefs in the light of the evidence of the issuing chief’s father's name in a furnished by the Mallar plates of couple of iSarabliapuriya records and the Vyaghraraja. word mahat is attached to his name also.*" Before we conclude we should like If the record in question also belonged to advert to the question of the date of to the ^arabhapuriya dynasty it is this record. As clearly stated therein, inexplicable as to why this feature is Pravara-bhattaraka belonged to a family conspicuously absent in it and the why known as Amararya-kula, which is word bhaltaraka in not attached to ruling obviously the same as the Amaraja-kula** chiefs’ names in other records of the from which Lokapraka^a, queen of Mallar Plates of Vyaghraraja 45

Bharatabala, the Paij^ava chief of Mekala, evidence for determining the date of these

hailed.^* Lokapraka^a is further said to records and the chiefs known from them.

have been born in Kosala/® As the only The Malga plates of Samanta Indraiija known record of Vyaghraraja of the have been dated by D. C. Sircar and

Amararya-kula has been found at S. Sankaranarayanan on palaeographical

Mallar and was issued from Prasannapura grounds in the first half of the seventh

which was in all probability situated in century A.d.*® We have shown elsewhere the Chhattisgarh region of Madhya Pradesh, that the draft of the Malga plates of

it may be reasonably assumed that the IndrarSja bears very close resemblance to

Amararya-kula chiefs were ruling in South that of the copper-plate charters of the Kosala and that Bharatabala’s queen Loka- PaQ,das of Mekala and that the engravers

prakaSa belonged to this family. Earlier ofthe records of both were related to one scholars were inclined to place the records another as brothers.*® Therefore, the char-

of the Paijdavas of Mekala and the chiefs ters of the Pa^davas of Mekala also

mentioned therein in the fifth century have to be dated about the close of the

A.D.““ This view was mainly based on the sixth 'or the beginning of the seventh

supposed veiled allusion to the Vaka^aka century a.d.*^ As Lokapraka^a, queen of king Narendrasena in a stanza in the the penultimate known Mekala Paij^ava Bamhani plates^’ which gave rise to the chief Bharatabala, belonged to the Amar- vassal assumption that Bharatabala was a arya-kula as known from this inscription, it of Narendrasena whose reign is generally has also to be dated about the same period. dated in the third quarter of the fifth We may, therefore, reasonably conclude

century a.d. But the discovery of the that the Amararya-kula chiefs came to

Mallar plates of Bharatabala’s son and power in South Kosala after the termi-

successor iSurabala alias Udirijiavaira®® has nation of the ^arabhapuriya rule.

shown that there is absolutely no reference To sum up, the chiefs known' from to Vakfitaka Narendrasena and that the the Mallar plates of Vyaghraraja had verse in question was misunderstood so far. nothing to do with the iSarabhapuriyas

And concequently the basis for dating the and appear to have ruled over a part of grants of the Paijdavas of Mekala in the South Kosala in the closing years of the fifth century a.d. has altogether disappeared. sixth and early years of the seventh Wp have, however, another unimpeachable century a. d.

Notes

1 For detailed information about the results of excavations and other finds from Mallar, see K, D. Bajpai and S. K, Pandey, Malhar.

2 According to Sircar and Bhattacharya, it is probably lion.

Sircar and Bhattacharya 3 think that it may be the head of an elephant m from. PURABHILHKHA PATIUKA 46

read as horizontal stroke following the symbol 40 4 Siicar M'l Bhattacharya point out that if the 4 also, though they prefer to punctuation, the latter may be read as is taken as a mark of Antlcjuitkx pnmd i„ fn. 2). B. C. Jain (Catalogue of read tlio date as 41 {El., XXXIV, p. 50, viii, text, p. 1 /b and vi (inscriptions), introduction, p. the M. G. M- Mmmn, Raipur (Hindi), of rradinn the date as fn. are inclined in favour V. V. Mirashi (Studies in hulology, \, p 200, 4) not found after the figure indicating tho year in 4. Hov/ever, as punctuation mark is generally According to Sircar anti Bhatta, cnpper-plate charteis, we are inclined to read the date as 41. 40. But we may as well read it m> 4 mid chnrva, the figure preceding that for 1 stands for system of numeral tiQtation, It take the year to be indicated according to the new or decimal

in the left lower is noteworthy that exactly the same form of 4 (but for the notch

portion characterising South Indian alphabet and the box-head which is typical of Central Indian

box-headed variety) is noticed In a number of epigraphic records and coins dating from tlio early

centuries of the Christian era and in the Bower manuscripts detabie to c. Sixth century A. D,

(viJi’ 6. H.Ojha, Bharatiya PrUchiM Lipimdla, pis. Ixxi and Ixxii). The use of the decimal

notation together with the old method employed while specifying the day (20, 7, i, e., 'll) is in

no way surprising as similar examples of the employment of both the systems side by side are

met with in the Lodhia plates of the Patj^uvarniin chief MahaSivagupta BalSrjuna (HJ,, xxvi),

p. 325, line 32) and a stray plate attributable to the same king from Burhikhar (VIJ., xv, p. 120).

5 El., XXX! V, p. 49, lines 8-10,

e lldd., p, 43.

7 Ibid., p. 47.

8 JL'SI., iv. pp. 70-75; El., xxxiiT, 155-53; CH.. tii, pp. 193-94; El., xxxiv. pp. 28-31.

9 El., xxii, p. seal 22, ; xxxiv, p. 52. seal.

10 In the Dhamatari and Kauvataf plates of Sudevaraja {JESL, v. p. 95, line 4 El., xxxi, p. 313, line 3), tha elder brother of Pravararsja, his father is called Maha-Durgaraja.

11 Ihid., xxxiv, p, 47. See also pp. 51-52 where the Wlallar plates of Pravaraiija are published by 6, Bhattacharya as those of Pravara II.

12 xxxiv m. p. 47, This genealogical reconstruction is tacitly admitted by Mirashi also. See Ins Studtes III indology, i, p. 249.

13 EL, xxii, pp, 13-23.

14 Ibid., xxxiv, pp, 51-52.

it ml \m iwrthan M,

16 B. C. Jain, op. eit., introduction, p. viii.

17 El., xxxiv, p. 48.

Minimum 0, so„,h Ke.,. S'tJt Z Tsf «'» pl>tt gmnts ft™ S,ip„„ "tPitrappor. bwomo tto “5 caLi^ . and Pravararaja, ^atabhapuriyas, wz., Sudevarija Mallar Plates of Vyaghraram 47 19 As this word IS not found ie Narindra's grants and PrasannamStra's charters are i-et lo bu found, Jayaraja may, at present, be credited with initiating this practice which was (ollowed try succedmg ruling families of South Kosala.

20 JESI, V, 95, text-line p. 5; El., xxxi, p. 315, text-line 5,

21 Pravara-bhattaraka is described as Jaya-bhattaraka's son while Pravararaja was son of MSnamatra- Durgaraja and nephew of Jayaraja.

22 As many as sixteen records have been reported so far. The assumption of Sircar and Bhatta- charya that the mother of Pravara-bhaftaraka and Vyaghraraja may have been daughter of a person named Amararya or borrr in a family which claimed a certain AmarSrya as its progenitor and hence they regarded themseives as belonging to the Amarirya-kula lacks probability. For, while the practice of representing oneself as belonging to the mother's family might have

prevailed in the South, it was not in vogue in the North and the Sarabhapuriyas were admittedly northerners.

23 The representation of LokaprakaSi, queen of Bharatabala, the Pa^^ava chief of Mikala, as born

in the Amaraja family in KSsala alse does not prove the Amaratya-kula extraction of the Sara- bhaputiyas as she obviously belonged to the Amararya-kula which, as shown above, vyas diffa- rent from the Sarabhapuriyas.

who was 23a The family was evidently so called as it traced its origin from a person named Amara apperently the same as Amararya, arya being only an honorific suffixed to the name. For instance of arya-ending names where arya served the purpose of an honorific termination, see Basim plates of VindhyaSakti, C/L, v, p. 97, text-lines 10-18.

iii, 191, text Lines 30-31. 24 EL, xxvii, pp. 141-42, verse 10. Studies in Indian Epigraphy {JESI), p.

29. 26 ibid, p. 191, text-line 29; £/., xxvii, p. 141, text-lino

characters of the Bamhani plates are compared to 26 Ibid., p, 132; CII., v, p. 83 (where the I, 230-36. those of the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupte) Wlirashi, Studies in Indology,

CII., v, 83-84. 27 Ibid., p. 231; EL, xxvii, p. 137; pp.

plates were 183-93. These plates show that Bamhani 28 Studies in Indian Epigraphy (JESI), iii, pp. impression that they belong to Bharatabata was due also issued by ^nrabala Udirgavaira and the passage mentioning ^Brabaia. to the omission, by oversight, of a prose

29 el, xxxili, p. 209.

19-25. 30 Sri Venkaieswara University Oriental Journal, xxi-xxii, p. 439-43. 31 Bharati bhanam (Dr. K. V. Sarma Felicitation Volume), pp. 12 NOTES ON D.R. BHANDARKAR'S INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EARLY GUPTA KINGS.

V. V. fVlirashi.

Kanishka Note I - The Date of the Mathura Pedestal Inscription of

D. R. Bhandarkar's Inscriptions of the ponds to A.D. 332. It falls close to the

Early Gupta Kings forms the third Volume time of Samudragupta. Bhandarkar identi- of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum fies this Kanishka with Kanishka II. Accor- that (second edition). Dr. Bhandarkar was an ding to him, this epigraph shows eminent epigraphist and a renowned scholar Kushapa rule had extended at least up to of ancient Indian history. In several places Mathura just before the rise of the Guptas. he has stated his views different from those Kushaijia influence on the coinage of the of other scholars. They evince his great Guptas can thus be accounted for. It also erudition and mastery over the subject. shows that Daivaputra Shahi Shahaiiushahi

But in some places they appear strange in the Allahabad pillar inscription of and require to be examined critically in Samudragupta is none but the contemporary the interest of historical truth. We draw Kushaija king. attention of scholars to some of them in Bhandarkar's reading of the date of these notes. this inscription cannot be accepted. Daya

In order to show that the Later Great Ram Sahni's reading of that date as

Kushatjias had extended their rule east of 14 is, no doubt, wrong. The first symbol the Punjab when Samudragupta rose to of that date which Daya Ram read as 10 power, Bhandarkar has drawn attention to does not certainly denote that number.

the Mathura pedestal inscription of Kanishka See the symbol signifying 10 which occurs

II. This record was discovered by pandit further on this very epigraph. But it

Radha Krishna. It is inscribed on the does not signify 80 also. The symbol for

pedestal of a broken statue ‘of the Buddha. 80 usually resembles that denoting upadh-

It has been edited by Daya Ram Sahni mdniya. It is, however, usually flat, not

in the Epigraphica Indica, XIX, pp. 96ff.^ slanting as here. When erect, it denotes

Its date was then read by him as follows— 50. We have discussed this matter in detail

Maharaja- Devaputrasya Kanishkasya sajhvat- in our article in Ep. Ind., XXVI, pp. 293 ff. sari 10 4 Pausha mdse divase 10 (on the We have shown that the symbol used here

10th day of the month of Pausha in the denotes 50. So the date of this inscription

year 14 of Maharaja Devaputra Kanishka). on the pedestal of the Buddha image is - Sahni referred this date - year 14 to the the year 54, not 84. It is of the reign of reign of Kanishka I (a d. 92). Bhandarkar, Kanishka II, the son of Vajheshka or however, reads the date as 84 and refers Varishfca. It is of the KushSria or the

it to the Kalachuri era.‘ It then corres- so-called Saka era. '

Notes on D. R. Bhandarkar’s Inscriptions 49

these Bliandarkar, who reads the date as 84, Bhandarkar® wrongly supposes are refers it to the Kalachuri era ofA.D250. two to be separate cases, but they the Even if we accept his reading of the date, the same as they are mentioned in inscription. it cannot be of that era. Like some other same passage of the Naneghat scholars, Bhandarkar seems to have believed In (a) also, not one, but two Horse

that any date can be referred to any era. Sacrifices are intended to be mentioned.

This is a mistaken view. It would have The Naneghat inscription mentions been possible if all eras had been current several Vedic sacrifices. They fall into in all parts of India simultaneously. But two groups (1) those mentioned in lines this was never the case, Each era was 6 to 16 of that epigraph which king current in some particular part of the Satakar^i performed conjointly with his country in a particular period only, not sahadharmachdrinJ Naganika, and (2) those at all times. The Kalachuri or Chedi era named in lines 17 to 20 which Naganika was really started by the Abhiras in a.d. alone {sayamf performed after her husband’s 250, when the Kalachuris were not known death. A^vamedha mentioned as second to history. In the beginning its circula- {ditiyo) in line 2 falls in the first group. tion was limited to the empire of the So it and also the first ASvamedha were Abhiras which comprised Northern performed by Satakariji and his queen Mahdrashtra, Konkag and Gujarat. The Naganika, conjointly, not by Satakari^i nor era never spread to the Mathura region, by Naganika alone. The Aivamedha is much less in the time of the Kushai^as* a sacrifice which only kings can perform, So the date, even if it is read as 4, not their queens after their death. cannot come close to the time of the statement that Aiva- Early Guptas. (b) The second medha was performed by Vedi^ri twice is So the date of the Mathura pedestal -erroneous. It is evidently based on the inscription, iz., the year 54, must be same passage in the Naneghat inscription referred to the so-called Saka era of as the first. That inscription was incised A.D. 78, started by Kanishka I. It belongs in the Naneghat cave during the reign of to the reign of Kanishka II, who was Vcdi5ri,*the son and successor ofSatakariji I. ruling jointly with Huvishka in the period Line 1 of that inscription first mentions of years 50 to 58 of that era. Their obeisance to several gods such as [PrajS- joint rule is like that of Chashtana and pati], Dhanna, Indra etc. and then, like Rudradaman as noticed in the Andhau several ancient inscriptions, records the inscriptions. For a detailed discussion of date mentioning the reigning king’s name; this, see the afore-mentioned article in but only the words Vedisirlsa rano of Ep. M., XXVI, pp. 293 ff. that date portion now remains at the Note II end of line® 1. The remaining words of "Satakar^ii or (a) rather his queen the date portion which ocurred in the performed the Horse Sacrifice." beginning of line 2 are now lost. The

(b) “A^vamedha was performed inscription is of the dowager queen Naga-

twice by Vedi^ri Satakarrji." nika which she got incised in the reign 50 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA of her son Vedi^irl. The two Advamedhas Satavahana king Satakargi I performed

(the fii-st of which was mentioned in two A^vamedhas. They could not have some line from 6 to 10, now mutilated, been in the form of double the dakshina and the second is named in line 11) usually given to brahmauas at an Adva- were performed conjointly by her husband medha sacrifice; for, they are mentioned and herself. They were not performed by in the Naneghat inscription as performed her son Vedi^ri. No other ASvamedhas at different times." This must have been performed by Vedidri are known. true in other cases also though there is

no explicit statement to that effect in Note III their cases. While discussing the question whether Samudragupta performed one or more Madhavavarman was not a minor

A^vamedha sacrifices®, Bhandarkar refers prince ruling over scarcely one-sixth part to the statement in several Visht^ukut^^iil of South India as Bhandarkar supposes. inscriptions that the Vishijukundin king When the great Vakataka emperor Hari“

Madliavavarman I performed as many as sheua conquered Andhra in the course of eleven A^vamedhas.’ Bhandarkar thinks his digvijava, he deposed the iSalankayana that the statement is incredible. “This king ruling there and gave his dominion

MSdhavavarnian", says he, “may have to Vishijukuijdin Govindavarman I, and been an independent prince, for aught we gave a Vakataka princess to his son know to the contraray, but certainly he Madhavavarman I to cement the political must have ruled over a small doihinion, relations.^" Some Vishuukuudih records occupying scarcely one-sixth part of South discovered recently show that after Hari-

India. Besides, he was not a suzerain.” sheua’s death, Madhavavarman I extended Bhandarkar thinks that his eleven Aiva- his rule far and wide so as to comprise a medhas were in the form of the daksh^a large part of South India. His own which was elevenfold of that usually records have indeed been found only in given at an Aiivaraedha.® Other instances the Andhra country, but the Tummala- of multiple A^vamedhas also must he gu^em plates of his descendant Vikra- understood in the same manner mendravarman II, dated Sake 488, significantly describe that he adorned the This interpretation of multiple Ailva- earth bounded by the sea in the east medhas mentioned in ancient records is and the south and by the river Narmada fantastic. Had this been true, there in the north.” This is confirmed by would have been many more instances copper-plate grants and coins. As he had of multiple A^vamedhas than are noticed a long reign of more than forty years, in ancient Indian records; for, it is easy his empire was divided among his two to multiply Aivamedhas in this manner. grandsons, for his sons had predeceased The people would not have attached any him. One of his grandsons, viz., In- value to such fictitious Ailvamedhas. dravarman succeeded him in Andhra,” The A^vamcdhas were ' certainly not while another grandson, Madhavavarman multiplied in this manner. The early JI occupied the western portion of Notes on D, R. Bhandarkar's Inscriptions 51

Maharashtra. His Khanapur plates^’ record Riddhapur plates, and, as a matter of his donation of a village in the Satara fact, she is represented in this inscription District. He is described in one record as being more than a hundred years old.” as the lord of the Trikuta and Malaya The expression in the J?iddhapur mountains^^ and was evidently ruling over plates which has confounded many scholars the western part of the Vish^ukuijdin empire. is s - agra - varsha - iaia-jlva-putra-pautrd It is no surprise then that Madhavavar- Like some other scholars, Bhandarkar maii I is called Sdrvabhauma in the takes it as denoting that Prabliavatigupta afore-mentioned Khanapur plates. was a full hundred years old and had Vishnukuijdin coins have been found sons and grandsons in the 12th regnal

in excavations and on the ground over year of Pravarasena II. This is manifestly a wide area. They have no legends, but impossible. The expression does not at

were evidently in circulation in Vidarbha all refer to the age of Prabhavatigiipta.

and Western Maharashtra as shown by Besides, it occurs in her own grant. She the finds in the excavations at Pavnar could not have used such an expression

and Newasa. indicative of her own long life therein;

for she was a widow. To a Hindu widow Madhavavarman I was greatly revered. a long life as detestable. She would not He was a very pious king, He performed boast of it in her own record. So the not only eleven A^vamedhas but several long life mentioned in this expression is other sacrifices such as Bahusuvarija of her sons and grandsons. Jiva-putra Pauti^arika, Vajapeya, Purushamedha and often occurs in Sanskrit and Prakrit others.^® His mother also was held in inscriptions^® and literature^® in the des- great veneration. She was a pious Buddhist cription of women and signifies their lady and is referred to as Paramabhatta- blessed life; for, to have a living son is rikamohddevi in the Tiimmalagudem plates regarded as a sign of good fortune in (Set T), She is said to have had Madhava the case of women. But, it may be asked, (Visluju) as her son in the guise of did Prabliavatigupta then have sons and Madhavavarman P®. grandsons a hundred pears old ? This also Madhavavarman I, is credred who is impossible. The expression is not to performance of eleven AiSvamed- with the be taken literally. It means ‘having sons has in several Vishnuku^dia records, was, and grandsons who, by God's grace, would prince ruling therefore, not a minor live for a full hundred years.’ The part of South over scarcely one-sixth expression is of the same type as the

India as Bhandarkar supposes. He was a adjectives chiranjlva and aymhmat which certainly sdrvabhauma or emperor and we use in referring to little children. played a dominant part in the post- They are not ‘long-lived’ at the time. India. Harishecia period in South Still, we use them. Our intention is to

- they will Note IV - Page 65 express our wish and hope that “Prabhavaligupta must have been far be long-lived. advanced in age when she issued her 52 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

This correct interpretation of the All these Aulikara kings were politi- expression under discussion was pointed cally independent. They have not only in their out first in our Inscriptions of the Vakd- not mentioned any suzerain lakas, long after Bhandarkar completed records but have not indicated their feu- his Gupta Volume, and could not have datory status by describing themselves as been noticed by him. parama.b}iattdraka-pdd-anudhydta(mQditRtmg on the feet of their suzerains). The Note V Mandasor stone inscription no doubt

While mentioning the tributaries of states that a guild of silk-weavers from

Chandragupta II, Bhandarkar^” refers to a Lata migrafed to Dakpura in Malava line of feudatory princes who ruled at Samvat 493 (a. d. 536) being attracted by

Da^apura, modern Mandasor in Malwa. the excellence of that country and its ruler

He states that in this family Naravarman Bandhuvarman while Kumaragupta (I) was was a feudatory of Chandragupta II, and ruling the earth; but this mention of the

Bandhuvarman was of Kumaragupta I. latter king was probably intended to mark the time of their migration, as the Gupta Recent discoveries of epigraphic re- kings were famous in those days. There cords have shed considerable light on is no clear indication that Bandhuvarman this family which was named Aulikara. had anknowledged the suzerainty of Their known genealogy may be stated as Kumaragupta (1). Similarly the Mandasor follows— inscription of the time of Prabhakara

mentions Chandragupta (II) and Govinda- Jayavarman gupta, but that is stated incidentally in Simhavarman connection with the mention of the Senapaii Dattabhata’s ancestry. That Naravarman (known dates Malava reference gives no indication that Prabha- Saihvat 461 and 474) I YUvavarman (M.S. 489) kara was politically subordinate to the contemporary Gupta king, Besides, both Bandhuvarman (M.S. 493) these inscriptions are dated in the Malava Samvat and not in the Gupta Samvat. PrabMkara (M.S. 524) The latter era was invariably used in all 1 Adityavarman (suzerain of Manavayana countries comprised in the Gupta Empire. Gauri, M.S The Aulikaras have not used I 547) that era in Dravyavardhana (flourished before any of their records. They have through- A.D. 505) 1 _ out used the Malava Samvat Yaiboharman-Vishouvardhana in all their (M.S. 589) hiscriptions. The Gupta era spread to distant countries like Bengal, Uttar Of these, the kings from Jayavarman Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and

to PrabhSkara ruled from Dafepura, while Saiirashtra, but it did not penetrate into those from Adityavarman to Ya^odharman the country round Da^apura which lies their had capital at Ujjayini after the only about 75 miles, as the crow flies,

decline of the Guptas. north of the second Gupta capital of Notes on D. R. Bhandarkar’s Inscriptions 53

Ujjayini. The Aulikaras have not used But that interpretation is wrong. Note it even in a single inscription of theirs the form of bhunakti used in the verse. It as they had not submitted to any Gupta is the third person singular in the Parasmai- king. They were justly proud of this. pada of the root bhuj. That root takes

In the Mandasor pillar inscription YaSod- the terminations of both the Parasamaipada harman proudly states that he was and the Atmanepada, but in different protecting with ease his valient country senses. According to Paijini’s sutra that had not submitted even to the bhujo-n-avane {Ashtadkyayi, 1.3. 66), the

Guptas and the Hu^as.’^^ There is no root bhuj takes the parasmaipada in the exaggeration in this. sense of ‘protection’ and the Atmanepada So Naravarman, Vi^vavarman and in all other senses, As the verse has the Bandhuvarman never submitted to the Gup- Parasmaipada form bhunakti, it denotes the tas and were never their feudatories as sense of ‘protection.’ So the intended meaning Bhandarkar supposed. Their use of the is that Ya^odharman protects his had Kyita or Malava Saihvat clearly testifies to countries which not been conquered this. before either by the Guptas or by the

Huijas with as little concern as he does Note VI in the case of the courtyard of his own “There is an inscription engraved in house. The verse states explicitly that duplicate on two Pillars of Victory, his kingdom had never before been con- found at Mandasor, which speaks of a quered by either the Guptas or the king named Vishijuvardhana*^ who enjoyed Huijas, And this was so indeed. For, territories which were never enjoyed by the Gupta power had penetrated up to the Gupta lords and where even the the region round Ujjayini, but did not sway of the paramount Huija sovereigns overrun the Mandasor territory. Similarly, did not penetrate." the Hu^as had occupied Central India Bhandarkar’’^ has followed Fleet in the extending from the Panch Mahal District” interpretation of the original verse which in the west to the Sagar District of runs as follows” Madhya Pradesh in the east,” but they could Ye bhukta Gupta-nathair= na sakala-vasudh- not conquer the region round Mandasor. akranti-drishta-pratapair- There is therefore, no exaggeration in n-ajha Huij-Mhipanam kshitipati-mukut- the verse. adhyasini yan pravishta i The verse does not, howeyer, state De^aihs=tan-dhanva-Saila-druma-gahana- that Ya^odliarman’s kingdom was larger sarid-vlra-bah-upagudhan in extent than those of the Guptas and viry-avaskanna-rajnab sva-gfiha-parisar- the Hiiijias as Bhandarkar supposes. yo bhunakti n dvajhaya Note VII Like Bhandarkar all scholars have till “Toramaga was probably in possession now accepted Fleet’s interpreation of this of North India as far as Erag from verse and held that Yaiiodharman-Vishtju- circa 495 to circa 503 a. d. The first of vardhana's Empire exceeded in expanse these dates, namely, 495 a. d., falls after those of the Guptas and the Hups. the Gupta year 175 =494*95 a. d., the last PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA 54

and is too the evidently based on hearsay, known date of Bud'iauip'a. And He says that the is prior to much exaggerated, second date, namely 503 a. d. demolished by a, d., the number of the stupas the Gupta year i9U509-I0 was 1600, and the number of dav of Bhamigiipta (N.irasimha^upta- Mihirakula monks killed by him was nine crores. Baladitya) vvhen there was an attempt on Besides, the Gupta It is hard to believe such stories. (lie part of the chieftains of Tsang tells us that Mihirakula house to re-establish its power. The Hiuen centuries before him. As period from .503 to 510 a. d. certainly flourished some

is a matter fact, the distance in time between fell in the reign of Mihirakula, and it was only about a emtury, His not unreasonable that about 510 a. D. the two account in several other cases has been the Gupta sovereign (Narasimhagupta- So what he says Bfiladitya) who was in hiding for some proved to be erroneous. be time made his appearance and asserted about Baladitya and Mihirakula cannot himself with the help of his vassals, and believed in the absence of corroborative expelled Mihirakula from the Magadhan evidence. kingdom as it appears from the account of The dates which Baandarkar has Hiuen Tsang. But though about 510 assigned to Toramt^a and Mihirakula do

A. D. Mihirakula was ousted from not appear to be correct. Skandagiipia his Magadhan dominions, his power remained obtained a resounding victory over the luishaken in Central India till about 518 Hu^as, which the Junagadh inscription

A. D., the fifteenth year of his reign, dated in the Gupta year 137 (a.d. 456-57) when Yaiodharman dealt a blow to the describes as being extolled even by his ene-

Hunia supremacy in India.’"’ mies living in the country ofthe Mlechclihas.**'’ The Hupas were not, however, totally This reconstruction of Gupta history exterminated. They probably continued in the time of Budhagiipta and Bhanu- to hold some part of Central India *• for guptii is based on several identifications we find that their leader ToramSna could and assumptions for which there is no pounce upon the territory round Era^ in evidence. There is, for instance, no ground the heart of the Gupta Empire in tlic very to suppose that Narasiifahagupta-Baladitya first year of his reign. The date of this was another name of Bhanugiipta. There incursion can be fixed approximately. An is no doubt that there was a king named inscription at Erap dated in the Gupta Baladitya ruling in Magadha. An inscrip- year 165 (a.d. 484-85)« during the reign tion at Nalanda®* mentions him as the of the Gupta Emperor Budhagiipta records constructor of a prasdda (temple) of the the erection of a flag-staff [dhvaja-stamba) Buddha at Nalanda. The record is, by Maharaja Matrivishiju and his brother however, of a much later age. It is of Dhanyavishiju. The next inscription®’ at the lime of King Ya^ovarraun of Kanauj the same place dated in the first regnal who flourished in the first half of the year of Tfiramaija states that Matrivishnni eighth century a.d., and affords no help was then dead and his brother Dhaiiya- in^ determining the date of Baladitya. vish^u erected a temple of the Boar incar- Hiuen Tsang’s account about him is nation of Vishnu there. Matrivishnu may Notes on D. R. Bhandarkar’s Inscriptions 55

not have died immediately after G. S. 165. evidently lost the Airikiua visbaya to the

The construction of the temple, installation "Guptas. Here is another date (a.d. 510)

of the image of the Great Boar and the of Toramaija's reign.

invasion of Toramana may have easily Later, Yafedharraan-Vish^uvardhana taken about five years. So we can place defeated Mihirakula, the successor of Tora- the commencement of Toraniap’s reign maija. His Mandasor Victory pillar ins- in A.D. 490. cription is not dated, but another inscrip’ Recently three copper-plates of the tion of his . reign, viz , the Mandasor feudatories of Toramaija and Mihirakula stone inscription, which mentions his

have been discovered at Sanjeli in the imperial titles Rajadhirdja and ParmU-

Panchamahal District of North Gujarat.®' ram, is dated in the Malava (Vikrama)

Toramana’s Empire, therefore, extended Sathvat 589 (a. d. 532). This inscription

at least from the Panchamahal District of was evidently incised after his defeat of

North Gujarat in the west to the Sagar Mihirakula, when he became the lord of

District of Madhya Pradesh in the east. the country extending from the Himalayas As stated before, he probably commenced to the Maliendra mountain, and from Assam

his reign in a.d. 490. How long did his to the Western Sea. So we may fix his

rule continue? Another inscription” at- defeat of Mihirakula in cired a. d. 530,

Era^i gives a clue in this matter. It is not a. d. 518 as Bhandarkar supposes. The dated in the Gupta year 191 (a.d, 510). Gwalior inscription” of Mihirakula is

It states that Goparaja, an ally of the dated in the fifteenth regnal year. It was

Gupta king BhSnugupta, came to Brag with certainly not the last year of his reign*

him. The latter is described as ‘the bravest He may have continued to reign for ^ man on the earth, equal in valour to few years more, say five years. In- that Arjuna’, Goparaja fell fighting in the case, he may well have succeeded Tora- battle of Erao and his wife immolated maija in circa in a. d. 510. If this is true^ herself as satl. The enemy against whom Toramaija was not only defeated but wa^ the Gupta emperor Bhanugupta and his actually killed in the battle of Erai) in

Era^i is not friend Goparaja fought at A.D. 510, . , , . mentioned in the inscription, but a little Hiuen Tsang's account that Mihirakula reflection will show that he must have was defeated by Narasiihhagupta-Baladitya' been Toramaija. He was probably defeated does not stand scrutiny, We have discussed in the battle. Otherwise, the inscription this in detail elsewhere”, and* .shown .that eulogising the Gupta Emperor would not the real vanquisher of Mihirakula was . have been allowed to be incised on the YaSodharraan-Vishriiuvardhana. memorial pillar at Era^. Toramaija

r- Notes , ,

1 C.I.t., Ill (secone ed.). p, 28

2 Ibid,, p.37. 56 Furabhilekha Patrika

(Blihler’s No. 3 The Word sayatii (Sanskrit, svayam meaning 'herself) occurring in line 17 ||, for the interpre- line 7) has not been noticed by scholars till now. It is of utmost significance

tation of the large Naneghat inscription. It shows clearly that the sacrifices mentioned in that

inscription fall into two groups. Those mentioned in lines 6 to 16 were performed during the after his death. life time of Satakaripi I, and those mentioned in lines 17 to 20 were performed record were perfor- Instead, it has been believed that all the sacrifices mentioned in the whole med by Naganika alone after the death of her husband.

4 The maAgaliickarana of the record ends with namo Kumaravarasa which means 'Obeisance to

' Karttikeya (the best of kumaras)’, and not 'obeisance to Vediiri, the best of princes' as Buhler

and several other scholars believed till now. For a full discussion of this, see our Studies in

Indology, Vol. I (second ed.), pp. 135 ff.

5 These words belong to the date portion of the record. Its later portion has been lost at the

beginning of line 2.

6 C//„ vol. Ill {second edition), p. 39.

7 See e. g. the Ramatirtham plates of Indravarman, Ep. Ind., XII, pp, 133 ff.

8 Bhandarkar has drawn attention to the words of Vyasa in the Mahabharata, ASvamedhika-parvan

(cr. ed.), 90, 14-16, But this view does not appear to have been held generally.

9 The NIn?ghat inscription mentioned the first Aivamodha in the mutilated portion of lines 6-10,

and the second Advamedha in line 11.

10 ll/ladhavavarman's son Vikramendravarman is described as Vishtjukutfdi-Vakafaka’vaihk-dvay-alan’

krita-janma in his ChikkuIIa plates. See Ep. M., Iv, p. 193.

11 See the Tummalagu^iem plates of Vikramendravarman, dated fiaka 488, Ep, Andkr., II, pp. 4 ff.

12 (The employment of regal title for Vikramendravarman I in the records of his descendants goes

against this view. Ed.]

13 Ep. Ind. XXVII, pp. 312 ff.

14 See the Ipur plates of Madhavavarman II, Ep. Ind. XVIi, pp. 338 ff.

the 15 See Tummalagu^em plates of Vikramendravarman, Ep. Andhr., Vol. II, pp, 4 ff.

16 Loc. cit. line 20. In the Tu^^igmma grant of Vikramendra {Ep. Ind. XXXVI, pp. 7 fff.) is Madhavavarman eulogised as one who had attained paramesbfhya and is called devatidem.

17 Inscriptions of the VSkaiakas (C.I.I., IV, pp. 33 ff.)

18 See the Nasik Cave inscription of Gautamiputra Satakar^i, line 2 {History and Inscriptions of the Sdtavdhanas and the Western Ksbatrapas, p. 34).

19 Sea l^igveda, X. 2, 6. 9. Also Mahabharaia, V, 144, 9; and Ramayana, IV. 19. 11.

20 CII., Vol. Ill (second edition) pp. 66 - 67.

21 For a detailed discussion, see the following note.

22 The king's name occurring in that inscription is Yaiodharman, but he is the same as Vishnu- vardhana. Notes on D. R, Bhandarkar’s Inscriptions 57

23 C//.. Vol. HI (second edition), p 87.

24 Ibid., (first ed.). p. 146.

25 Some plates of the time of the Hutja king Toramasa have recently been found at Sanjeli in the Panchamahal District of Gujarat. See M.S. University Archaeohgical Series, No. 14.

26 An inscription of Toramajja has been found at Brai) in the Sagar District of Madhya Pradesh

C//, III (first ed.), pp. 158 ff.

27 CIL. Vol. Ill (second edition), p. 88.

28 Ep. Ind., XX. p. 93.

29 CH.. Ill (first ed.), pp. 59 ff.

30 Ibid., pp. 88 ff.

31. Ibid., pp. 158 ff.

32 JOl, XXIX, pp. 11 ff.

33 CU.. Ill (first ed.), p. 91.

34 Ibid., Ill (first ed.), pp, 162 ff.

35 Wlirashi, Indological Research Papers, pp. 98 ff. 13 TENKAS! PARAKRAMA PANDYA AND HIS SUCCESSORS N. Sethuraman

Jatilavarman Arikesarideva Parakrama princes and their records are identified

Patj^ya ruled from a. d. 1422 to 1463. with the help of inscriptions and > the His capital was Tenka^i in Tirimelveli Sanskrit poem Pandya Kulddayanf. District. Parakrama Pa^dya constructed Inscriptions of these kings are availa* the Tcnkaii VHvanatha temple. His re- ble. They quote the years in Saka era. cords^ state that the temple was built Where ^aka year is absent, the records in stages and it took seventeen years to furnish the astronomical data along with complete the construction. The erection the solar dates of the months. The kings of this temple was the greatest event of had same names like ParSkraraa, Kula- his reign and so in the historical liiera* Sekhara, ^rivallabha, Vira Pandya etc. ture he is called ^‘FenkaSi Parakrama This creates serious difficulty in the investi-' Pandya’\ gation of their records. Scholars were Parakrama was the eldest. He had puzzled in identifying the princes and their four brothers and two sisters. The bro- positions in the genealogy. In certain

Tenkd^i gri- prin- Kulaiekhara princess Parakrama vallabha cess I Abhirama (eldest brother) I Nayika

kwara i Kulottuhga Pandya

son son son son son son son thers were KulQttufiga Pandya, Alagan cases records which bear the same name Peruraaf Kula^ekhara, Srivallbha and of the king were assigned to Arikeivara. The name only one of the first sister king. However, the astronomical is not known. The second data sister was not only do not agree but point called Abhirsroa Nayika. out to different initial dates. This discrepancy is deariy In this spelt out article an attempt is made to i„ Annual Report identify on Ep^phy the successors of Parakrama 1918, page 159, paragraph Pdndya. Among whicn tn its concluding them one was the son of remark states Parakrama. Two to were the sons of Kula- !! account for this iekara. discrepancy at presenf\ Each sister had two sons. The '

Tenkasi Parakrama Pandya 59

It is true that several princes had June 1462. Star MrigaSira in the month

identical names. They quote the stars in Mithuna of 1462 falls in the 40th year.

which they were born. In Tamil this is Therefore star MrigaSira in Mithuna of

referred to by the phrase “ndin piranda 1422 falls in the 0th year. The star was

nakshatra^'. Evidently, it means the star current on 18th June 1422. The king

in which the king was born. Certain did not ascend the throne till this date.

records quote the stars in which the king Another record* which comes from was born. In Tamil this is referred to TenkaSi belongs to the same king. The by the phrase “attai piranda nakshatra”. data are iSaka 1385, regnal year 42, It means the star in which the reign of Karkataka 30, in 13, Thursday, and the king was born. In other words it is Uttiram. The data perfectly agree with the accession star of the king. Thursday, the 28th iuly 1463. Star Earlier scholars thought that “ndm Uttiram in the month Karkataka of 1463 piranda nakshatra'' and piranda falls in the 42nd year. Therefore, star

nakshatra" meant the birth star of the Uttiram' in Karkataka of 1422 belongs to

king. They applied this suimise to those the 1st ' year. The star was current on records in which the names of the kings 4th July, the, king came to the throne

and the stars of asterism afe same and prior to this date. assigned them to one and the same king. 18th June 1422 = 0th regnal year But the astronomical data did not agree. 4th July 1422 = 1st regnal year. Scholars were puzzled. Parakrama Pao^ya came to the throne Actually when a particular star is between the 19th June and the 4th July

quoted as the birth star of one king, 1422. the same star is quoted as the accession Another record' which comes from star of another king - and both the kings Tenkadi states that Parakrama died on a have the same name. It is evident that full - moon day in the month Margaff in they are different identities. A close Saka 1385 corresponding to 24th Dec. examination of the inscriptions of this 1463 A. D. period, the birth and accession stars of the kings and the Sanskrit poem Pandya Parakrama Pandya’s birth star was Mrigaiira.^ His records are many. Kulddayam help us in identifying the The his reign the princes and their records. greatest event of was build- ing of the Tejika^i ViSvanatha temple.

Jatilavarman Arikesarideva Parakrama His records’ state that Parakrama perfor- Pandya med the foundation function of the cen-

A record’ which comes from TenkaSi tral shrine on 6th May 1446. He is dated in the 40th year of Jatilavarmatj consecrated the Sivalinga (Lord Vi^vanatha) Arikesarideva Parakrama Paij^ya. The in the central shrine on JOth June 1447 other data are iSaka 1384 Mithuna 28, A. D. Prior to 16th April 1451 the central ba 13, Friday and star Mfiga^ira. The shrine, ardha - mandapa, maha - mandapa,

data perfectly agree with Friday the 25th goddess shrine, prakdra walls etc. were PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA 60

completed. Parlkrama laid the foundation able to share the administration of the

for the nine storied front gopura on 3rd government.

November 1457. When the gbptita was Kulottunga Paijdya was the younger under construction Parakrama died on 24th brother of Parakrama. He ruled from 1423

December 1463. The rest of the gopura to 1466 a.d. His birth star was Jyeshfha. work was completed^ by Aiagajt Perum3} A lagan Perumal Jafilavarman Kula&ekhara Kuyekhara, the younger brother of Para- Tenka^i (S. 1. krama. record No. 198/1895 1 V. 762) belongs to Alagap PerumSi Jatila- Pan^ya Kulbtiuhga varman Kulaiekharadcva. In this record

TeflkSii record No. 569/1917 belongs to Kulaiekhara states that his elder brother ^ajilavamian KulSttunga Pa^dya®. He {annalvi) Parakrama Pandya built the

calls Parakrama, the builder of TejikaSi Tenka^i Vi^vanatha temple from the founda-

temple, as the elder brother (annatvi)- tion to the pinnacle. The data of this

The record states that star Jyeshtha was record are regnal year 44, Yfi^chika 6, full- the birth star of the king. The data of moon, Thursday and Krittika. The data the record are regnal year 43, l^aka i^SS, perfectly agree with 4th November 1473,

cyclic year Vyaya, Mithupa 29, Sh'' 13, It is evident that this Kulai^ekhara was the Thursday and Jyeshtha. The data corres- younger brother of Parakrama and he came pond to 26th June 1466. Except his record to the throne in 1430. The records which we do not find any other record of this belong to Jatilavarmap Kula^ekhara are king. Probably he was sick and was not tabulated below.

alagan perumal jatilavarman kulasekhara 1430-77

(Table 1)

Record No Village Regnal year & date A D Date

453/1917 Kujialam 37, ?tishaba 27, ba 5, 23-5-1467 Saturday and Sravaija 477/1917 -do- 38, Tula 3 su, Friday 2-10-1467 and Anuradha 526/1917 Teflka^i 39, Tula, Thursday, 6-10-1468 Mriga4ira 519/1917 -do- Saka 1390 year 39 12-10-1468 Tula 13, ba 11 Wednesday, Uttiram 564/1926 Srivilli- ^aka 1395, year 44, 17-9-1473 puttur Kaniti 19, ba 10, Ayilyam, Friday. 565/1917 Tenkaii 44 Makara 7, Monday, 3-1-1474 Puflarvasu. ,

Tenkasi Parakrama Fandya 61

Record No. Village Regnal year & date A. D. Date

544/1917 -do- 44, Kuthbha 24, 2, 18-2-1474 Friday. Uttirattadi.

346/1950 Saka 1399 current, 21-3-1477

year 47, Mina 25, Friday, lu 7 and Ardra,

The above table reveals that Kulaiiekhara, the younger brother of Parakrama, ruled from 1430 to 1477. His Tenkali record 565/1917 states the Kulaiekhara's birth star was Punarvasu

Jafilavarma^ Arikeivara

The next brother was Jatilavarma? Arikeivara^® and he was younger to Kula^ekhara. His records are tabulated below.

JATILAVARMAN ARIKESVARA

(Table 2)

Record No. Village Regnal year & date A. DDate

541/1917 Tenkasi iSaka 1390, regnal year 19-8-1468

32, Siihha21, Mia 2.

No. “A” of Sambur 34, Kar,kataka 5, 3-7-1470

page 252 Va^akarai iu 5, Tuesday and

T. A. S. I. Uttiram,

The above records indicate that Ari- Srivallabha

keivara came to the throne in 1437 and Sdinbur Va^akarai record (A of Table up to 1468, The Sans- his rule extended 2) of Arike^vara supplies some more in- P^ndya Kulddayam supplies krit poem formation. In this record Arikeiivara re^ information. It states" that some extra fers to the grants made in the earlier of TenkSii Parakrama the at the demise days by his elder brothers Para- Kulaiekhara and Arike^vara took brothers krama Pai^dya and ^rivallabha. After re*, administration of the kingdom. over the ferring to those grants^ Arlkelvara on his sometime Kula^ekhara died. Later After part also offers some more grants. It is ArikeSvara also died. said that Srivallabha was younger {iambi)

The last date of Kulaiiekhara as to Parakrama and elder to Arikeivara, gleaned from the inscriptions is 1477. The record states that star Uttiram was

Evidently Arikcivara died sometime after the accession star {^‘affai piranda mkshatra" this date. For the present we shall sur- of Srivallabha) Karivajamvandanallur repord mise that his reign came to an end in No. 278/1908 belongs to Ajagan PerumaJ 1478. Srivallabhadeva. It quotes iSaka ye^r 1393 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA 62

belongs to ^rivallabhadeva. In this record corresponding to A. d. 1471. Probably he is Parakrama “uncle” in Sam- Srivallabha calls Tepka^i the same l^rivallablia mentioned the {mamadi). It is evident that this ^rivallablia bur Vadakarai record. We shall place this was the nephew (sister’s son) of Parakrama. Srivallabha between Kulottimga Pandya and The record further states that star Ardrd Kukdekliara and surmise that he was alive was the acccession star {“attai piranda in A. D. 1471. ardrd") of the king. The date of the record Sundara Pan^ya alias Pira Pdndya son of is regnal year 5, Kanni 30, ba 7, Friday Tendkfi Panikrama and star Ardra. The date perfectly agrees Tenka^i record 547/1917 belongs to with 29th September 1458. This date yields Parakrama Pa^^ya. The record quotes the accession of thei,king in a.d. 1454. Except Saka 1385, Rarkataka, the 42nd regnal year this record, no other record of this king of the king. It is evident that this record is available. belongs to Tenka^i Parakrama and it is

1463. registers gift dated July The record It is evident that Srivallabha was the the recitation of land to the brahmins for son of the sister of Tenka^i Parakrama. of the Vedas. The land was situated in His accession star was Ardrd, This prince Vira Paijdya-chaturvedimailgalam founded also shared the administration of the prince Vira Pro- in the name of Pa^dya. government from a.d. 1454 to 1458. bably this Vira Pa^dya was the son of - Parakrama. Teijka^i record 10/1912 belongs Three records Nos. E, F and G

to Sembaka Sundara PaijdyB alios Vira T. A. S., I -pages 251 to 261 belong to

Paodyadeva. It is dated ^aka 1384 corres- Ponnin Peruma} Parakrama alias Vira

ponding to a.d. 1462. The record registers Pagdya. In all these records the king

the gifts of houses and shares in the village refers to the transactions of record A of Vira Paijdya-chaturvedimangalamto the of Table 2 dated a.d. 1470. Again he states that those grants brahmins for reciting Vedas etc. The record were madp in the,

also refers to such grants already made but earlier days by his uncles {mamadi) Ten- ka^i on smaller scale in the Saka years 1369, Parakrama, iSrivallabha and Arike^vara. 1378, 1382 and 1384 evidently by the king. It is evident that this Parakrama Pan^ya- deva alias Vira Paigidya was another son The above two records indicate that of the sister of TenkaSi Parakrama and Sembaka Sundara Paijdya alias Vira Pa^jdya- the dates of these records should deva was the son of Parakrama Pandya fall after A.D. 1470. and the village Vira Pa^dya-chaturvedi-

mahgalam was founded in his name. The records E and G contain the same Earlier grants made in the l^aka years astronomical, date, namely, regnal year 7, referred to above indicate that this Vira Tula 14, 2. Thursday and Anuradlia. Pandya also ruled in the capacity of yuva- The data perfectly agrees with Thursday the rsja in the period 1447 to 1462. 13th October 1474 a.d. Record F quotes regnal Sons Two of the First Sister year 7, Kuihba, ba 14, Sunday and star A record (No. I, page 263, T. A. S. I.) Avit|am (Dhanishtha). The date perfectly which comes from Sambur Vadakarai agrees with Sunday the 5th February 1475 a.d. Tenkasi Parakrama Pandya 63

Record F states that that star Avittam 1477 A.D. was the younger brother of Tepka^i

(Dhanishtha) was the accession star {'"attai Parakrama. He had two sons whom we piranda avittam") of the king. Tenka^i shall see below. inscription No. 548/1917 belongs to Para- A record which comes from iSrivilli- krama alias Vira Papdya. The date is pultur (Table No. 1) is in the 44th year of

Saka 1402, regnal year 13, VriSchika, ba 10, Kulasefchara and it is dated 17th September

Sunday and Hasta. The date corresponds 1473 A. D. This record mentions prince Para- to Sunday the 26th November 1480, a. d. krama Pai>dyadeva, son (mugf/p) ofKula-

Srivilliputtur records 565 and 566 of iSekhara. It is evident that another prince 1926 belong to Alagap Peruma} Parakrama by name Parakrama Papdya existed around

Pani^ya, The date is Saka 1403, regnal 1473 A.D. and he was the son of Kula^ekhara. year 14, Kappi 7, ^u 14, Thursday and Tepkaii Records 520 and 521 of 1917 Sadayam. The date agrees with Thursday belong to Parakrama Papdyadeva. The the 6th September 1481 a. d. The record date is iSaka 1406, regnal year 11, belongs to Poppip Perumaj Parakrama alias Karttikai 28, h 8, Friday and Uttira-

Vira Pdpdya and in this record he is called ttadi. The date corresponds to Friday,

A}agan Perumaj Parakrama. (Such kind the 26th November 1484 A. d'. It is evident of curious deviations confused earlier that this king came to the throne in scholars). 1474 A.D. In this record Parakrama Pa^^ya

All the above five records reveal that refers to the transactions carried out in

Ponnln Peruma} Parakrama alias Vira the reign of Kula^ekliara. This informa- Pdi}dya of accession star Avi}tam was the tion and the initial year 1474 a.d. prompt us second son of the sister of TepkaSi Para- to infer that Parakrama Papaya of this krama. Probably he was the younger record was the son of Kulaiiekhara. The brother of Srivallaba (a. D. 1454-58) and he records of Parakrama Papaya of acce- took part in the administration of the king- ssion 1474 A. D. are tabulated below. In the records is called Jatilavarmap dom in the years A. d. 1468 to 1481. he AJagap Two sons of Kula&ekhara Peruma] Parakrama Papdydeva born in the Kula^ekhara who ruled from 1430 to star Dhanishtha (“nam piranda Avittam")-

Jatilavarmap AJagap Peruma] Parakrama Papaya born

in star Avittam (Dhanishtha) accession 1474 a. d.

(Table 3)

Record No. Village Regnal year and Date A. D. Date

No. H page 26 Sambur Regnal year II, 1—10-1484

T. A. S. I. Va^akarai Tula 2, ^u, 12 Friday and Sadayam.

520 and 521 Tepka^i Saka 1406, regnal - of 1917 year II. Karttigai 28, 26 11—1484

ka 8, Friday and Uttirattadi. 64 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Record No. Village Regnal year and Date A. D. Date

664/1917 PappuU Saka 1425, regnal 28-M504

year 30, Kumbha,

ill 12, Sunday Ardra

iSaka 1428, regnal 1506

T.A.S., I. No. 12, page 47 Sankara Nayanar Koil year 33.

T. A. S. I. N. 8, page 46 -do- -do- 1506

Sambavar Va^akarai record (H of Table the kingdom in the hands of his two

3) supplies some important information. brothers Kula^ekhara and Arike^vara

It states that the record was caused to and attained the feet of Lord ^iva. be engraved by Parakrama Pandya of 2. When the two brothers were ruling, birth star Ardrn. This Parakrama quotes their sister Abhiraraa Nayika gave the 11th year of his elder brother (mndlvi) birth to two sons, namely Champaka Alagan Perumaj Parakrama. The date of Parakrama Papdya and Vira Pandya. the record is 1st October 1484 a.d. (The princes were born when Ten- kUi Parakrama was no more). It is evident that the elder brother 3. When the boys had been invested was called Alagati PerumSf Parakrama. with the sacred thread and instruc- His birth star was Avi/tam. He ruled ted in weaponry and the science from a.d. 1474 to 1506. The younger brother , thereof, Kula^ekhara and Arike^vara was also called Parakrama and his birth passed away one after the other. star1. was Ardra. Both were the sons of Kulaiekhara. 4. After sometime Champaka Parakrama Papdya was crowned and he was Darukapuram record 585/1915 belongs called KulaSikhara with the surname to the younger brother Parakrama of birth Kodandardma. star Ardra and it is dated Sunday 24th May 5. As days passed on Champaka Para- 1482 AD. - the 8th regnal year of the king.^® krama alias Kula^ekhara and his It is evident that he too came to the throne brother Vira Pandya defeated the in, 1474 A.D. and lived up to 1484 a.d. Keraja king Jayasimha. Abhirdma Nayikd-second sister of It is evident that Abhirama Nayika Tefikdii Parakrama and her two sons was another sister of Tenka^i Parakrama. The Sanskrit poem Pandya Kulbdayam Evidently the two sons of Abhirama describes the reigns of Teflkaiii Parakrama Nayika were born after 1463 a.d. They should and his successors. - The poem narrates as be young princess in 1478 a.d. when Kula- follows*®. iekhra and Arike^vara passed away. The Parakrama Papdya, the founder of two princes should have been crowned

the Tenka^i ViSvanatha .temple left sometime after 1478 a. d. Tenkasi Parakrama Pandya 65

A record^* which comes from Quilon June 1487 a. d. Accordingly, Rohini in belongs to the Kerala king Jayasithha Mithuna of 1480 a.d. belongs to 0th regnal

alias Vira Keralavarman and it is dated in year. It was current on 5th June. His June 1496 a.d. Most probably this Jayasiihha Tenkasi record 502/1917 quotes iSaka

was defeated by Champaka Parakrama 1419, regnal year 18, Simlia 2, in 3, alias Kula^ekhara and his brother Vira Tuesday and Uttiram. The date corres-

Pandya. ponds to 1st Aupst 1497 a. d. Accordingly

Uttiram in Siihha of 1480 a.d. belongs to 1st All put together the elder should year. It was current on 7th August. have come to the thone sometime after 1478 a.d. followed by the younger and both Parakrama Pandya alias Kula^ekhara- should be contemporary to Jayasithha of of birth star Krittika came to the throne 1496 A. D. between the 6th June and the 7th August 1480 A.D, His rule had extended up to 1508 a.d. Satisfying these information we have as evidenced by his Urmenialagiyan village inscriptions of princes of the same names. record No.'618/1917 dated ^aka 1429 month In the inscriptions the first is called Makara, corresponding to January 1508 a.d. Jatilavarman Parakrama Paij^ya alias

Kulahekhara. His birth star was Krittika. The poem Pandya Kulbdayam states^® He came to throne in 1480 a.d. and ruled that Parakrama alias Kula^ekhara crowned

till 1508 A.D. Evidently he should be the first his younger brother Vira Pandya. Evi- son of Abhirama Nayika. The title dently Vira Pandya should have come to Champaka mentioned in the poem refers the throne after 1480 a d. We have two re-

to the town KuEr.alam which is called cords of this king, Nos. 250 and 251 of Champakavanam to which presiding deity 1940-41 and both come from Devadanam.

the latter Pa^dyas were devotees. They quote the same date i.e., the second

regnal year of the king, iSaka 1409, Mithupa Records of Jatilavarman Parakrama 16, ba 7, Wednesday, and Uttirattadi Pandya alias KulaSekhara of birth star which corresponds to I3th June 1487 a. d. Krittika are many. They contain l^aka The records introduce the king as Cham- years and astronomical date which confirm paka ParSkramadeva alias Vira Pandya. his accession in 1480 a.d. More than twelve The other records of this icing are not records with dates are published in page available. His position and his date prompt 114 of A. R. E, 1918, The dates range us to infer that he should be the second from 1497 to 1508 a.d. In all these records son of Abhirama Nayika. Probably he the king states that he was born in the came to the throne in the first half of star Krittika. 1486 A. D.

Vasudevanallur record 350/1950 be- We have identified the successors of longs to Parakrama Pandya alias Kula- TetikaSi Parakrama. Their dates and their

Sekhara. The date is iSaka 1409, regnal positions in the genealogy are also found,

year 7, Mithuna 21, ba 12, Monday and The findings are tabulated in the last Rohi^i. The date corresponds to 18th page in the form of genealogical tree. PATRIKA 66 PURABHILEKHA 6 Notes

Series Volume I, page 99. 1 Travancore Archaeologicaf

critically edited by 2 "Pandya Kulddaymn" - Sanskrit poem, a Maha Kavya, by Maij^ala Kavi Sanskrit Or. K, V. Sharma - Published by Vishveshvaranand Vishva Bandhu Institute of and Indo- logical Studies - Punjab University - Hoshiarpur - Edition 1981. Please refer to pages xlviii, Ixxvii Dr. V. and Ixxxv. 1 am indebted to K. Sarma.

3 531/1909 - T, A. S. I, page 99, No. IV.

4 547/1917.

606/1909 - r. A. S. I, page 98.

6 T. A. S. I, pages 255 and 267; Also sea A. R. E , 1926-27, page 98, para 56.

7 507 and 511 of 1909; T. A. S., t, pages 98 and 99.

8 T, A. S. I page 103; A. R. E 1909, 514

9 A. R. E. 1918, page 158, para 56,

10 A. R. E. 1918, page 158, para 57; Sanskrit poem Pdif^ya KaJodayam, confirms that Arikeivara was the younger brother of ParSkrama and KulaSekhara.

11 Page 22^ PStfdya KulSdayam.

12 Please refer to A. R. E. 1916, page 100. The date is gaka 1403, regnal year 8, Rishabha 30, 9, Sunday and Uttara Phllguni, The data agree with 24th May 1482 A. D. The quoted 3a(

13 Pan^ya Kulddayam, pages 222 to 253.

14 T. A. S., II, page 26. Record of JayasiAha a/to Vira Keralavarman quotes Kollam 671, Jupiter Anuradha nakshatra which correspond to Wednesday the 22nci*

15 Pdn^ya Kulddayam, page 237. SUCCESSORS

HIS

AND

PS^^ya

PARAKRAMA

Vira

14 Kalodayam^

No.

and Paijdya

TENKASI

poem

Kufaiekhara

Sanskrit

alias

the

of

Parakratna

heros

1S the

No. are TEXTS OF 14 SEGMENTATION OF UNUSUALLY LONG MATHEMATICAL APPROACH INDUS WRITINGS : A GIFT SIROMONEY ABDUL HUQ

cha''a- introduction clusters bused on their positional cteristics.* We also studied the frequently The inscriptions of the Indus valley occuring inscriptions^ and classified Ihcna civilization {2500-1500 B. c.) represent the in relation to the metropolitan centres earliest forms of writing in India and from which they found In this pajicr Pakistan, and even though we know some- we look at the problem of segmentation thing about the material culture of the on the basis of positional characteristics Indus people we do not know what of the signs taWlated in Mahadevan 's language they used for communication. concordance. Claims have been made about successful decipherment of the inscriptions even We wish to take up for our study though no bilingual inscriptions have unusually long inscriptions which have a been found to verify the claims of deci- minimum length of ten signs in the pherment.^ There is one school of thought Concordance. We examine whether each which proposes that the language of the one of these long inscriptions forms ii Indus people was an early form of Indo- single text or is made up of two or Aryan. S, R Rao* has followed up this three shorter texts. One may use differ" hypothesis and has produced readings of ent criteria for segmenting a given inscri- the inscriptions. There is another school ption but we make use of only one of thought which treats the language as criterion in this paper and that criterion a form of ancient Dravidian, and Irava- is based on the positional characteristics tham Mahadevan’ who follows this of the signs occurring in that hypothesis has produced a valuable con- inscription. Each sign at cordance entitled The Indus Script. may occur the initial, media! or the final positions of inscriptions or Our work carried out during the may occur alone. Using the Concordance years does not last three depend upon it is possible to calculate the percentage.s either the hypothesis of the Indo-Aryaii of occurrence of a sign at different posi- nature of the or language the hypothesis tions The corresponding proportions may of the proto-Dravidian nature. Our inte- be taken to be the best available esti- rest is in making use of the tables mates of the probabilities of occurrence provided by Mahadevan in The Indus of the different signs in the different Script for drawing general conclusions po.itions. Using these probabilities it is about the inscriptions. We used computer possible to decide whether a long inscri- methods to classify the different signs of ption could be segmented or not, and if the Indus script into different classes or so, how. The mathematical details of 69 Segmentation of Unusually Long Texts

reading is obtained in pies in which the best this optimization method are given text by segmenting the strings. The first the appendix. signs includ- (No. 2436) is a string of 11 up single line inscriptions repeated. The First we take ing some signs that are the two most likely segmenting and work out best reading is obtained by segmentations. In a majority of cases which occurs in the after the arrow sign ^ remains as the most is obtained the original text middle. The next best reading likely string and the segmented version as a by keeping the line unsegmented is only the second best. We also take text (No. 6125) single text. In the second up for study inscriptions appearing in by segmenting the best reading is obtained more than one line or the same side or next best reading after the jar sign and the different sides of an object. In the Con- the original ins- is obtained by retaining cordance the unit of textual analysis is without segmen- cription as a single text a line of a text. Mahadevan has pointed fNo. 9011) contains tation. The third text out in his introduction to the Concor- is obtained 10 signs. The best reading is no way of knowing as a separate dance that there by reading the last four signs before hand whether different lines of best reading is to text and the next have continuity of sequence without chanp. It an inscription keep the original text regarded as exists a or whether they should be to note that there is interesting separate texts. first assume that the of three signs We short inscription (No. 3251) different lines .form a single sequence the short segment we which is similar to test whether the combined text text (No. 9011). and then obtained from the third can be segmented using the positional four signs inclu- The short segment has probabilities of the individual signs. In terminal position ding the jar sign in the many cases the combined text gets seg- sign in the and the two -upraised-hands the original lines with two signs mented back into pre-terminal position. These thereby showing that occurs in which we started form a pair which most often each line can be treated as a separate The jar sign is the terminal position. In some cases, however, new seg- terminal sign. The text. also a predominantly are obtained. We also checked differs from ments short inscription (No. 3251) some lines can be read in the having the pre- whether the short segment in not boustrophedon fashion even though the The terminal sign of two-upraised-hand. signs may have a normal orienta- (No. individual occurrence of this short inscription tion but we did not find any new convincing strengthen the case 3251) would further illegible cases. These lines which contain inscription (No. for segmenting the third identity signs, or signs with uncertain 9011). Each are not made use of in this study. present a set of single left lnTab^e2 we string of signs is read from right to readings leave line inscriptions whose best as given in the concordance. as a second each text uiise^mented. . Only segmented. Segmentation of Single Line Texts best reading each .inscription gets presented exam- We have twentyseven inscriptions In Table 1 we present seven '

70 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

lines get a single long in Table 2. From the second inscriptisn bining the two to

(No. 1087) we obtain two shorter- texts mscription. The second best reading is after segmentation. The shorter of the also given. After the two lines are com- texts segmented and two new texts ends with the jar sign and bined, the two get produce texts different from the original contains four signs. This segment of four version obtained from two lines. In other signs also occurs as an independent text words taking an inscription of two lines, three times and this would strengthen the get the best reading by combining the case for segmentation of the second ins- we two lines best cription (No. 1087). The eighth inscription into one and the second

reading it strings (No. 2446) gets segmented into two and by segmenting into two each of which is different from the first the shorter segment contains thr^ signs. and the second lines of the original ins- This short segment also occurs as an inde- cription. third inscription is made pendent text (No. 2214). The up of two lines of identical segments and seven lines is often The sign containing the best reading is to combine them into interpreted to denote the numeral ‘seven’- a single string and the second best read-

The pair of signs which includes the seven ing is to leave them as they are. The lines is conjectured to denote the phrase difference in probability between the first

“The Seven High Places”.® The !^.g Vedic and the second readings is very small. phrase sapta sindhavas and the Proto-Iranian The inscriptions are found on two sides hapia Hindu could refer to the “Seven High of an object from Harappa, It is classi-

Places” and these phrases could be com- fied as a sealing 'which has positive pared with the Sumerin phrase bad imin impressions in relief made by seals or which means “The Seven Enclosed Places”. moulds; Even though the texts are the Sumerin trading documents are said to same on each side the inscribed objects refer to the region Bad Imin and it is are quite different. Mahadevan describes identified with some region away from the anthropomorphic forms on the two Sumeria but possibly close to or identical sides as “Man armed with a sickleshaped with Indus cities. Scholars who are on the weapon facing a seated woman with lookout for geographical names in the Indus dishevelled hair and upraised arm” on one inscriptions look out for sign pairs with side and “Nude female figure upside down the numeral sign seven and more than one with things drawn apart and a crab (?) pair has been identified to present “the issuing from her womb ; two tigers standing

Seven High Places". face to face rearing on their hind legs” on the other side. Multi-Line Jnscripiions

In this section we take up for study In Table 4 we present ten twoffine multi-line inscriptions whose total length inscriptions for each of which the best is ten or signs more as given in the reading is obtained by retaining the original Concordance. In Table 3, we have four form of two lines as two texts. The next, inscriptions of two lines each. In each best reading is obtained in most cases by case the best reading is obtained by com- combining the two lines into a single line. Segmentation of Unusually Long Texts 71

In one case (No. 1227) the second best as likely as the original te>t. The next reading is obtained by segmenting the ins- best reading divides the text into tlirec

cription into three groups but this reading segments. So that the first and second

does not seem to be reasonable. For lines make up the first and second seg- instance the man sign is combmed with the ments respectively and the other three comb sign to form a single segment whereas lines combine into second seunont. their pair would more naturally occur with Conclusion the jar sign at the end of a text. Flowever The tables of pofitional frequencies the middle segment of three signs with each sign given in the Concordance the jar sign as the terminal sign occurs of are based on the assumption that each, as an independent text (No. 7027). In one line may not be an actual text of the case (No. 1012) a natural way of segmenting Harappans and each line could contain would be to divide the first line into two more than one text. If reliable segmen- halves after the jar sign and to retain the tations can be made then the positional second line as a separate segment but this frequencies could be used for estimating segmentation is not one of the two best indivi- the positional probabilities ol the readings obtained by us. In the eighth dual signs to a better level of accuracy. inscription (No. 7249), which is from Lothal analysed and seg- If the entire corpus is the first line also occurs as an independent then mented, using some objective criteria text from the same site. estimates one could get at these better would probabilities, These probabilities In Table 5 we present four multi-line of texts and useful in segmentation of inscriptions in which the first line itielf be a cluster analysis of signs. gets segmented. The first and the third also for identical first lines and demonstrated inscriptions have In this paper we have lines have a common terminal segmentation using an their second a new method of for the first ins- we hope that sign. The best reading optimization technique and obtaineby segmenting by our method cription (No. 1321), is the segmentations obtained who the second best reading assistance to scholars it into three texts and would be some has the work of identifying into four texts. The second inscription wish to take up which original inscriptions. three or four segments. The points at new segments in the not inscription gets segmented do small the Calculations were made using of any line oftne with the end if more texts coincide electronic calculators but original inscription. the aid of a com- are to be segmented would become necessary. an interesting puter In table 6, we present lines. The best reading inscription in five Acknowledgement the first line of is obtained by retaining colleague Mr. We wise to thank our segment and com- text as the first of student the Pandian and a number form the Dorai the remaining lines to computational bining who assisted us in of pro- volunteers second segment. The calculation work. reading is twice babilities show that this PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA 72

NotOK

to the Indus Valley Script", Journal 1 Arlene R, K Zide, "A brief survey of work date on of Tamil Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1, May 1970, pp. 1-9.

2 S. R. Rao, "Deciphering the Indus Valley Script ", Indian and Foreign Review, Vol. 17, No. 3,

pp, 15-30, Nov 1979.

3 Iravatham Mahadevan, The Indus Script: Texts, Concordaice and Tables, Memoirs of the Archaeo- logical* Survey of India, New Delhi, 1977.

4 Gift Siromoney and Abdul Huq, "Cluster Analysis of Indus signs; a computer approach", Proceedings of the Fifth International Tamil Conference at Madurai, 1881, pp. 2-15 to 2-23.

5 Gift Siromoney, "Classification of frequently occurring inscriptions of Indus civilization in relation

to metropolitan cities", STAT-46/80 (mimeo) ; Paper presented at the Seventh Annual Congress of the Epigraphical Society of India held at Calcutta in January 1981.

6 John Mitohiner, Studies in the Indus Valley Inscriptions, Oxford and IBH Publishing Co., New Delhi, 1978.

7 K. V. Mital, Optimization methods, Wiley Eastern Ltd., New Delhi, 1976. Segmentation of Unusually Long Texts INDUS WRITING

Tables 1 & 2 Purabhilekha Patrika

Table — 2 (continued)

™^3g5.T«®g«“

osiomt BBt rA!iiiiiyj5©"w 59

BiW A3 sai. oRMJitAt raw 59 fWIWG'V'f m 52. SsWaiBffl* r/dii wi'ro)V^ 4 b

65

flSSMA'TTOIl )Ex! 44. ST”* XUm0®^® 53 SUXliraouJIIUOXt 53 om''OKW4 XlfOT'®@® 48 fi^Aiiitua”i>Ciiiii 5 “• IfYii^OTCCO’'® v,>

«^AIIIIiJS"t< Biiii 43 IfT tb 00 TOCO"® 42 Tjfr'^

fj(ua i . ooniioaD

urb>x/i))i(«T® <

UfdlJt/IJ 54 WOT® u<4/i'aoT® w) .

r»tiiiii0®''6®tfyw s. lA’iP'O/ilX^ ;

45 rii0TOs® ''4WW lAvi"i;)/(ii -

es T\J0!l®'4f|5;^ :

UTb>X/S> WOT® 55

U>X/®“AObV 52 wrtiiiiiti">x<( ! SfiGMENTATION OF UNUSUALLY lONG TeXTS 75 INDUS WRITING

Tables 2 (continued), 3 & 4

a,«. l®ll *5 "• S' 76 «««u«« ijaovst.1 76 U>X

U^>x0 66

UJ >X./IOIi®'Jt< 58

ar», UA'l!;ilH!J©''0«) 77

77 UA'!! “““ ua. UA';;; iini)®''0‘g) 5.

». aaismiai m ookuuim io. ’“Sf”

uoTttfcv^sri 40 €>1/0 ea uauo:»»;*n e, " ;0WI«U®5JSU>xuauoc -49 'lITM a. uir’® 34 UeriWi IJiUllO) .» i.tui!® EitM 4, K UII0 liTIllO 40 .»05. »7 \sm Diuw'© 44 «. woo 5S 5, ain,«5«7

{tJtdUfflAmtbVfSi/ 54 “““'(rtjTAUffl/ mitfiUia/ B4 PUKABHILEICHA pATKIKA

Tables — 4 fcontinued) &, 5

VK'l

;§"'0 ;^U0s'UAli) 69;tU0ij'UAii)

•*— ioro;^ VOSMJAIU =4 zr*” il/N^KtyciM

iUN^OTOM 57

‘?Q(5i^ UADS^ ai U^Tic:

mm i> co 1- m uiiiyBft i-hi'tyn* 'fuuudjjuja'ci) 33 u', .v

UMt-L-lrt MJ',';!^i:fO ,7 um';iiwu))u ira'.?"Yivtr £0 UWI(S)®)tWXTUU UTjteUJCCO «

llTS'"TKVf CO «»»»« VyT))':!lll® UJTO^WtXf UU UsiwhiniuavrKu la U^VJCC® £5

— ^TjyT-);'.'iiie Segmentation of Unusually Long Texts 77 INDUS WRITING

Tables 5 (continued) & 6

BKiiusua JA7S? fOflo 72

tOc'i CO (no)

™., 11 I ^ KIII I 0 55

UlllWHA? mraam uiiyan^ ENKiiiiDs 55 ID(2) A):'./.' SKOIB aist UWMfIt mK IIIDI 48 APPENDIX Let DCBA be a given sequence of A or DfC-l-BTA and so on. VS hat are Hanippan signs. The tables in The Indus the chances that the in.scfiption should Script would show how frequently each be read as D-f CBA or in other words one of these symbols, “A”, “B", “C", segmented between D and C? We first and “D'’ occurs at the initial, medial find the probability that the sign D

and terminal positions of the texts as occurs alone and then multiply it with

well as how frequently each one of them the suitable prob-rbilities for C, B, and

occurs alone. For instance in 20 out of A We assume that C would be a ter*

100 cases “A" may occur alone, in 30 minal sign, B a medial sign and A, an

out of 100 cases it may occur in the initial sign, The product of these pro- medial position and in 50 out of 100 babilities would be calculated and compa- cases it may occur at the initial position. red with the products obtained for other In other words in 20% of the cases, combinations. The best reading is obtai-

“A” occurs alone; in 30% of the cases it ned by choosing that segmentation which occurs as medial sign and in 50% of the has the maximum value of the product cases it occurs in the initial position. of the probabilities. A string of length Given that the sign “A” has occurred in 4 can be segmented in 8 ways and a 2''-^ an inscription, we assume that the pro- string of length n in ways. For a of ways bability that it is a medial sign is 0.30 string of length 10 the number

is 2* ways or 512 ways. and the probability that it is an initial of segmenting it can be made by adapting a sign is 0.50. The calculations technique known as Dynamic Programm- Each one of the signs then would ing perfected in an area known as Ope- have four possible positions and their rations Reseaich.’ corresponding probabilities could be esti- compare strings of length, mated from the tables. We wish to find In order to of the product of n out whether the given inscription DCBA n, the nth root taken. shouln be treated as D-fCBA or D-fC-f probabilities is BA or DCfBA or DCB-fA or DC+B-f 15 A RE-EXAMINATIOM OF THE HALIVIIDI INSCRIPTION OF KADAMBA KAKUSTHA M. J. Sharma

Among the Kannada inscriptions, no 2 nammah ^rimat - Kadaihbapan - tyaga other inscription hitherto discovered could sampannan KaIabhora[na]-ari Ka- occupy the place of Halmidi inscription 3 kustha-bhattorav-aje Naridavi[}e]-nadul which was considered to be not only the Mrigik Na- earliest authentic lithic record but also highly important for the history of 4 gendr = Abhilar - bBhatahar-appSr Sri Kannada language and early Kadambas. Mrige^a Nag=ahvaya

The inscription was initially edited and 5 r-irvvara Batari-kul = amala-vy oma tarS- discussed by Dr. M. H. Krishna and dhi ^panoiip] [Abhilaipa^ others in the pages of the Annual Report ga .a Pakpatim-a dakshinapatha bahu- of the Mysore Archaeological Department 6 5 for the year 1936.^ Eversince, the inscri- ktahavana- ption was referred to time after time 7 havadu[}] pa^upradana - SauryyBdya - and the same text was oftrepeated in ma-bharit6-[n-da]na Pa- the publications. Strangely, those who 8 kpati yendu pogale-pPottaija-Pa^upati referred to the inscription, concentrated more on the discussion of the meaning 9 namadheyan=asarakk=ell=a Bhatari- and significance of the words therein, ya premalaya than attempting to re-examine and 10 sutahge Sendraka Ba^-obhaya deiada improvise the text. There is enough virapurusha samksha- scope for such an attempt as the reading 11 de Kekaya Pallavaraih kaderidu pettu- of the text and the meaning derived jayan-a Vija- thereafter are not free from non-clarity for the reasons that firstly, the letters 12 arasange balgalahu Palmactiuih Muji- which were not so deeply engraved have valliuin ko- suffered damages here and there and 13 ttar-a Bhatarikulad onm-aju* Kadam- secondly, the language was featured by b6n-kald6n-mahapataka[n] “a free mixture of classical Sanskrit and Kannada”,® with an unusual interlinked 14 irwarum Salbangadar Vijarasara Pal- formation of words showing no definite mldige kula-® indications for the termination of senten- 15 mbidi vittar adan-alivonge mahapa- ces. It is in this direction the present takan svasti author has come out with some new sug- gestions in regard to the reading of the TRANSLATION text and interpretation of certain words. Lines ; 2-4 : During the reign of Kadam-

The text lines (2-15) with the improvi- ba king Kakustha-bhattora who is devoted sed reading is given below. to the bestowing of gifts and is A RE’Examination of tfie Halmidi Inscription 79

enemy of the Kajabhora, there were the This could have been read after the splitting

Abhila governors (?) named MrigeSa and of the words {pada-chcheda) as ‘taradhi- N%endra in the province of Naridaviie. nathan-Nalapa®-gana-Pakpati' and the pro-

Lines 4-13 : These two, who were named per name Najapa could have been identified

as Mrige^a and Naga praised a certain with the Nalas® instead of Alupas for Pa^upati as ‘dana-Pa5upati’ for he who Ajapa. But on re-examination the reading is the moon to the spotless firmament seems to be different- The reading of

called Bliatarikala, who is a Pakpati letters tha, nna and pa in ‘taradhinathan-

(^iva) to the ganas (tribes) of the Abhi- nalapa’ is questionable, The tha looks

Jas, who has fully professed of heroism very much like a and the conjoint letter

in battles and in giving away cows in nna can be read as hhi with its I sign

many hundreds of sacrifices in the traceable in a semicircular form at the

Dakshiijapatha and who is known as top. The last letter pa which is engraved

Pottaija Pakpati (the Great Pa^upati) at the edge of the slab though had suffered

for all those iella) who sought his pro- damage, looks more like ha. Also noti- tection (asarake) (they) and ; made a grant ciable is letter 'pa‘ which might probably of (two villages) Palmldi and MulvalJi be the missing letter engraved in a smaller in acknowledgement of the military service size^® below n3. The above changes with to that Blia^ari's ([a] Bhatariya) beloved a little correction revises the reading as son (premalayasuta), Vija Arasa who in ‘taradhipanom Abhilaha. The ha ending the presence of the heroic men of the in Abhijaha which may be compared with two countries, Sendraka and Batja, fought the ha in ‘bhatahar-appoi-" (in line 4) may the Kekeyas and Pallavas, pierced them probably have been adopted from Sanskrit and attained victory. to indicate plurality.

Line 13 : [A|u] Kadamba of Bhatariknla. The word abhila means formidable or He who takes away (this grant) is guilty fearful both in Sanskrit and Kannada. of the great sins. Suppose if the word was taken for a

Lines 14-15 \ The two of Salbanga made proper noun i.e., Abhila^, then it may Palmi^i oj Vijarasa as tax-free (kulam- be interpreted as a Kamia^la varient of the bi^i). The destroyer of this grant will Sanskrit word Abhira for there is only a incur great sins. Be it well. difference of a single letter /n used for la. Abhira stands for a name of a race or the In the above text and translation

people who were stated to have dwelt in , the following changes and interpretations the regions of Brigukachcha, Komka^a, are made. MaharSshtra, Karpata, the country on the

' 1. The word abhila (in line 4) which banks of Veni (Waiganga), Nasikya and was translated earlier as ‘terrible or for- others.^^ The derivation of Abhila from midable', is treated now as a proper Abhira may be explained phonetically. name Abhifa. The use of la for ra was not uncommon such 2. In lines 5-6 the earlier given reading in old Kannada language and use was ‘taradhinathan-Ajapa-gaija Pa^iqiati. have been noticed often in Kannada ins- PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

a.d. Dr. its translation*® may be criptions as early as 8th century and disconnected Pa^upatiyundu A. N. Narasimhaiah and Dr. G. S. Gai observed below. 'dana 10th is praised cite examples from records of 8th to pogale' translated as—(he who) nill- bestowing gifts. century using words eldanu^efdanu i as Pakpati (or ^iva) in elpattum>erpat!um negalte ‘Palta^a Paiupatinamadheyana’ translated sidaynimkhm ; ; ynegarte, galade etc,'' The present ins- as - named the great Pakpati. ‘Sarakk- sutange' transla- cription provides another example, in the Ellabhatariya prera^laya - of Ellabhatari. word galje in line 16. ted as to the belowed son and Apart from the above explanation, the The above text can be improved read as ‘dana-Paiupati yendu pogaju- derivation of Abhila from Abhira may Pottana Pa^upatinamadheyan= asarkk= further be strengthened by explaining cer- ella(= lla=a) bhatariya premalaya sutange’. tain expressions found in the inscription. word dsara is the Kannada form of Abhilaha-gaiia (line 5) when inteiprcted The Sanskrit work Siraya, meaning shelter or as Abhira-gaija leads to a further significant or protection and asarakk=ella meaning. Ordinarily, a gar^a means a flock, refuge (asarakke-f-ella) means for all shelter or a tribe or a class but when taken along for all with the word Abliira, it means ‘republic protection or may mean those shelter protection. of the Abhira people’ which was known (who sought) or The from Epics and Pura^as to have existed word Ella-bhatari was interpreted for a female but in the in ancient India, particularly in the northern name above reading part. On their migration to south some the word has been split and only the of them have occupied high political posi- name bhafari remains. The expression ‘S tion under the Western Ksha+rapas for bhatariya’ can be translated as ‘of that some time and other Satavahanas for long, bhatari’ or interpreted suggestively as ‘of having their stronghold in the Khandesh that Pa^upati, the bhatari’. It may be region.** In the Allahabad Pillar inscrip- explained here that the author of the text tion** of Samudragupta, they were grouped had already repeated the name Pa^upati with other republics like Malavas, Arjuna- twice and for the third time he had yanas, Yaudheyas, Madrakas and others. used the family name ‘Bhatari’.

Again in the ChandravalU inscription** of 4 In lines 14-15 the earlier reading Kadamba Mayura§arman, Abhiras find ‘irvvarum Salbangadar Vijarasaruih Pal- themselves among those who have been midige kupmbidi vittar’ can be improvi- defeated by him. sed as ‘iruvvarum salbangadar*' Vijarasara Palmi^ige kulambidp® vittar’ and trans- The other expression pahu (cattle or lated as ‘two salbangadar made Palm cows) occurring in the word PaiSupati id i of Vijarasa as tax-free [kulambidi). and pa^u-pradana, stresses the importance There is a controversy regarding the meaning of the cattle. Abhiras were traditionally and identification of ‘salbhangadar’. But after known to have followed the profession of the change of reading kulambidi cowherds.*’ i for kurumbidi, the word ‘salbangadar’ has to 3. The earlier reading 7-10 in lines be meant only as ‘provincial or local A Re-Examination oe the Halmidi Inscription hi

officials’ who were empowered to make probably, one of the many dauglitefN tif the village of Palmidi as tax free. Kakusthavarman and that her son was

named as Kakustha-bliatari after his The inscription though refers to the maternal grand father. However, it is reign of the Kadamba king Kakustha, difficult to identify his son with Vijarasa speaks much about PaSupati of Bhatari- of our record, though both were praised kula and his valorous son Vijarasa. It for their courage in the inscriptions. has been made clear on the above re- with examination that Pa^upati cannot be con- On analysing the above facts and nected with the AJapas or Alupas-ga^a. the help of the improved reading certain points The present reading ‘abhilah-ga^a’introdu- other related inscriptions, can be made clear and a better political ced by the author may either mean in picture prevailing then can be presented. ordinary sense i. e. fearfuil or terrible- applying to the gapas of Siva to whom Firstly, the fact that Pa^upati was a he was compared or may be interpreted contemporary of Kakusthavarman was the as Abhira-gana which ultimately connects further proved by the inscription on temple him to the Abhira-race. Anyway, Pak- right door-jamb of Pratjave^vara in simi- pati had been extolled in the South for at Talagunda which extolls him matrimonial his prowess in the battle and for his lar terms and establishes a Bha- fame in bestowing gifts in the present relationship between Kadambas and inscription. There is another inscription tari families. engraved on the right door jamb of was an Secondly, even if there the PragaveiSvara temple at Talagunda, reign of absence of reference to the which praises him in equal terms and inscrip- Kakusthavarman in the present ‘that further refers to (his son) Kakustha to the fight and tion, the event referring he an ornament of the Bhatarikula, son may have to be victory over the Kekayas, of Lakshmi a Kadamba princess and he (Kakusthavarman’s) period ascribed to his who became the chief among the 10 of the inscriptions alone. Because, none mmidalikas with control over custom duties son and Mpge^a- of Santivarma, his his master the king not only refer to any fight and pleased varma, his grandson by his miidcsty but also by the addition relationship with the Keke- or unfriendly treasury and other Mrigelavarma was known he made to the royal yas and further, above inscription a Kikaya princess named deeds- Though the to have married Paiu- an inscription does not clearly state that it was Prabhavati according to of engraved on the left pati of the Bhatarikula as the father which was found PranaviSvara temple at Kakustha, the Bhatarivam^atilaka whose door-jamb of mother was a princess of Kadamba family, Talagunda. could be no it was believed®^ that there of the Kadamba kingdom Pakpati was had The extension one else than the great by the Kakusthavarma can be given above and present under been extolled in the It can the royal families. that references to It was also believed inscriptions. had defeated in the be stated that he Lakshmi, the Kadamba princess was very .

PURABHILEKHA PaTRII^A p2

the west the Kikayas, (the coastal rejion of kingdom and even threatened inde- North Canara) and in the east the Pallavas pendence of the Pallavas sometime. and his subordinates were the Sendrakas, Their occupation was believed to be about

Banas and the Bhataris (Abhiras ?). three centuries before c. 675 A. D. when The Taiaguiida pillar inscription speaks the first reference of their defeat is of him as one of the greatest rulers with a known to the history.^® Whatever may prosperous reign and his daughters were be, it is very clear from the expression

married to many important royal families, Kalabhorana-ari, that Kakusthavaraman was

including the Guptas. It can be signifi- contemporary to the Kalabhras and might

cantly noted that he bears the appellation have had battles fought with them as the

‘Kalabhorana-ari meaning the enemy of the appellation reveals to be. And it is also

ruler of the Kalabhora. Kalabhora was natural to conclude that after defeating'

identified with the Kalabhras, a powerful the Pallavas he had faced the Kalabhras

people who had occupied the Pandyan who had occupied the Paijtjlyan country.

Notes

72-81 and plate. 1 M.A.R , 1936, pp.

2 Ibid,, p. 78.

3 The letter 'pa' is engraved below no [*] in smaller size. 4 The earliear reading of the words here were 'tarqdM Pnathannafapa'

6 The earlier reading was ‘Ellabhofifriya'. 'Ellabhafari' wa,s taken as a proper name. 6 The earlier reading as 'odon-A{uo.\ 7 The previous reading as 'kutu'.

8 The '^a' ending may have to be treated in similar terms as in 'Kadambapa' in line 1.

9 Najas ware stated to have been defeated along with Kadambas and iVlauryas by Chalukya

Kirtivarman I. (JVa/a k[aurya-Ka(iamba-Ka{aratiili)—k]\\o\B Inscription of Pulakeiin If, Ep, Ind,, Vof.

VI, pp. 4-5.

10 Similar instance is seen with the letter to engraved in e smaller size helgw, the letter ya in the word 'premalaya' (line 9).

11 Both la and Ja arp used for the word abkila occurring in lines 4-5,

12 ClI., Vol. IV, p. xxxii.

13 G. S, Gai : Historical grammar of Old Kannada, p. 17 and Prof. A. M. Narasimhaiah : A Grammar of Old Kanarese Inscriptions, p. 62.

14 a/,' Vol. IV, p. ^cxxiii.

15 Sircar : Select Inscriptions, p. 265 and f.n, 14,

16 Ibid., p. 473.

17 C/A, Vol. iV, p. xxxii. And they had their appellation Gdpa, GSpala (later ktiown as Guala),. It IS interesting to note that the above appellation points out their inclination, towards Vishnu cult and the 'Sudariana' engraved at the top. of the inscription may further support the identi- fication (author).

18 M.A.R., 1936, pp. 73-74.

19 m., 1911, p. 35.

20 mi., pp. 35-36.

21, Ibid., 1936, p, 81.

22 K.A.N. Sastri : History of South India, p, 44 . 16 PISANGAON INSCRIPTION OF QUEEN RAJAMATl VIKRAIVIA 1532

Venkatesha

The inscription^ which forms the god [dem-bhakii-rata-ntiyant). Then her subject of the present paper is engraved son and grandson, whose names are unfortunately illegible, appear to have on a long pillar which was originally been described. From the reading of line found in the village Pisangaon in Ajmer it she District No. 19 can also be known that of Rajasthan. It is now deposi- seemed to have had a daughter called ted in the Rajaputana Museum at Ajmer. Kala. The genealogy of Rajamati is descri- This epigraph was briefly noticed by bed. She is stated to have been the G. H. Ojha long ago.® This record is very daughter of Rdthauia Durjanaklya, a significant as it throws important resident of the place called Vahadamera light on the history of Ajmer during the

i. e.j modern Barmer in Rajasthan. Due 15th century. to the damaged condition of the present

The characters of this record are record the relationship of the ruler Raghu-

Nagari and are regular for the period. natha with Rajamati is not clear. But

appears from the Rajamati is The language is Sanskrit. This inscription it way that has sufferered some damage in some described in the record shows she

places and consequently lines 7-19 are was the queen of the illustrious {Vikhy-

difficult to make out. It is partly in dtab) ruler Raghunatha. She is stated to

prose and partly in poetry. have caused the excavation of a tank for the merit and fame of herself and

The epigraph begins with the well- also the welfare of her sons and grand- known auspicious words svasti-m. This sons.

is followed by an invocatory verse in The date of the record is given as

praise of Ga^eSa and Saras vati. Then it Vikrama 1532, (both in words as well as

proceeds to describe the Paramara family in figures) Aivina k. 15. The week-day,

in which were horn such famous kings however, is not given. It roughly corre-

as Mumja and Bhoja. To that illustrious sponds to 1474-75 A. D. At the end of

family belonged king Hammiradeva. Then this epigraph there is a reference to a

three rulers are mentioned in succession construction probably of a temple (sadma)

viz., Harapala, Mahipalaand Raghunatha. for Raghunatha by Dadhicha, son of

Rajamati who appears to have been the wife Bhaganacharya. From this account, it is

of Raghunatha is described as well-versed in clear that by the time of this record,

64 arts {chatufy-shashthi-kal-ativita), devoted the death of Raghunatha might have taken to her lord, charming and endowed with place in whose memory, the sadma was good sons [sat-putm]. She is also stated caused to be made probably on the ad- to be much devoted to the worship of vice of Rajamati, for, her husband. H4 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

'this inscription is intcrcbting as it nning of the 14th century, the main reveals the existence of a Paramara fami- Paramara family or its branch might have

1} hitherto unknown ruling over the Ajmer migi-ated to Ajmer region and carved out rc.'ion during the 15th century. It is a kingdom. The mention of Haramira- quite possible that with the conquest of deva as the first king in the record Majwa’ by Muhammad-bin-Tughluq and points to his being the founder of the the eclipse of Paramara rule in the begi- Paramara kingdom in Ajmer region.

Notes

1 This is noticed in A.R.Ep., for 1962-63, B, Appendix No, 11 ; Bhandarkar's List No. 848.

2 Am, Rep. Raj. Afus., Ajmer, for 1911-12, p. 2.

3 The Paramaras (1970), p. 199. —

17 A SHARQl IMSCRIPTION FROM ALIGARH (KOL)

S. Farrukh A. Jalali

The available epi3raphical evidence on Shah Sharqi. The stone slab bearing the Ibrahim Shah Sharqi’s (1402-1440 a.d.) this inscription is reported to have been period is comparatively very meagre. The found in the environs, known as Shah pui'pose of the present paper is to in- Jamal. Six years b.icic some persons

troduce an early inscription of Sultan brought this slab and placed it in the Ibrahim Shah Sharqi from Kol tAligarh) present mosque known as Masjid Loharan an important town of Uttar Pradesh. near Noori Baba grave in Mohalla Ghass Ki Mandi, Aligrah. Kol (Aligarh) was The purport of this inscription is an important city of the Sultanate period. quite clear. This is about a well. Every It was the seat of administration being great Sultan (king) of Medieval period known as KHITTA-i KOL.^ took keen intei-est in building wells and tanks. But inscriptions refering to term The language of this inscription is Chah (well) and Bir (well) are rare. Persian. The style and the phraseology Chah is a Persian word and Blr (well) of the piesent inscription clearly indicates is a Arabic word. the tradition of Persian poetry as found The inscriptions of earliest medieval during the Tughlaq period. There are many wells in North India are from Abohar inscriptions, which give excellant exam- (Punjab) and Delhi. A C/tah was built ples of Persian poetry in India. The fact in Delhi by Saleh, a liberated slave of that inscriptions in verse are also avai- Badamd Din Ayaz in 661 a. h. (1262 A. d).‘ lable is not known to literary historians of Persian literature of India. A consi- This Chah (well) is among the chari- derable number of verse inscriptions were table foundation of Sharqi dynasty during composed by poets attached to the courts the overlordship of MuIIo Khan Iqbal- of kings and nobles. Sultani at Delhi. Its find in Kol (Aligarh) epigraph is is very important. The The stone slab in its present state important in indicating that Ibrahim measures 11" by 11". The colour of the his authority up Shah Sharqi extended stone is light red. The present inscrip- Western Uttar Pradesh, to the frontiers of tion is slightly damaged. at a time when Sultan Nasirud Din also alive. Mahmud Shah Tuqlag was The script employed is fine Naskh. of the inscription consists of The object of this inscription is to The text Persian couplets and 'the word record the construction of a chah (well) two fine Allah, which are as follows: built during the early reigin of Ibrahim PaTRIKA 86 PURABIIIIEKHA

(1)

4 t; C2i

^ Jl^ (3) h

(4)

By the grace of the Merciful (God), On the basis of a list of inscriptions* this well was built moon. of the Sultanate period, I have worked out a

selected list stepwells (Bain) In the year eight* hundred and seven, of wells and after Hijrat (departure), (a.h. 837=14ft4-5 for public welfare.

A. D.) In the following inscriptions, the During the auspicous reign of king words Chah and Bir are mentioned. Ibrahim Shah.

Notes

1 Bukhari, Y.K. ElAfS., 1959.60, p.3.

See 'Inscriptions of the Sharqisfrom Bihar and Uttar Pradesh by W.S. Siddiqi £'MP5', 1962, pp, 41-52,

2 See author's article 'place names and territorial divisions in Sultanate period inscriptions' read in the Indian History Congress, Bhubaneswar, 1977.

APPENDIX

List of inscriptions denoting years of completion of wells.

CHAH (well)

Name of Builder Findspot areas Period of Inscription References

Salik Delhi 661/1262 Bukhari, Y.K,

EIAPS., 1959-60, p. 3,

Nusrat EJiap Kainan. (Rajasthan) 669(im Yazdani, G

EIM., 1937*38, p, 6.

Aizud Din Bediban (Bihar) 747/1346 Ahmad, Q.A.

CAPIB., pp. 30-32. R ,

A Sharqi INSCRIPUON FROM Augarh(Kql;

Yousuf Hatgaon(U.P.) 854/1450 Siddiqi, \V S EJAPS. 1%2|>.

B I (well Outagh Khan Abuhar 633/1234 C unningham

ASL, Vol. XY. p. 4\

Son of ? ahmood Budaun Iltutmish Desai Z.A.

ElA PS., 1966. p. 15.

BAIN (stepwell) Tajuddin Kappal Muhammadshah K.adn Bhamani EIAPS., 1964, p. 28.

Nanak Daultabad 722/13Z2 Desai Z.A., Yiizdani Com. Vol., pp. 79-80.

Bam dev Amber Firuz (Tughlaq) Bukkari, Y.K. (Muii-i-Islam) EIAPS 1955-56, p. 57.

ASI—Archaeological Survey of India (Report by Cunningham) CAPIB -Corpus of Arabic and Persian Inscriptions of Bihar, Patna, 1973. EIAPS -Epigraphia Indica-Arabic & Persian Supp. ElM - Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica. 18 NOTE ON PONANGY PLATES OF VUAYADITYA

M. D. Sampath

This set of five copper-plates of the seen in the use of words like ^shamma

Eastern Chajnkya dynasty of Vehgi was (line 45) for iamma, '‘dariii (line 10) for received from Kanchana Nagabliushanam darii, etc. Nayudu of Ellore and noticed in the The inscription refers itself to the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for reign of Cha}ukya king Giinaga Vijaya- the year 1908-09 as No. A3, 1 am thankful ditya III (c. 844-92 a. d.), bnt bears no to the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore for per- date. The object of the charter is to mitting me to publish this paper. register the grant of the villages Koda-

This is a set of five plates, the first mupparru and Podegu in Vengi-vishaya wellTear- and the last being inscribed on their to the 105 brdhmanas who were inner sides, The two exposed sides are iied and residents of Podegu village, on blank. They are held together by a ring the occasion of uttartiynna and mahana- on which the bottom of seal (now lost) vami. is fixed and bear an inscription written The text of our record is almost in characters similar to those of the identical with that of the Sisali plates of Masulipatnam plates of this king. In the Vijayaditya III. The record under study present plates the method of writing show describes the genealogy of kings from some peculiarities viz., the top strokes of Kubja-Vislinuvarddhana down to Vijaya- letters are formed by double dots instead dilya HI. The record under study des- of a horizontal stroke connecting them as cribes the genealogy of kings from Kubja- in the Masulipatnam plates. Vishpvarddhana down to Vijayaditya III

The characters of the record belong with their corresponding reign periods, to the southern class of alphabets quite the grant portion, the donee, the villages regular to the period and locality to which granted and its boundaries, the impreca- the inscription belongs. It may be seen tory passages and the executor of the grant. that the final consonants t, n and m are The text begins with the usual charac- represented by a special sign. Visargas and teristic praiasfi of the Eastern Chajukya anusvSras are represented by dots. family followed by the genealogy of the The language of the record is Sans- rulers of this family. The genealogical

and the text is krit a combination of portion of this grant is identical with the prose and verse. It may be noted that corresponding portion of the Sataluru'

the consonants preceding r are doubled. and Guntur plates* of the king. The The use of virddha-bhasa-alafikara can be chronological details given do not agree seen in lines 20-21. The grant is not free with the account given in the other two from orthographical mistakes as can be plates stated above. The Masulipatnam Note on Ponangy Plates of Vijayaditya 89 plates'* and Chandavolu plates“ of this this charter. If the correction of niivami ruler do not furnisli a long list of kings tiihi for mahanavami is given, then tJie that are mentioned in the present grant, details would correspond to three dates Sataiuru plates, Guntur plates, Cliimbuluru within the reign period of Vijayaditya III. grant and Sisali plates^. The change in They are 844 a.d., December 22, 867 A.n., the pattern of a standardised praiasti December 23 and 886 a.d., December 23. seem to have been introduced by Vijaya- ditya III The first date falls during the year probably sometime after his coronation. of his accession. We come to know from the Addanki inscriptioif' that Pa^dnranyi

was appointed as the general of this king Regarding the duration of the different reign in the year of his coronation, which has periods, there are no differences been taken to be 844 a. d., by the editor between the present grant and the Uruvu- turii® of this record. Our grant suggests that and Chithbuluru grants of this king. this general succeeded his ftuher who is The Sataiuru grant of Vijayaditya III gives mentioned by the designation of his office 35 years of rule to Vish^uvarddhana III, i.e., Kateyaraja and not by his personal 18 years to Vijayaditya I, 35 years to name. There are only two records including VishpuvarddhanalV, 40 years to Vijayaditya the one under review that furnish this 11 and eighteen months to Kali-Vishp- information. All the charters of this king varddhana V. Most of the inscriptions are known to have been issued by his allot forty years but a few of them assign ajnapti Paijdaranga It may be pointed forty one including our record yet others out in the light of available evidences a reign period of 44 and 48 years to that Pa^darahga could have been appointed Vijayaditya II, Narendramfigaraja. This in succession to his father after the difference can be reconciled by explaining latter's death in 844 a. d. It may be his heir ruling apparently for the period of emphasized that the appointment of Pa^ija- over and above 40 or 41 years. To Vishp- ranga as the commander of the army varddhana V, the present as well as the against the twelve Boya-kottams in the Guntur plates give a reign period of 20 first year of Vijayaditya’s reign,” pre- months unlike the Attili grant of Bhima P supposes the death of his father on this and Sataiuru plate of Vijayaditya III which date. points to a reign period of one and a half Regarding the historical details it is years. The reign period is rounded off the present record that Vijaya- in our record by the composer. stated in ditya III captured the royal insignia of Our record does not give the details the Vallabha (i.e., the Rashtrakuta). to know from his Siita- of date except the occasion and the tiihi Also, we come he captured the Gaiiga, on which the grant was made. The maha- luru plates that the Sun, the Moon, the symbols nalva*]mi clay does not occur neither Yamuna, Rashtrakuta royal insignia and the during the period of iittarayam or makara- of the None of his records give sahkranti. Hence, the details cannot be Pali-dhvaja.*^ us clue to the date of his war with the taken as true to fix the date of issue of 90 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

general Rashtrakutas. It is probable that the specifically mentioned that the invaded the forces of attack was made on the Rashtrakutas of Vijayaditya HI to flight. after his success over the Boya-kottaras. Krishna II and put them On The contemporary Rashtrakuta king during the other hand it is his brother’s son

814- I (acc. 892 a.d.) who is stated in this period was AmSghavarsha I (c. Bhima to defeated 880 A. D.). A number of Rashtrakuta the Veda^uluru grant have dav'adas to have vanquished the charters*^ like the Begiimra plates of Indra his and Krishna- Vallabha of the Rashtra- III and Cambay plates of Govinda IV army of kuta family in the battles at Niravadya- allude to the involvement of this king in putra and Peruvahguru.'® Krishija II (acc. a war with his Chalukyan enemy at 880 A. D.) was the Rashtrakuta adversary Vingavalli. Sri Parabrahma Sastri had of the Chalukya king Bhima I and not suggested that this could have been Vija- Vijayaditya ill as taken by some scholars yaditya III who is referred to have dest- from the account given in the Dharma- royed the place Stamblia^h But since the varam epigraph of Bhima P® and Maliya- name of the Chalukya whom Amogha- pu^di grant of Amma II. The success varsha opposed is not mentioned in the of Bhima I over the Rashtrakuta army above Rashtrakuta charters, it is difficult referred to in his Paij^ipaka granf“ is to accept this. Moreover it is not known said to have taken place before he when and how long Amoghavarsha I crowned himself as king. This must be accepted the overlordship of the Chajukyas. the first attack over his enemies Kar^atas This is evident from the Kaluchumbarru and Latas which is referred to in the plates'-® of Amma JI which states that Vedatuluru and Moga grants of Bhima I.®' Vijayaditya was an ankakara of his mas- It may be said that the Rashtrakuta- ter whose arms were worshipped by the ChaRikya encounter seem to have com- Vallabha (i. e., the Rashtrakutas). A menced either in the last years of Vija- Rashtrakuta opposing the enemy kings

yaditya III or after his death, for it is by worshipping Vijayaditya 's arms is fur- alluded to in the Ederu plates of Amma ther mentioned in the Sisali plates'® of P® that the Vengi region was encircled Vijayaditya III. {yasya bhujam - Nripa- by the forces of the Rastas and (uhga pran-dinam-abhy=^archchya bhavati the Chajukya kinsmen, as if by darkness, ripu-nripatuhgah). The Maliyapu^di grant of Thus the Vengi region that was once Amma II alone refers to the participation lost to the Rashtrakutas was regained by of Vallabha in support of Sahkila, the

the successor of Vijayaditya III i. lord of Dahala, in the latter’s war with e., Bhima I probably before his accession to Vijayaditya, who is also called Parachakra- the throne in 892 a.d. His coronation is rama.^'’ It is further stated that Pag^a- stated to have taken place on 17th rahga burnt the city where Kfishijaraja April, 892 A-D.®* was encamping. If this evidence could be Vijayaditya is endowed with the titles relied upon, it has to be explained as to mamjaprakara, ranaramga, &Qdraka, Vikra- who this Krishijaraja is and how he ma-dhavala, parachakrardma, nripatimar- happened to camp here, It is nowhere ttanda, bUuddMa-bhima and arasarakesari. :)TE ON PONANGY PLATES OF VlJAYADITYA 91

le Maliyapu^cli plates of Amma IP^ This is followed by the imprecatory

yet another record where he is attri- verses from lines 47 to 55. ted with the title parachakrardma. This incomplete charter further refers

to the chief Pan^aranga and the death of his The present charter reveals that Silama- father Ka^eyarala. There is no reference devl of the Rashtrakuta family was the to the participation of the latter in the een of Kali-Vittarasa and the mother wars of the king and the loss of his life Gujjaga Vijayaditya. She is the same for the sake of his overlord. It is possible ^ilakarhba, a Rashtrakuta princess and that he might have initiated the wars against ugliter of Indraraja (i. e., Indra) and his enemies in order to secure the terri- Lramakaraba referred to in the Katla- tories for his master. Of eourse evidences jpru granf* of Vijayaditya III. Agam are wanting to say that Vijayaditya was is Indraraja can be identified with his engaged in warfare even before he assumed mesake who was appointed by his elder the throne. All the battles that he had other Govinda III as a governor of fought can only be placed after his coro- ajarat and Malwa. i^ilamahadevi of our nation date. It was held that Kateyaraja, ant was named after her grand-mother whose proper name is not disclosed by e daughter of Chajukya Vish^uvardhana our record, gave up his life for his master who was married to Nirupama-Dhruva.** (Vijayaditya III) in the latter's campaign Tus it is clear from the above records against Mangi, Satikila and Kfishijaraja at she was a Rashtrakuta princess of referred to in the Maliyapuij^i plates of le Gujarat branch and not of Malkhed Amma II.®® Since the exact date and sequence of these events are known to us The charter then proceeds to record from any of the records, it is difficult to le royal grant of two villages to the accept the above view. Also the suggestion rdhmana donees of Po^egu village. They of Mallampalli Somasekhara Sarma that 'ere proficiant in all the Mimamsas, who Kateyaraja served as a general and took tudied what all there was to study and part in the aforesaid campaigns prior to

new what all there was to know, who the expendition against Boya-kottams is /ere well-versed in four veias, who were not supported by any evidences. Our plate's he equals of Vasishtha, Jamadagni, as well as the Chimbuluru grant do not iharadvaja, Parakra and Durvvasa and refer to the exact course of events in which vho discharged their dharmma. own Kateyaraja took part and lost his life.

chakreija yudhv=ajau dattaprS- The boundaries of the gift villages “Para riasya bhubhfite sunu[b*l Ka- nentioned in th_e plate are Vippa^ru in teyarajasya Pan^lararago gu^adliikah ;he south and Eluru in the north. The grant villages Kodamupparni and Po^egu Vijayad itya-bhupalo pada-padma-^ili- may be identified respectively with the mukliab" present village Mupparru and Ponangi, As suggested by Sri Parabrahma Sastri, situated to the south of Ellore, the taluk Kateyaraja was no more alive on the date headquarters. of the issue of the record under study PURABHILEKHA PaTRIKA

and the Ciniiibiiruru grant of Vijayaditya the campaigns against the Rashtrakutas. The

ITI. The present grant is silent as to the Kateyaraja of our record is different from

circumslnnc.s and the object for which tiie one who figures in the Bezwada plates,

't was issued uiililce the Moga grant of the Moga grant and the Dharmavaram

1.®“ IT iina I whJch was made in. favour of a inscription of Bhima The chief of the

gon'.'ral’s sur vivitig wife Afahadevi, for her first and the third records can be identified

maiii'enance. Here also he figures under with Vijayaditya, son of Niravadyadhavafa

his designation only. The Katakaraja family and the grandson of Pai^^arahga and the 6 traced in the hfoga grant is also known one who had the hereditary fillet Katakaraja

from other records. Some, of the members figuring in the Moga grant can be identified

of this fatnily referred to in the inscriptions with Durggaraja, son of Vijayaditya,

arc known to have served their masters in

Notes :

1 Ep. hd., Vof. V, p 122 ff.

2 Bharati, Vol, I, pt. I, pp. 101-02.

3 A.R.Ep,, 1912, part II, para 62, p, 78.

4 Ep.M.. Vol. V, pp. 122-26 and plate.

A. R.Ep., 1938-29, No, A2.

6 Ep. Andh., Vol. ill, pp. 8-15 and plate.

7 Bharati, Vol, XXIII, pt. V, pp, 482-89 and plate.

8 A.R.Ep., 1912-13, No. A3; J.T.A.. Vol. I, p. 140.

9 J.T.A, Vol, XI, p. 254 ff and plate.

10 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, pp. 273-74 and plate.

11 Ibid, p. 274.

12 Bharati, Vol. I, pt I, p. 105 and pfate.

13 Ep. Vol. IX, M., p. 27, 39; Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 43; Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 253.

14 Ep. Andh, Vol. ill, p. 31-32.

15 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 186.

16 Bharati., Vol. XXIll, p, 486, Text lines 29-30,

17 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 48, 51

18 A.R.Ep., 1914, No. A1

19 Bharati, Vol. V, pp. 619 ff. Note on Ponangy Plates of Vijayaditya 93

20 J. T A.. Vol. XI, pp. 256-57.

21 Sp. Andh , Vol. Ill, pp. 40-41.

22 Sn., Vol. I, p. 40, Text lines 28-29.

23 J T. A , Vol. XI, p. 245.

24 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 47.

25 A R.Ep., 1938-39, No. A3, Text linos 20-25.

26 Ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 107.

27 G. Yazdani : The Early History of the Deccan, p. 275, note 1.

28 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p, 47 ff,

29 Ibid., Vol. V, p. 130, Verse 7

of; AjMptir = asya dharntasya Kadeya-rajali pratapavSn I pitamaho = bliavad = yasya PatidaraAgalf parantapa^f n

30 BhBrati, Vol. V. p. 616, 618 Text lines 2-3 (first side). The Dharmavarsm inscription is palaeographically later than our grant. 19 BHATGAM INSCRIPTION OF THE NAGA KING PRATAPARUDRA S. Subramonia Iyer

ending of the second The stone bearing the inscription been put. The pada of every verse is marked by two edited below^ was discovered some years small horizontal strokes while the ending ago in the village Bhatgam in Sohagpur marked by similar two Tahsil in Hoshangabad District in Madhya of every verse is followed by the number Pradesh. It is now deposited in the horizontal strokes Rani Durgavati Museum at Jabalpur. of the verse wherever it is indicated. Sometimes the scribe puts a single horh The characters are Nagari and the zontal Stroks unnecessarily as in line 4 language is Sanskrit. The inscription does where it is not at all required. The not bear any date. However on palaeo* verses have been consecutively numbered graphical grounds, it can be assigned to from nos 1 to 10. While engraving the i4-15th centuries A. d, The record is no of verse 11, the scribe has engraved not complete as the stone has broken only the figure 1. The subsequent three off at the beginning of line 26 and verses that now remain fully preserved consequently, the object of the inscription in the present epigraph have however not has been lost. The epigraph has further been numbered, Another instance of suffered damage due to the breaking away the carelessness of the scribe in writing of a part of the stone at the right side letters wrongly can be cited inline 10 resulting in the loss of some letters in the where instead of the letter ya in the beginning of lines 1-12. word yam-asuta, the letter ma has been

Of the palaeographical features, the engraved. Again, in line 16, the scribe

following are noteworthy. The u sign is shows carelessness in unnecessarily engrav-

indicated in two ways, In a few cases, ing the word nagari twice. As regards

it is indicated by a small loop attached orthography, the letter v has invariably

to the right of the horizontal bar as in been used instead of the letter b except

ku in kuruiat=Hii line 2. Otherwise, it in the word Bilvapafier=^ in line 3.

is indicated by a similar loop attached The inscription is partly in prose and right below the horizontal bar as is partly in poetry. The prose passages generally seen in the epigraphs of this period. are found in line 1 at the commencement The scribe shows carelessness in engraving of the inscription, in line 15 and lines by putting full stops imperfectly as in 20-21. The poetry pertion contains 14 lines 14 7, 10, 12, 13, etc where instead verses and half of verse 15. It is quite of two horizontal strokes marking the obvious that the epigraph would have ending of a verse, only one stroke has contained more verses but for the break- Bhatgam Inscription of Naga King Prataparudra

mg away of the stone at the lower end. describes that the earth due to its burden The composition including the poetiy being borne by the strong hands portion does not appear to be of a Prataparudra which is whitish in colour high order. like the camphor became really immoin-

ble {achala) (as it could not be shaken The inscription commences with the obeisance by any other alien king) and uKn got to 5ri-Ramacharfidra. This is rid off its suffering from exposure to the followed by two imprecatory verses (partly poisonous breath emanating from the preserved) in praise of gods iSiva {Bilm- myriad and multiple hoods of the serpent pant) and Ramachtndra. The third verse Adi^esha.® introduces king Chaihdrasena who was Verse 10 then proceed.s to describe verily the moon to the ocean of Naga Bhatti-grama which is stated to be a family {[Phani] - vam& - avdhi-chamdramah). divine city (divyd-nagari) and a place of Verse 4 describes his father (Janaka) holy detds{sukrita-dliara), Vermeil states whose name however is not given, who that lord Iiidra though satisfied with the with his stout and strong hands bore the drinking of ambrosia [amrita] (in the burden of the earth and was indeed heavens) looked suppliantly at the hands another Mount Meru. Verse 5 mentions of the brahmaija residents of the city his mother Dasamamvika who begot her for tasting the sacred rice perjxit- valiant son for protecting the entire world ually offered by them in the .sacrifices. {jagat stratum). She is first compared to This verse suggests that the braliniaijas

Aditi who gave birth to Devas and to ixiry religious and of Bhatti ' grama were Iiidra (Jishnu) who had Kpishna (NamdakI) were regularly performing various sacri-

as his younger brother.® Verse 6 refers fices. Verse 12 says that the brahmuij'ts

to his (Chaihdrasena's) queen irajm) of the city well known for their Karpuraihva who was known for her penance and amiable nature were always

chastity {pativratya), illustrious family repeating Vedas in beautiful manifapas that

(Icula), munificence (ouddrya), compassion are appealing to the mind both in kraina {karuna) and largeness {parindhini). Verse and pada pathas. The prose passage courtesans 7 states that a son was born to king that follows speaks of the -grama Chaihdrasena and queen Karpuraihva by residing in the city of Bhatti portraits on the name Prataparudra who was renowned not drawying their fanciful of the capital city of only by name but was also in deed so. sky for the damsels Verse 13 states that the mail! True to his name, he won many a battle Ihdra to see. frequen- thorouglifarcs of the city were in the battlefield that brought fame to smitten by slowly walking courtesans him which looked like the rising of the ted the passion who appear to teach Parijata from the ocean of with legendary tree Verso elephants the art of walking stately, Milk. Verse 8 tells that while king was residing 14 describes a person who Prataparudra was ruling, righteousness Bhatti-grama at that time in the city of support {dlathvana) in him [dharma) got was an emigrant by name Ahava, He and the miserable {dina) and virtuous Munga-puri and he belonged to Verse 9 from people {sajjandlT,) got protection. 96 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Bliaradvaja-kula. By profession, he was The inscription is important as it nrchaka). Naga ruling a priest in a temple {dev The reveals the exislance of a of ver^e 15 states family holding sway over the Hoshangabad first remaining half in 14-15 that Ahava had a son by name Hari- region in Madhya Pradesh centuries A. existance of another gaija who was renowned throughout d. The District in the world. He was always interested in the ruling Naga family in Durg 13th worship of the lotus like feet of lord Madhya Pradesh in the century

^iva {Ginia'pada-pafikaja-chamchankah). A. D, is attested by an inscription from 1405(1347-48 The inscription abruptly stops here. It is Chau^a^ Dated in Vikrama of the quite evident from the long description A. D.) and belonging to the reign the above given in the epigraph of the city of Naga king Ramachandra, mentioned inscription records the constru- Bhatli-grama that it was the capital of ction of a iSiva temple by the king. the kingdom of king Prataparudra, The

same is no doubt identical with Thus we find that different royal the modern village Bhatgam, the finds- families claiming NSga lineage flouri- pot of the inscription under study. shed in different parts of Madhya Pra- desh during 13-14 centuries A. d.

text‘

verses 3-12 Indravajm^ 13-14 Prithvi, Sardula- [Metres ; Anushtubh, ; verses ; verse 2 ;

vikri^ita, verse 1 ; Vasantatilakd, verse 15.]

1 [y i iSri-Ramachaihdraya namab [<*]

2 kalya^am kurutat=kirita-tatlni

3 ttir=lva sa ^ri-Bilvapanier=vibh6[b*l“

4 mumcharhty = udaram sudham (dham) > hamsi-tumda-vikhamdi-

5 bhub U [i *] Tandtu ja[ga*]tam sukhath sa khalu Ramachamdra

6 chala-sphuta-vighattan6mma(nam-a)5anib> “ jayaty = amara-kami-

7 nam=acha!o gambhira-salilakara-prachura-sarvarakashab >['*] 2 [*11] [sva]-

n 8 . vi^varabharam=enam rSja varidhi-mekhalaih (lam) Chaihdrasena iti khyato

3[i*] 9 [phaijil-varai-avdhi (abdhi) chamdramab » Janako yasya namna na kevalaih Naga- bhupatih' [dorddam]-

10 ta(da)-bhuri-bhu-bhara-bhara9-apara-Meruija i [i*] 4 [«*] Mamasuta(yam=asata) jagat= tratum dayalur = Dasamamvika(mambika)

11 Naihdak-iv-anujaih [n*] M]?6r={iaitya-vairimm=iv=Aditib ' ['*] 5 Rajny^abhud=

yasya vimala Karpurainv=eti (ramb=eti) vi-

12 irutai pativratya-kuI-oudarya-karup-pariphinP J [I*] [n*] 6 Prataparudrd namn= api karma- Bhatgam Inscription op Naga King Prataparudra 97

[i] 13 jj-api raij=§ragaije yasmad=abliud=uruya5ah Parijata iv=athvudhelj i 7 [«*] Dh.arm5-pi s=ava' bbujatn prapy=: 14 larhvo (larab6)bhut=sa natha dina-sajjanal^ ' achal-apy=achala yasya

aclial-6pamaffi(maffi) • [•*] 8 [«*]

15 Karpura-pamdure yasya bhuja(je) bhump sthita tyajat > garal-anala-samtapam chakriijaih

[i*] Tasy=asin=nagari divya nagari 16 chakravarltinah l 9 fi*! Kirh bahuna [‘*1 nagarP nagari-

i [i*]10 [ii*l [Kara]mn=dvija 17 yasi I yad=agre sukrita-dhara BhLattigram= abhidbayiai [emai-

ls- n§.m Sakro vikshate yaa=nivasiniim tripto=pL sudhaya ^aivadh=havir=asvada”

lalasa-

i sa-raga-su-tap5- I [I*] ]ii*] 19 h 1 ]1*] Yad=Yasi*bliiisura-vrata-inan6-vibhrama-raara^ape hfidya-

20 chakraraathte pada-kraraaib ['*] 12*] {«*! Yatra cha vihita-vasatayS varayuvatayai^jl ' [ saihbhavaiaam= ambholi-

• Vithisu yasya 21 khaihti Jarfabharati - rajadhatii - rarabhorunam [avalokanarthaih*]

vipulasu kita (kaiiita) yata-

iiunath madalasanam 22 ni mamdath mada-raamthara^i i kampa-vase(^i)n=opadiSanili =iva va- Tasyaii=nivava(sa)“=sara- 23 raijanaih (nam) n [13*1 [«*] Alam=alam=atiprasamgena [i*l kalapSih (kalpaih) chakSra dhimSln

24 Bliaradvaja-kul-avataiiisab I devarch.aka^= Ahara-namadheyb mudakarS Munga- (vyara) asid=Girik- 25 puri-nivSsi i tasy=Straajo Harigatjiab prathitah prithivyaih

26 pada-pariikaja-characliarikab [“*]“

Notes ;

are due to the chief 1 This has been registered as No. B 189 of A.RJ.E,, 1978-79. Our thanks

epigraphist for permitting us to edit the record in the pages of this journal.

2 The latter similie does not seem to be appropriate. the earth being borne on its 3 The reference is to the well known legend of the burden of thousand heads by the serpent Adiiesha. 4 A.RJ.E., 1962-63, No. C 1746. 5 From impressions.

6 The single stroke here is redundant.

7 See Kumarasambhttra of KUIdasa,, sr. 1, v. 36,

8 For the vtsarga-ldpa, vide vdriika-kkar pare iari vS visargaldpS vaktavyali. redundant 9 The word nagari is repeated twice and the second word may be considered

10 The single stroke is unnecessary,

11 The rest of the inscription has been lost. 20 SEALINGS OF STHANESARA (OR STHANVISVARA) FROM THANESAR REGION

S. P. Shukla

to deal tance. issued by the The present paper attempts These may have been sealings of identical temple of the same name dedicated to with a few terracotta the excavations Lord i^iva. These sealings might have rea- purport discovered from Kurukshetra District in ched Daulatpiir from Thanesar which is at Danlatpur in - east of only site. Haryana some 15 km. north 15 kms. away from the latter 1968-70^ The ruins identified with Thanesar during the years conduc- of Thanesar are Dr. U.V. Singh, the relics of the ancient city of Sthuvi^Vara® ted under the direction of Department of Ancient Indian History, which has been glorified by Baija (c. 7th Uni- century a.d.) so eloquently.® The Culture & Archaeology, Kurukshetra name SthapUvara means ‘lord Sthaiju' or ‘lord versity, Kurukshetra. of Stlia^iu’ but interestingly enough, Baija* The sealings in question are of two refers to it as the name of a bhukti (or legend. These sizes but with an identical a district) of ^rikaijlha janapdda where the sealings show the representation of Pushpabhutis ruled. Moreover, from trident on the right and a horizontally the description of Baga it is not evident running Brahmi legend Sthane^arasya i.e. whether the temple dedicated to lord [Seal] of Lord Sthaiju and a wavy line Stha^iu existed at Sthaijvi^vara or not, below. These sealings are made of coarse although he elaborately describes the mode clay and are light black in colour. of iSaiva worship prevalent in the city.® On the basis of the palaeography From the discovery of the above sealings the sealings may be assigned to the it is evident that a temple dedicated to lord Gupta period. According to the rules Sthagu may have existed during the 4lh- of sandhi the compound word will 5th century a.d. be SthanviSvara comprising of the two sthdnu and Uvara which however words The association of ^aivism with has not been observed in the legend in Thanesar seems to be a later development. question. Such grammatical mistakes have The site where Thanesar is situated was been noticed in some other examples be- the site of a humble village known as longing to the same period® and they are Thuna'® in its initial stage. The village variously attributed to the prevalence of became significant when it was taken to the mixed language of the preceeding ages, mark the western boundary of the Madhya- ill-equipped individuals or some mistakes deSa {or Majjhimadesa) during the time of on the part of the seal-makers.® the Buddha. The primary meaning of The sealings of Stha^eiSvara (or Sthani- Sthdifu, according to Yaska, is immovable viSvara) are of considerable cultural impor- {Sthaps=tishthcttif, and secondarily it de- Sealings of Sthanesara 99

notes ‘a stump, stem, trunk, stake, post, Sihanutirtha (IX, 42f". Like other placjs. pile, pillar (also a symbol of mountain)'" with the growth of ^aivism in Kurukshetra, and one of the names of Siva. There a temple dedicated to Lord Sthanu came seems to have existed a big tree, in all into existence at Thuna village and probability a vfi/o, marking the place where subsequently due to immense popularily the village was situated. The Mahdbharata of the Saiva temple the place finally came refers to a Sthdnuvafa (01,83) and also a to be known as SthanvUvara.

Notes

1 Singh, U.V., 'Archaeology of Kurukshefra', XVyi[ Ail India Oriental Conference, 26-28 Deo 1974

(Souvenir), Kurukshetra, p. 30 and plate on cover.

2 Thaplyal, K, K., Studies in Ancient Indian Seals, Lucknow, 1972, p. 6-7,

3 Ibid., p. 8

4 Law, B, C. Historical Geography of Ancient India, Delhi 1976 (reprint), p, 129.

6 Harshacharita of Boi^a, ed. by E. B. Cowell and F. W. Thomas, p. 81.

6 Ibid., pp. 81-84, Jataka, 7 Mahdvagga {Vina,} a texts, Sacred Books of East series, Vol. XVIIl, pp. 38-39) V. 13, 12; Vo!. VI, 62.

8 Nirukta, I, 6.

9 Williams, M., A SansMt-BngUsh Dictionary, New Delhi, 1962 (reprint), p. 1262.

Delhi, 1863, p, 65. 10 Sorensen, An Index to the Names in the Mahabhdrata, New 21 MENTION OF VATSARAJA IN THE OSIAN INSCRIPTION DATED 1013 AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE

L K. Tripathi

The Osian inscription dated Vikrama i.e. Ravapa. The sixth verse refers to

1013 was found in the Mahavira temple, Lakshma^a’s performance, on account of which is the most magnificent temple of affection, of the duties of the Pratihara the group. It is still there. It is a long and to coming into existence of the epigraph composed in Sanskrit. It is not Pratihara family emanating from Rama. well preserved nor is it available in well The seventh, eighth, and ninth verses and edited form. It has been published by the first half of the tenth verse refer to

Shri P. C. Nahar in the first volume of Vatsaraja. The seventh verse makes men- his book Prachiua Jaina Abhilekha Sam- tion of his illustrious birth in that graha.^ D' R. Bhandarkar® has also refer- family, of his fame, and of the purpose red to this inscription, while dealing with for which he was created. The eighth the temples of Osian. The inscription men- verse describes his military achievements; tions Vatsaraja, Bhandarkar believed that and the extant portion states that for- the inscription states that the Mahavira merly large armies were defeated by him temple was built by Vatsaraja and this (Vatsaraja) presumption forms one of the important The ninth verse describes the city of basis of his discussion of the chronology Osiariy then known as Ukeia. The tenth of the Osian temples. The subsquent verse first mentions that this city was writers on the subject, Idee Percy Brown/ protected {palita) by him and then des- Krishna Deva,** etc., have followed Bhandar- cribes the Mahavira temple situated in kar's belief and have regarded the Maha- that city. The eleventh and the twelfth vira temple as the work of Vatsaraja. verses also describe the Jaina temple. And taking this stand some of the writers Nowhere in the inscription it is mentioned like M. A. Dhaky® have formulated further that the Jaina temple was built by Vatsa* wrong hypotheses. raja. The purpose of the inscription is

But a close study of the inscription to record the meritorious act of the will show that the belief of Bhandarkar construction of a mandapa by Jindaka

is unfounded. The name of VatsarSja which was added to the Jaina temple

does occur in the inscription, but in a complex. As the inscription was found

different context and there is nothing to in the Jaina temple, the reference to

suggest that the Jaina temple was built by Vatsaraja in the inscription was mistaken him. for the statement of the construction of the temple by Vatsaraja. But the presump- The fifth verse of the inscription tion is untenable. Tne inscription, as mentions Rama and his killing Daiamukha stated, was not meant, for tracing the Mention of Vatsaraja. in the Osian Inscription 101 history of the temple. In fact it was kingdom is given the honour which is not relevant, because that would have said to have been enjoyed by Osian. overshadowed the glory of the deed of Osian is referred to as $rimat (illustrious) its donor. Such a reference, therefore, and as protected by the king. The man- was uncalled for and was to be avoided, ner in which Osian has been described though the builder of the temple must and associtated with Vatsaraja tends to have been known to the person who indicate that the town received Vatsaraja’s composed the present epigraph. A close special favours and, perhaps, became the pla- perusal of the text will show that Vatsa- ce of his residence, for some time at least. raja is mentioned in a different context Osian is situated about 50 kilometres which is provided by verse 10 describing north-west of Jodhpur or Mandor, in more the city named Ukeii (i.e. Osian) where sandy and dry desert of Rajasthan, if the temple was standing. The city is viewed from the east. This topography dci-cribcd tlius: With noble Brahma^as, of Osian and its description in the present ICshatriyas, Vai^yas and Sudras, whose epigraph remind us of the statement all-sided protection was provided by that made in some of the Rashtrakuta records king, this excellent city named Uke^a is -Wani and Radhanpur grants • that Rash- renowned in the world. The inscription trukuta ruler Dhruva defeated Vatsaraja was composed and engraved in Vikrama and drove him to Rajasthan to take

1013 (=956 A.D.), wiicn the Pratihara shelter in the sandy deserts and the present dynasty had almost completed its imperial epigraph seems to substantiate the Rashtra- history. Therefore, the mention of the kuta claim. This may also suggest that the name of only Vatsarhja omitting subse- original scat of I'ratihara power was in the quent rulers specially Nagabhata II, Mihira Bhinmal-Jalor-Mandor tract of Rajasthan

Bhoja, and Mahendrapfila, whose kingdoms rather than at Ujjain in M.ilwa. But these are were definitely more extensive than the only side issues which need not be discu- kingdom of Vatsaraja, c.m only be ssed in detail here. explained by assuming that cither the city was founded by Vatsaraja or it was Thus the Osian inscription of Vikrama renovated or rebuilt by him. This is 1013 (=956 a.d.) nowhere states that the the fact that seems to have been stated Mahavira temple was built by Vatsaraja. describes Osian, in a poetic and indirect manner. The The inscription where was already standing mention of all the four varnas lends the Jaina temple in mentions Vatsaraja colour to this inference. There are twelve Vikrama 1013 and him with the town temples at Osian which are assignable to only to associate founder or as its renovator, the period of the imperial Praliharas either as its one who graced Osian dating roughly from the last quarter of and, perhaps, a; for some time at least. the eighth century to the first quarter of the by his residence, therefore, that the construction tenth century a. d. No. other place is It implies, temples at Osian started only as known to possess so many Pratihara of the foundation or renovation temples as adorn the town of Osian. part of the consequently, no temple at Similarly no other town of the Pratihara activities, that 102 PURAaHILEKHA PaTUIKA

the site can be assigned to a date earlier be determined on the basis of a compa- than the reign-period of Vatsaraja, and rative study of its art and architecture. that the date of the Mahavira temple of The correct interpretation of the inscrip-

Osian or its chronological position among tion on the other hand throws welcome the Pratihara temples at the site has to sidelight on the Pratihara history.

Notes

1 P. C. Nahar, Prnchlna Jaina Lekha Sarhgruha, pt., I pp 192 f.

2 D. R. Bhandarkar, "The temples of Osia”. ASIAR., 1908-09, pp. 100-115

3 Percy Brown, Indian Architecture (Buddhist and Hindu Periods), pp, 115-16

4 Krishna Deva, Temples of North India, pp. 29-32

5 M. A, Dhaky, The genesis and development of Maru-Gurjara Te.-nple Architecture", Studies in Indian Temple Architecture, pp. 114 ff. lEW SiMSCBIPTION OF EREYAMMARASA )M BALLIGAVE

H R Raghunath Bhat

the Chalukyas and the Chalukyas, except the dressed surface on which pccts, have been receiving consi- incised the record. The other faces of t i c nttention may be substantiated pillar have been left undressed and lui- the number of recent publications carved. It is interesting to notice x\'x the research projects on hand.‘ six petalled lotus carving with the sunho! 3m the hundreds of inscriptions, of crescent on the top. Incidentally it ma;.

Its and sculptures of the Badami be mentioned that a relief sculpture of a s, the discovery of new inscrip- flying yaksha with a lotus bud in his left

lonuments, sculptures, coins and hand was also discovered in this area.

as Dr. K. V. Ramesh puts it, Carved in the Chalukyan idiom, this broken e, any where and by any one sculpture constitutes the part of a big be welcomed as a laudable and sculpture.

ile achievement’.^ It is such epi- The lithic record, in so far as tl.e L discoveries relating to the Badami writing is concerned, is in a good state LS, as the ones our learned epigra- of preservation. The nine lines of writing r. S. H. Ritti.^ Dr. K. V. Ramesh, occupy an area of 47 x 33 cm. The letters N. Rao*' had discovered and the ones range from 2 cm to 4 cm in height. But Thosar® and SriC.A.P. Shastry® have the conjunct letters like in in lines 1 traced that hearts of delight the and 2 vary in height from 6.5 cm to lent of Indian epigraphy. A new 7 cm. The letters like a in line 6 and ki on of Efeyammarasa from BalJigave in line 8 are 5 cm and 5.7 cm in height to to be yet another addition the respectively. unique epigraphs of the Early The characters are ascribuble to early .ern Chalukyas. variety of Kannada alphabet of the Badami

Initial i is found in line ing my recent field work at BaUi- Chalukya period. like r and k are mofc Shimoga district (Karnataka), this 8 (idaih). The letters evolved than the other on was discovered in the backyard elongated and the letters are round isli oiisc of Sri DaniyQr Mahadevappa. scripts. Many of Near-stan- anks are due to him and to the with short but straight serifs. as r, s, regard). The dardisation of such letters y, , ofBaJligave in this for h is noteworthy. The examples I i was found incised on the bottom dividing is more or less a flat circle rillar, the top of which is broken, which end.s into two and curving its oken pillar which is of about 1 5 itself an inward both sides topwards With gilt, 35 cm width and about 25 cm r which looks dent at the base and >s is somewhat irregularly carved ;

104 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

like two identical near circles with a hori- 1. Dali boaih,

zontal line running across them are quite 2. Pasiye timbba boam,

regular to the period. The alignment and 3. Ballu boam,

the palaeographic beauty are not so perfect 4. Kuravi boam,

and refined as we find in the famous Aihole 5. Adigam boam and pra&asti of Piilike^i 11, which is a classic 6. Kasaka bdaifi.

example for royal, urban epigraph, in This is followed by a short imprecatory

beautiful kavya style. But still of all the sentence {^dpMya).

early Chalukyan records, so far discovered In so far as its historical-cultural

ill Shimoga district, this appears to be importance is concerned we may consider a fine specimen of 7th century a.d. relatively essentially three aspects

is The language of the inscription 1. The identification of the king Old Kannada and the text is written in Ranavikrama Satya^raya Ereyam- prose, in a matter of fact style. The marasa.

record contains only three sentences. The 2. The term ‘pannir bhoga’

impact of Prakrit is discernible here and 3. The six names ending with boa^.

there. In consequence with the rising regal

Though the majority of the Bada'mi status, Pulikeii II assumed many imperial

Chalukya inscriptions are stone and copper titles like Satydiraya, Srlpnthi VaUabha,

plate Sanskrit records, the Kannada epi- Mahdrdjadhiraja, Paramehara, Parama-

graphs begin to make their appearance in bhaftdraka and so on. But the complete

considerable number. Of over twenty ins- set of all these epithets does not seem

criptions of Pulike^i II, only ‘five or six to have been used regularly in his Kannada

epigraphs, .so far as we know at present, inscriptions. Sometimes the title Satya-

are in Kannada,' indicating- the use of ^raya (for instance), has been used in some

Kannada language at the official, social of the early inscriptions to denote the

level during- this period.' What really king PulikeSi II. A few significant birudas

Banavasi Kadambas did for Kannada by like Rapavikrama have also been attribu-

reducing it to -writing and by employing ted to this great king. They are sugges-

it for administrative purpose, as evidenced tive not only of his praise worthy deeds

by three epigraphs', the Badami Chalukyas but also acts of valour in the battlefield.

coiltinued it quite extensively. The inscrip- It is along with these regal titles that

tion purports in clear terms to record the indigenous or native name Ereyam-

the presentation of pannirbhoga, panneradu marasa is associated. Since we have

bhoga, i. e, twelve bhogas, to the besadavar, already seen some epigraphs which men-

i. e. those who served in the locality, by tion this variant name of Pulike^i 11 as none other than the ruling king, Sri Ereyammarsa, Ereyapporu, EjeyatiyadigaK

Raijavikrama Satya^raya Ereyammarasa Ereya® and so ' on, the ruling king of the-

himself. This donation is followed by the present record may be identified with ddeumentation of the names of six boams the most celebrated and renowned king of

like early Chalukya dynasty, viz, Pulikeii II. A’ New '.Inscription of Ereyammarasa 105

Moreover the Chaliikya occupation of meaning resident or inliabiutnt bfihraiii

Baiiavasi“Bal|igfivc region is quite evident appears to be more probable. It tiho not only from such important records as occurs in the inscriplional dialect a, the

Aihoje pra&asti^ and Mahakuta pillar ins- title of a village headman or gnimadhikiiri cription^" but also from the Badami who enjoys, besides collecting, the land-

Chaliikya epigraphs in the very region in revenue^^ In most of the case't the word per- question”. Pulike^i 11, after consolida- follows the place-names of which the as in ting his position at Vatapi, launched an son in question is the head man extensive scheme of conquests to reaf- Irralur bdya'®. But in some cases it ap- lirm his claim to the Kadamba territory. pears to follow the name of a person The area was annexed to the Chalukyan who was a boya as in Marta boya‘\ occurs more fre- empire. It was then parcelled out among After nineth century it names'^ Pulike^i’s faithful ally, the Sendrakas who quently following personal received the Nagarakha^da division of

is with personal names Baniivasi - maijdala. This action was of Whether it that the term beam of course motivated by strategic considera- or place-names, there are Bajjigave record is associated, tions to eleminate the future chance of connection only six names mentioned in-, the revival of the Kadamba power there. bhBgas. with the pannirblibga or twelve Though there are certain technical the term of terms like da&abhdga, asfobhoga, The present pillar inscription the happens to be pannirhhbgu here indicates simply Satyairaya Ereyammarasa for the Kannada record of Jdgir or tax free land set apart the earliest known speci- in the context of enjoyment of the persons for their the Badami Chalukyas the term the discovery of this services as suggested by Balligave. With fied _ has note in this antiquity of Bajjigave hesaclavar. It is interesting to inscription the term bhoga pushed back to the early particular instance, that the been further century on cpigra- in the next few of the seventh is correctly spelt. But phase boom is associa- grounds. lines the colloquial term phical proba- ted with the six names indicating six Prakrit.) epigraphicil reference to bly the local Kannada (through The this lithic brought to liglit through usage of the^ term bhoga. hooins interesting by llieraselve! is very of the term record Of the different meanings of onomastics.- the point of view language), the from boa (or boya of Telugu

text”

Ranavikrama 1 Svasti hri

2 Satya&raya &ri Eaeya sarba 3 mmarasa besadavarge IC6 PURABHIIEKHA PATJ<{KA

4 pariyara got tor pantiirbogoih [^*]

5 daliboath pasiyetimbha boa^

6 baltu boaih kUravi boaih a

7 digatk boath kasaka boaih [11*1 8 idam kidido pancha ma> 9 hdpatakam

[My thanks are due to Dr K V Ramesh and Sri CAP Shastry for their valuable suggestions and help in this regard]

Notes ;

1 Nagaraja Rso, M.S. \Ed), The Chaiukyas of Badami, Bangalore, 1978 Diks'iit, D. P,, Political History of the Cltalukyas of Badami, New Delhi, 1980. Ckalukyadrt (Virapulikesi Vidyavardhaka Samsthe), Badami, 1982. 2 Presidential Address, Section V, Indian History Congress, xxxvii Ses-ion, Calicut, 1976,

3 JESI VII (1980), No. 2, pp. 1-2

4 Dtccan Herald, 27-2-1980, p.Z.iMadhu (M N Deshpande Felicitation Volume), New Delhi, 1981.

5 JESt IX (1982) pp. 1-ff.

6 Ibid pp, 107ff.

7 MAR, 1936, pp. 72 ff, ; El xxxix, Noll, pp. 75 ff. ; Prajavat}', 7-2-1983,

8 See SIl xx. No 3, lA Xi (10-17), SH iX, No. 46 (66-67) etc. 9 lA X1X.19,

10 El VI-5, V. 9, 10

11 Ec Vll, SK 154, 155, 278

12 Budaraiu Radhakrishna, Early Telugu Inscriptions (upto 1100 AD), Hyderabad, 1&71 13 Ibid pp. 420«.

14 Ibid 15 Ibid

16 1 have taken up a study of these six bdadts separately.

17 From ink impressions. 23 ANKALAMMAGUDURU INSCRIPTION OF EREYAPPORU

C. A. Padmanabha Sastry

The inscribed slab is lying in a field at the bottom and a horizontal line in belonging to Sri Ramireddi of the village the centre, thus making it bipartite tliiie.6|. Ankalammagu^nru, Pulivendala Taluk, In the fourth form (line?), the outer Cuddapah District, Andhra Pradesh. This line of the letter has a dent and a horizontal is engraved only on three sides and stroke at the with the two inward loops on written in Telugu-Kannada characters of either side of the letter, thus presenting the beginning of the 7th Century which the developed form of this letter. can be compared with the epigraphs of As a subscript, this letter is engra- (he early kings of the Vatapi Chalukya ved in three different forms, of which house. The language of the record is the first is circle divided into Telugu. four equal compartments, by horizontal and verti-

A few paleograplucal features of this cal lines (line 8). The second is a

record are very interesting. The initials a semicircle divided into four approximately

(line 6), i (line 5) and e (line 2-3) are found equal compartments by horizontal and in the record. The letter k which retains its vertical strokes. longish feature, is engraved in two different The third one is also a semicircle forms. In the first type, the ialakatfu is but divided into three compartments by indicated by what looks like an arrow a horizontal stroke and a vertical stroke mark, the two ends of which touch the touching the bottom of the letter and the upper part of the body (line 2). The horizontal line at centre. other form of this letter has a sliglit projection at the right side top of its Of the four forms of the super body (lines 3-4) script, the last three are often met with-

in some other inscriptions belonging to The &aka,tarephci, is engraved interest- the same period and region, while the ingly in as many as four forms. The first one is comparatively rare and the earliest form of this contains two separate earliest of all. semicircles joined by a horizontal stroke letter la also is of considerable in the centre, thus dividing it into four The

that it appears to be quite equal compartments (line 8). In the interest, in form. This is formed by two next form, the two semicircles are not an early semicircles joined at the bottom by a only joined by a central horizontal stroke of the small stroke (line 8). The absence but are joined by a small stroke at the of horizontal stroke also differentiates this bottom (line 2,4,5). The third form form of the a dent letter from the earliest this letter is a semi circle with PURABHILEKHA 108 PatRIKA

(grama-datd) iakatarepha discussed above. An exa- record the grant of a village mination of the inscription on the to Chebc-krmma by Tagdiramulu. The whole reveals the typical palaeogra- name of the gift village is, however, not phical features of a sightly developed given. variety as compared to the actual period The record opens with the auspicious to which the epigraph belongs. This is a word svasti followed by the reference to unique feature of the inscriptions which Prithivivallabha mahdiajddhiraja-paramek - come from the Ba^a territory. vam ralu Ereyapporu who was stated Of the orthographical features, the to have been ruling over Pcrramaijapadi expression nuraarubhaiirpu is interesting (lines 1-2). Lines 2-3 mention a certain in two respects. Firstly, the word Timraa....(name only partially mentioned) is significant in that the final ra was as ruling Tako}alambu. This is followed not replaced by the inflectional ta as by the statement tliat TaijdiramuJu was warranted by the' principle of compound ruling Kuchchaijdri (lines 3-4) as a subor- formation thus exhibiting its early feature. dinate of Timraa. Lines 4-5 record that

Secondly the latter half of the expression Trikka-bara Chebe-^armma belonging to viz. apubhanrui^u is also significant as its the Ka^yapa-gotra was granted a village, last letter is a conjunt having two iakap- the donor being Ta^diramuju mentioned d-repha as subscripts. The form np^u is the above. Velgachu Bhattarukunrj:u, and nura- precursor of the later form fjdru. The arubhanrru are mentioned as witnesses to term v&vru is a contracted expression of this (transaction) (lines 5-6). A certain the more usual form vevuru. Trikka the first Racheju is mentioned as a protector half of the personal name of the Trikka- {taginavdnru) of the grant (line 6). Lines bdpa seems to be a tadbhava of Tfivikrama. 7-8 contain the usual imprecatory passage. Similarly Chebe-^arma may be a tadbhava of

Sarvva-Sflrma. Regarding the syntax, the use The inscription under study is impor- of Sanskrit case ending sya in a Telugu sen- tant in more than one respect. Firstly tence is found in Kaiyapa-gotrasya Tri- this is the only lithic record of Pula- kabaja deserves attention. However, it keSin II in Telugu language and discove- may be noted that we have examples to red as yet in Andhra Pradesh. Secondly this kind of syntactical use in the ins- this is the second inscription in Andhra- criptions of some of the Vatapi Chalukya Pr'adesh to refer to Pulake^in II with kings.' his precoronation name Ereyyappom, the other being the Pedavaduguru inscription® Though the inscription is not dated, which mentions this king as Ejieyatia^i- its palaeographical taking features and gal. While the Pedavaduguru inscription internal evdiences into consideration, we refers to Ereyatiadigal as SatydSmya may assign this inscription to the first Sriprithivivallabha mdhdrdiadhirdja ,para‘- half of the 7th century a.d. meivara paramabhattaraka the epigraph in question does not refer to his important The purport of the epigraph is to title Satydiraya. Nevertheless, the fact Ankalammaguduru Inscription of Ereyapporu 109

that EreyappSr is a well known name of house, was disposed towards Ereyapporu

Pulaki^in II and that the characters of the the rightful claimant to the Vatapi Chalukya

inscription belonging to the period of this throne- It is not improbable that the

Vatapi Chalukya ruler support the identi- Chalukya prince, during his stay in the

fication suggested by us. It has already Baija territory would have made some

been established on the basis of the gifts and that the details of such gift

Pedava^uguru inscription that when his would have been committed to writting

uncle Mangale^a turned inimical towards after his coronation at his capital Vatapi" to him, the prince Ereya retreated to the and that the Pedavaduguru inscription and

Ba^a domain, whose ruler was, in all the present one belong to this class.^ probability, well desposed towards him and Of the geographical names occuring encamped in the territory of the in this record, Permanapadi may be

Bana ruler. Ereya declared war identified with Peruinbanappadi of the with Mahgale^a in which the latter was later inscriptions and may be located in put to death.'" Significantly the inscrip- the Cuddapah Chittoru region. Of the tion u:fider study refer to Ereyapporu as villages Takolalambu and Kucchen^ri which ruling Permmanapa^i, that is the Baga obviously lay on the Permraaijapadi only, region. This only goes to show to what the former may be identified with the extent the Ba^ia chief, whose dynasty is present Takkolu situated in Siddhavatam very well known for its absolute loyalty Taluk, Cuddapah District while the later towards the kings of the Vatapi Chalukya is not found in the present Taluk map.

Text®

First face

1 Svasti[ii] (Sri Pritliivivallabha maharajadhiraja Parame^vara

2 raju Ereyapporu Permmanapadi ela vari kaja Timma . . .

3 Takola}a[m*]b= eja pala Taui^li Ramulu Kuchcheiiri—i

Second face

4 luchu K%apa(5ya)pa- gotrasya Trikkabara Chebe-^armma ku

5 grama datti ichchiri[ii] de(di)niki sakshi Velgachchu paru Bhattarakunru

6 nuj-a afubhanrj.ulii*] Taginavanru Rachelu[i'*]

Third face

7 de(di)niki vakrambu vachchu vanru Varagasi vevru paranu ve-ga viju

8 veseru iachchina vari gu[ii*l 110 PURABHILEKHA PaTRIKA

Notes

1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIX, p. 164, lines 8-9, JEST.. Vol. VII, pp 80. ff.

2 Slh, Vol. IX, pt. I, No. 45

3 Dr. K. V. Rameah, 'Pulakesin II - His Career and personality'. The Chalukyas of Badiimi. ed. Dr. M. S. Nagarajarao, pp 56-57

4 I owe this suggestion to Dr. K. V. Ramesh, Chief Epigraphtst, Archaeological Survey of India, Mysore.

5 From the impressions. I am thankful to the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore for permitting me to publish this inscription. BOOK REVIEWS

Studies in ancient townships of Pudu- conduct of affairs in these townships, kkotiai by R. Tirumalai. Published by their role in irrigation and public works, Institute of Epigraphy, Department of in land and revenue administration, in Archaeology, Govt, of Tamil Nadu, Madras, conferring, changing and ratifying tenures pages 1-414, bibliography and index. and sub-teiiiires and their obligation, and

in police system and preserving the peace The work under review is the result of the commiuiily and in resolving' dis- of a systematic and judicious exploration putes, and on the judicial system and of the epigraphical source material per- procedures obtaining from time to time taining to five urban settlements (urs) all have ako been competently dealt with. of them not of the same antiquity, but Five more chapters located in what may be called a characte- (pp. 137-329) deal- ing with irrigation, the ristic though not strictly confined tract burden of land dues under the Pa^clya and covering the Kulaltur, Tirumeyyam and Vijayanagara hegemonies, tenures and sub-tenures and AUingudi Taluks of the erstwhile native their obligations, watch and ward in stale of Pudiikkottai in Tamil-nadu. In township and civil and criminal cases tracing the history of these five settle- are of absorbing interest and serve as a ments, viz, NarttSmalai, Virachchilai, Tiru- model for similar area studies on those varahgulam, Ku^umiyamalai and Tirumey- topics of vital historical importance. The yuni and in drawing an authentic account chapter on tenures and sub-tenures forms of the gradual development of the distinct the cream of this part of the book. parts of these townships, beginning with master summary (conclusion, their transformation tnto township and After a 330-51) in which he gives out dealing with their growth, their residential pp. the of his findings in lucid style and population, their individuality, the stages essense with utmost clarity, the aut'aor has added of expansion of temples and the leaders the a number of highly useful appendices. of the society - who took part in it,

royal officials or chieftains who helped In short Mr. Tirumalai’s highly

such expansion and ,ihe growth of the commendable work is a lesson on how exploit hitlierto townships, the family ties of the people, to properly untapped of inscriptions for getting to know, etc., the author has made an in-depth source aspects study of the epigraphical and other colla- in their right perspective, those nation’s history which have sp. teral evidence available. In that process of our but scant attention, While he has also brought to bear on his study far received the rest of the Tamil country research the invaluable field experience gained by for these lines cm be conducted on die him in different administrative capacities on career. same lines making use of the rich in the course of his illustrious information provided by the author in Other aspects such as the day to day PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA jl2

as this book and the very communicative are not as communicative those of

inscriptions that are available in large Tamilnadu, he having already laid strong

numbers, in the case of other parts of foundation through his present work for

India, the mastery which the author under such an approach to history through

review possesses in the field of adminis- Tamil inscriptions.

tration in general and revenue adminis- The world of scholars and students tration in particular, missed will be surely of Indian history indeed owe a deep by other essayists. debt of gratitude to Mr, Tirumalai. The Department of Archaeology, Government The author will be doing a great of Tamil-nadu deserve to be Commended servi<» to the cause of Indian history if for bringing out this excellent research he could find time to divert his attention treatise. to such of those parts of India where inscriptions are available in plenty but K. V. Ramesh

Rajendra Vimagar by R. Tirumalai, of the annexure, appendices, glossary, in- Published by Institute of Epigraphy, dex, maps and plates which form a very Tamil nadu State Department of Archeo- useful appendage for the main discussion. logy, first edition-Madras, 1980 1-58 pp The first part of the appendix contains (and Annexture etc. total pp, 78), cost chronological analyses of 38 inscriptions Rs. 25/- with synopsis and references while the second contains the texts of 14 unpubli- The book is the outcome of t shed inscriptions, which makes the publi- researches by Shri R. Tirumalai. on t cation absolutely uptodate and enhances temple of Vishp situated in the villa its value for the researchers. Mannarkoil, Ambasamudaram taluk, Tir nelveli District, Tamil Nadu. The’auth — uuk,, muuuuces has collated, me temple analysed and classified t Rajendra Vinnagar as material Vishiju shrine de- with great care. The book dicated to Veda-naraya^a. divided into two The place for- parts. The first part wi med a part of the seven chapters ancient brahmadeya contains the description villap Rajarajachaturvediraaiigalam. the temple, the temple The administration ai details of the the royal patronage boundaries of the to it in various wa} village are furnished. The part played The author further by the representati high- lights that ‘it was bodies like the mahSsabhs in the milieu of the of the villas imperial c6ja the agricultural conquests of and irrigation systems the Pandya tl country various and further grants made for the subjugation of upkeep of tl tL t^ple and other socio-cultural acliviti Ot^ Rajendra connected with the Vmnagarwas founded same are highlight, by the m this &ra rale, RijasiAha part, The second pan and it was namod consis alter the Co}a suzerain Rajendra’ (p. 3). Book Reviews 113

Chapter two furnishes the history of shows that during this period officers the construction of the temple. The like dharmakarta were appointed for the sanctum sanctorum with its Srivlmanam temple. In the concluding chapter (chap- having two floors, the ardhamandapa and ter seven) the author has made an asse- the inner prdkdra constitutes the oldest ssment of the role the royalty, the

part of the temple, the other adjuncts bureaucracy and the representative bodies

being added later. The main deity like the Mahasabhd ur, and nagaram

Vedanarayai^a, in the standing posture is played in the maintainence of and wor-

flanked by Vedavalli and Bhuvanavalli. ship in the temple and had drawn the

The worship in the temple is conducted attention of the readers about the agri-

according to Vaikhdnasa-dgama. cultural system, socio-religious activities,

the performance of various festivals etc. In chapter three it is shown how It is really very interesting to note that the the temple-building activities went on royal archives preserved original revenue by phase form llth phase the to the records for more than two centuries and A. d. author 17th century The traces the that they were relied upon to settle dis-

socio-economic aspects of the temple putes and reclaim endowments which had the seven centuries, elucidating during slipped out of possession (p. 54). The

them with epigraphical evidences. It is glossary, index, map and plates are very

interesting to note that the brahmadeya- useful for a quicker understanding of the

agrahara (which was tax-free) tenure was subject. Shri Tiriimalai with his deep

re-converted into ‘velldn-vagai' (tenancy) insight into the economic administration

It is further stated that the king and high sense of cultural perspective

Rajendra chola himself took interest in has made a very successful assessment of

assigning the revenue from the lands to the epigraphical wealth and brought out the temple for its upkeep. In chapter four this comprehensive work which is most the author traces the increasing structural useful to the specialists and students of activities around the earlier temple complex, history alike, for which we have to hear- additions of various sub-shrines etc, and tily congratulate him. The book sets a deals at length with the geo-political model for the study of other temples divisions {nddus). utilising the epigraphical sources. We

congratulate the Institute of Epigraphy of In chapter five the contributions of the Tamil Nadu State Department of Tiruvadi chieftains who suceeded the the Archaeology for publishing a work of Paii.dyas in this part of the country are this type. highlighted. Chapter six deals with the

structural activity around the temple dur- IWadhav N. Katti ing the Vijayanagara period and later and 114 PURABHILEKHA PATRIKA

Banavasi Kadamboni by Ba. Ra. Gopal, tion of the author, while the rest find published by Kadamba Saibskritika Adhya- their place in the dynastic tree (pp.XXV- yana Samsthe, Sirsi, Nortli Kanara Dist., XXX). As an epigraphist, he has also discus- highlights of important First Edition, 1983, pp. I-XXXVI, 1-78, sed about the Rs. 20/- inscriptions.

Part two contains the text of forty- Banavasi Kadambaru, in The book, one inscriptions, ’ together with a summary addition to the Kannada is a welcome and earlier references about the publica- literature after the histrio-epigraphical tion of the epigraphs. The epigraphs are Kula, written by Prof. G. M. Kadamba either on stone or copper plates, the Moraes, in nineteen thirties. Released on latter category (i. e. the copper plates) occasion of the 1st National Seminar the outnumbering the former. The inscriptions on the Kadambas, the earliest indigenous belonging to the first category, are engra- empire builders of Karnataka, the book ved on pillars, rock, door jamb {dvdra- provides at once a ready compendium on bhadha) and slabs. The language is either the history of this dynasty, which deser- Prakrit, Sanskrit or Kannada. The script ves every pertinent attention of the is the box-headed veriety of southern historians and epigraphists, Brahmi known for its beauty. The Sans-

krit inscriptions are either in prose or The book is divided by the author poetry or in champu style and some himself into two parts, the first dealing stand as a testimony to the literary skill with the history of this dynasty and the of the author who composed the record, second providing a ready reference to understand it in its pristine purity by Dr. Gopal has stated that he could the study of .their epigraphs, which are have enriched the work more if he had in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Kanaka, the sufficient time at his disposal, and this majority being in the language second explains why he could not readily lay his ^ mentioned. For the convenience of the hands on the remaining one or two in- researchers Dr. Gopal has also given a scriptions of this period viz,, the Honna- summai'y of epigraph after the text. var plates of Kaikeya Chitrasena, the Durmaya plates, both mentioning Ravi-

Being a historian of repute, Dr. Gopal maharaja and the Kampli inscription of

has spared no pains in portraying, in a the time of Krishnavarraa II mentioning

‘ nutshell, the history of this dynasty Ajavarma. On account of the same rea- though he says in the preamble {arike) son he has also not given a separate that it is reduced due to the short time page of contents, index and plates of’

at his disposal, In part one, there is also inscriptions about which he is fully aware.

a vivid discussion about the Kadamba He has accomplished this task in a diffe- capital Banavasi and the dynastic name rent way by chronologically arranging the

Kadamba, connected with the tree of that inscriptions. It is hoped that he would name (pp. VI I-XV). The more important be able to bring out a second enlarged

rulers have received an individual atten- edition incorporating all these. Book Reviews 115

The scholars dealing with historical up of the book is pleasing. The Kadam-

and epigraphical researches owe a debt ba Saihskritika Adhyayana Samsthe also

of gratitude to Dr. Gopal for placing in richly deserves our hearty appreciation for ,

their hands this book which provides a this pioneering attempt in publishing this

ready reference to the history of this book as the first of its historical series.

dynasty and enables us to make a com-

parative study of their epigraphs. The get Madhav N. Katti

Inscriptions of Rajasthan by heads depending upon the nature and Shri R. V. Somani. Published by Rajasthan object of the epigraph The autlior has

Prakrit Bharati Sansthan, Jaipur: pp. 1-271 devoted the entire second chapter to a and Appendix pp 1-68. study of Jaina inscriptions in providing

Rajasthan is quite rich in epigraphical valuable historical information. The third

sources and thanks to the pioneering chapter is taken up with the study of efforts of antiquarians like James Todd polity and administration and the author's

and D. R. Bhandarkar, they were made treatment of the subject is quite exhaustive known to the scholarly world. It was and informative. In the fourth chapter, however left to scholars like P. C. Nahar, the author takes up the study of socio

Munijinavijayaji to make a survey of economic conditions utilizing the Jaina

Jama inscriptions including the several sources both literary and epigraphical.

hundreds lying scattered all over Rajasthan The fifth chapter is devoted to the study

belonging to medieval and late periods, of Jaina art and architecture. The sixth

transcribe them and publish them in book chapter deals with the Jaina sects, schools

form. It is heartening to find that Shri and festivals. The concluding seventh R. V. Somani took upon himself the hard chapter discusses the important Jaina

task of utilizing this hitherto untapped personages and families figuring in inscrip-

source material and make an indepth tions who have left an impress on the study of the polity, administration, socio- chequered history of Jainism in Rajasthan

economic condition, art and architecture by their various activities. The author besides Jainism in Rajasthan from 10th has provided three valuable appendices. to 17th centuries a. d. as can be gleaned The author has done a commendable

from epigraphs. In this connection, it job in writing this book excellantly using may be pointed out that many of the all the available data and he deserves

epigraphs discovered in Rajasthan are all our thanks. It is to be hoped that very much informative in providing valuable • this work will be a pacesetter for other clues on the taxation system, land scholars to undertake similar studies in measures, currency, polity besides the other states. The printing is good and religious practices and festivals in vogue tidy. The value of the work would have n Jdina temples. been enhanced had the author used the

In the first chapter, the author has diacritical marks. Iyer classified the Jaina inscriptions under five S. S.

PLATE I

TEMBHURNI PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA

(i)

DAMAGED DUPLICATE INSCRIPTION OF POLEKESI I

(Below the inscription of Pallava Narasimhavarman I)

M aivid

PLATE VI

16 Pisanjaon Inscription of Queen Rajamati, Vikraina 1532 ...VENKATeSHA, MYSORE... 78

17 A Sharqi Inscription from Aligarh (Kol) ...S. FARRUKH A. JALALI, ALIGARH... 85

18 Note on Ponangy Plates of Vijayaditya ...M. D. SAMPATH, MYSORE...

19 Bhatgam Inscription of the Naga King Prataparudra

...S. SUBRAMONIA IYER, MYSORE...

20 Scalings of Sthanesara (or Sthanvisvara) from Thanesar Region ...S. P. SHUKLA. KURUKSHETRA... 98

21 Mention of Vatsaraja in the Osian Inscription Dated 1013

and its Significance

...L. K. TRIPATH I, VARANASI... 100

22 A New Inscription of Ereyammarasa from Balligave ...H. R. RAGHUNATH BHAT, MYSORE... 103

23 Anlcalammaguduru Inscription of Ereyapporu ...C. A. PADMANABHA SASTRY, MYSORE... 107 Book Revciws

Plates for Articles Nos. 1, 2, 3, 7, 15, 19 and 20

HONORARY BELLOWS

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