THE QUINTESSENCE of the MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN SOME CONSIDERATIONS in VIEW of the 5Th-7Th C

THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN SOME CONSIDERATIONS IN VIEW OF THE 5th-7th C. A.D. (I) Reading the Alkhan’s document (Schøyen MSS 2241) in religious and political context1

CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB Paris & Lausanne

Résumé Le document Schøyen (MSS 2241, publié par Gudrun Melzer en 2006, offre un bel exemple de la dynamique qui s’instaure entre les principes doctrinaires et religieux et leur reflet dans le discours politique. L’examen du contexte dans lequel s’inscrit cet acte de fondation d’un monument bouddhique, situé vraisemblablement dans les régions actuelles du Nord du Pakistan, met en lumière la complexité du réseau de communication mis en place par l’institution bouddhique sur l’aire très vaste sillonnée, notamment par les Kidarites et les Alkhans au cours du 5e s. de notre ère. Rédigé dans un milieu de fins lettrés, sans doute héritiers de l’école cachemirienne du Deutero Nāgārjuna et de son traducteur le Sérindien Kumārajīva, le document montre l’habilité de son auteur, scoliaste Mādhyamika, qui excelle à composer un texte où les motifs littéraires, religieux et politiques s’adressent à la fois à une société non nécessairement bouddhique (ou si peu) et à ses dirigeants, pour les convaincre de l’autorité du Dharma enseigné par le Buddha. S’il contribue à l’histoire complexe des Alkhans, cet acte de fondation atteste un chapitre inédit de l’histoire du bouddhisme indien et de l’école Madhyamaka en particulier et de son rôle en tant que médiateur dans les affaires du monde.

Abstract The Schøyen document (MSS 2241) published by Gudrun Melzer in 2006, famous for having shed new light on the debated Alkhan’s chronology, invites the reader to question a precise chapter of the religious and political history of Buddhism in the north-western regions. It appears as a deed that commemorates the dedication of a monument, jointly made by a mixed body of religious and secular persons, in a region where, possibly, the Alkhan were trying to take control over the routes, and in particular the salt route. Most interesting a careful analysis of the narrative shows that the document has been redacted in a milieu of literati, in succession to the Kāśmīrian disciples of the Deutero Nāgārjuna and his translator, the Serindian Kumārajīva. In a sophisticated style, the text speaks to a large audience, not necessarily Buddhist (or not very) and to their rulers showing that the Buddha is the sole legitimate to teach the Dharma. If it contributes to the complex history of the Alkhan, the dedica- tory deed opens a novel chapter in the history of the Mādhyamikas, and of his role as mediator in secular affairs.

I AUTHORITATIVE MASTERS AND AUTHORITATIVE TEXTS IN RELIGIOUS CUM POLITICAL CONTEXT presented at the International Workshop on Bhāviveka vs. Candrakīrti, organized by Akira Saito and Anne Macdonald at the University of Tokyo on August 26-28, 2015. The topic presented here is part of a One of the most intriguing question in investigating pluridecennial and still ongoing research on the history of Buddhism the history of textual transmission concerns the condi- with particular focus upon the textual tradition seen as invariably tions of reception of an author’s work. To the historian depending on the ternary relation linking the elements of all forms of communication or transmission, that is the actors of history. This dynam- of Buddhism in India the question is certainly crucial, ics is perse the cause of the infinite contingent possibilities of transfor- mation, that the micro-historical approach may contribute to clarify. See Sincere thanks are addressed to Michael Alram, Luca Maria ‘The Quintessence of the Mādhyamika Teaching Blossoms Again. Some Olivieri, Mathias Pfisterer, Nicolas Sims-Williams, Vincent Tournier and considerations in view of the 5th-7th c. A. D. Part II: Buddhism in Étienne de la Vaissière. Special thanks are due to Oskar von Hinüber. Āndhra after the Ikṣvāku’ (forthcoming); cf. Scherrer-Schaub ‘Copier, As the poet says: Lemériteleuréchoit,leserreurssontseulement Interpréter, transformer, représenter ou des modes de la diffusion des miennes! Écritures et de l’écrit dans le bouddhisme indien’. In Écrireettrans- 1 ‘The Quintessence of the Mādhyamika Teaching Blossoms Again. mettreenIndeclassique, edited by Gérard Colas and Gerdi Gerschhei- Some considerations in view of the 5th-7th c. A. D. Part I & II’ has been mer. Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient, 2009: 151-172, 157.

JournalAsiatique 306.1 (2018): 115-146 doi: 10.2143/JA.306.1.3284959 116 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB though immensely difficult to answer. Due to the rarity with the epilogue appended to Candrakīrti’s Yuktiṣaṣṭi- of informative records, the inquiry starts usually with the kāvṛtti.4 survey of all existing quotations in other sources. When The Sanskrit and Tibetan translations of the *Madhya- however, the historian meets the uncertainty of dates — a makaśāstrastuti (Mśs) have been edited and translated fact frequently experienced — he is then confronted with into French by Jan W. de Jong. Despite the fact that the a sisyphean, and yet extremely stimulating, labour. date of its original composition is matter of conjecture, Our concern about the conditions in which a text is the Mśs is the first Indian evidence recording the names transmitted is motivated by the fact that, invariably, these of the preceding Mādhyamika Masters, starting with the lead to the context(s) which give(s) currency to a specific learned (sudhī) Nāgārjuna, the ancestor of the lineage, work; context(s) that, said in passing, may vary and even followed by Rāhulabhadra, [Ārya]deva, Buddhapālita be, apparently, diametrical opposed. This is the case with and Bhāvin, that is Bhā(va)viveka. In addition it also texts that move in philosophical circles, while their mes- contains the first list of Nāgārjuna’s treatises (kār 10). sage, doctrine, and/or ideology emerge into the discourse While to enter a detailed analysis of the *Madhyam- ofpolitics. In turn, text-transmission and text-reception akaśāstrastuti far exceeds the present scope, worth not- invite to analyze the various modalities ofreading the ing in passing is the interesting ‘extended epithet’ given addressed text that, obvious and trite, will determine the to Nāgārjuna in the final stanza (kār 14cd), where Can- reader/addressee’s interpretation, who is not necessarily drakīrti, in the first person singular, proclaims a singular person. This is the case for instance when the I bend down [to the feet of] Nāgārjuna who is like the eye text is adressed to and received by a specific society, as by means of which the infinite/boundless Buddha’s word in the case of the Alkhan’s document taken in considera- is made visible for the living beings; he who out of com- tion here. passion has composed the Madhyamakaśāstra! Since long we have been focussing our research upon the dynamic instaured by the doctrinal and religious cakṣurbhūtamanantabuddhavacanasyālocanedehināṃ/ yo‘muṃ madhyamakaṃ cakāra kṛpayā nāgārjunas taṃ tenets as they are reflected in the discourse of politics, in name//kār14cd5 India and outside. In the specific case of the early Madhya- maka school, while we know relatively little about the The list of Masters having commented Nāgārjuna’s way that the texts of these Masters were transmitted and Mūlamadhyamakaśāstra (MMK)6 that we find in the Mśs received, the historian may begin his inquiry with the *Madhyamakaśāstrastuti (Mśs). This Ode in praise (stuti) 4 See Cristina Scherrer-Schaub Yuktiṣāṣṭikāvṛtti.Commentaireàla of the Madhyamaka’s fundamental treatise and doctrine soixantainesurleraisonnement(Yuktiṣāṣṭikā)deNāgārjunaou‘Du nd of Nāgārjuna (2 c. CE) is attributed to Candrakīrti vraienseignementdelacausalité’parleMaîtreindienCandrakīrti. (7th c. CE). It appears at the end of a Nepalese manuscript Bruxelles, Institut Belge des hautes Études Chinoises, 1991. Mélanges of the Prasannapadā/Mūlamadhyamakakārikāvṛtti, kept chinois&bouddhiques (MCB) volume XXV: 97 (Tibetan), 312-313. Moreover, Candrakīrti, in commenting the introductory stanza in praise in the Keshar Library, Kathmandu (catalogue N° 9-182), of the Buddha, to the (rhetorical) question ‘Why the Master in his Śūn- 2 discovered by Giuseppe Tucci, and is preserved in the yatāsaptati and the Vigrahavyāvartanī has not added an introductory Tibetan translation of the Prasannapadā where the stanza in praise of the Buddha while he enounces it [in the Yuktiṣāṣṭikā] fourthteen stanzas figure as epilogue (sDe dge, mdo Ḥa that it equally deals with the Doctrine of the Madhyamaka’? — Can- fol. 198b5-200a3); in its tenor and literary genre, which drakīrti responds ‘The Śūnyatāsaptati and the Vigrahavyāvartanī originate 3 from the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā; given that these works do not exist as intensively favours the śleṣas, the Mśs may be compared indipendent and separate treatises (as the YṢ does), they do not include the introductory stanza in Praise of the Buddha’, see op.cit.107 and n. 14. 5 This interesting paraphrase rendering the epithet lokacakṣus 2 See Jan W. de Jong ‘La Madhyamakaśāstrastuti de Candrakīrti’ could, theoretically and possibly even practically, have been known to OriensExtremus 9 1962: 47-56, 47 and 57. The title of this Ode has Bu ston and other Tibetan scholars who considered it as the antecedent been borrowed by J. W. de Jong from the colophon appended to the of the term ‘translator’ (lotsāba), see Cristina Scherrer-Schaub ‘Con- manuscript discovered by G. Tucci. The *Madhyamakaśāstrastuti counts sidérations sur le travail de traduction et d’édition des textes indiens au 14 stanzas in śārdulavikrīḍita meter. See Anne MacDonald InClear Tibet’. In Anne Chayet, Cristina Scherrer-Schaub, Françoise Robin et Words.ThePrasannapadā,ChapterOne. Wien, ÖAW, 2015, vol. I: Jean-Luc Achard Ed. Édition,éditions:l’écritauTibet,évolutionet 59-60 where the manuscript figures as MsD. de Jong (1962: 47) noted devenir. Acte du Colloque, Paris 28-31 mai 2008. München, Indus ‘[L]e manuscrit qui n’est pas daté est écrit en écriture népalaise tar- Verlag – Collectanea Himalayica 3, 2010; 307-320, 308 and n. 5. The dive’, MacDonald 2015 I: 62, n. 59 cites the opinion of Kragh according praise of Nāgārjuna (Mśs kār 14d), albeit being differently phrased, to whom the ‘manuscript may belong to the late nineteenth or twentieth presents a similar tenor as the second introductory verse of the Prasan- century’. napadā, see Anne MacDonald In Clear Words. The Prasannapadā, 3 Sylvain Brocquet, in his article ‘Stratégie du jeu de mots dans le ChapterOne. Wien, ÖAW, 2015, vol. I: 115, II: 8. Cf.Dīgha Nikāya II, kāvya des panégyriques épigraphiques’, in: N. Balbir Ed. Langues,style, xvi, 6.19: atikhippaṃcakkhuṃlokeantarahitan’ti| Too soon has the structuredanslemondeindien. Paris, H. Champion, 1996: 469-495, eye [of the world] quitted the world! 469-471 and notes, investigates the various uses of the śleṣaor ‘jeu de 6 See Yuichi Kajiyama ‘Bhāvaviveka’s Prajñāpradīpaḥ (1. Kapitel)’, mots’, and gives a precious and detailed categorization. in: K. Mimaki et al. Eds. Y.KajiyamaStudiesinBuddhistPhilosophy THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 117 is restricted to the Mādhyamikas and does not include yasamutpāda,and firmly assert a ‘reality’ (tattva)11 that outsider philosophers, such as the Yogācāras. The Tibetan differs from the word of the Munīndra; and also those colophon of the Mūlamadhyamakavṛtti)/*Akutobhayā, who with bad intelligence erroneously make know the allegedly attributed to Nāgārjuna, as well as Avalokitavra- [Buddha] word.12Particularly (kār 8) ta’s Prajñāpradīpaṭīkā,lists among other commentators those who today indulge in the ability of establishing the Sthiramati (c. 510-570), while the catalogue of the Taishō, meaning with mere recourse to rhetoric devises (utprekṣā- besides Piṅgala’s Zhonglun translated by Kumā rajīva, racitārthamātranipuṇe) and having been intoxicated by contains the Qin-Zhinglun of Asaṅga (c. 320-400/330- drinking the sweeth liquor of philosophical speculation 7 405) that comments the first stanza of the MMK and the (unmatte ‘tha nipīya tarkamadirāṃ), they have gone far ‘eight negative epithets applied to the pratītyasamut- away from the right path (dūraṃgatesatpathād). The Bud- pāda’ (cf.infra p. 127, § II.2). If needed, this exem plarily dhist thought is perturbated /troubled, destituted/deprived demonstrates that texts could be transmitted outside the [as it is] of the [knowledge of] ‘reality’ proclaimed by the restricted cenacle of their authors and lineages. Asaṅga’s Omniscient: fortunate is he who, even for a while, keeps commentary is kept only in Chinese (T. 1565) and has aloof of doubt [that generates speculation and] enters 13 been translated by Gautama Prajñāruci in the deeply into emptiness (śūnyatāṃgāhate)! th 6 c. Confirming thus that the theme was in vogue at the Philosophical speculation is present in early Buddhist same epoch of the Alkhan’s document that will be ana- literature, and debate on specific doctrinal tenets or dis- 8 lyzed here. ciplinary rules, and this is well known — were discussed Implicitly thus the *Madhyamakaśāstrastuti (Mśs at various occasions, particularly in the case of the kār 4-8), supported by the fundamental teaching of the saṃgītis, the chapitresdelarègle as they were perspica- Mādhya mika Master, acknowledges Nāgārjuna and his ciously named by Sylvain Lévi. And the 5th and 6th cen- 9 Madhyamakaśāstra (MMK)’s primacy over the true/right turies will see, among other ferments, a renewed interest exegesis of the Buddha’s profound teaching of the pra- in the history of the nikāyas from the part of two repre- tītyasamutpādathat ‘discards / destroys the two / pair of sentatives of the Yogācāra and Madhyamaka schools, extremes/antonymes’ (nirākṛtau kṛtam idaṃ śāstraṃ Paramārtha (500-569 CE) and Bhā(va)viveka (c. 490- hatāntadvayaṃ// kār 5d), a philosophical tenet to which 570 CE), who were not only coevals but also living in adheres the redactor of the Alkhan chart (see infra p. 127- proximity, at least for part of their life. The Samaya- 128, § II.2). bhedopacaranacakrathe comprehensive treatise on the 10 This momentous exegetical principle (naya) is des- [successive] divisions of the Buddhist schools composed tined to all those who, for various reasons, detailed in by Vasumitra (c. 350) and whose original is lost, was kār 5, cannot understand the true meaning of the pratīt- translated three time into Chinese, first by Kumārajīva (trsl. between 402-412), followed by Paramārtha (trsl. (Selectedpapers). Kyoto, Rinsen Book Co, 19891963: 417-442, 417- 557-569) and finally, in 662, by Xuanzang (600/602-664 418; D. Seyfort Ruegg, TheLiteratureoftheMadhyamakaSchoolof CE) whose ambiguous attitude toward Paramārtha is well PhilosophyinIndia. Wiesbaden, O. Harrassowitz, 1981: 49; Chika- recorded in Chinese sources.14 It is worth noting that the fumi Watanabe ‘A translation of the Madhyamakahṛdayakārikā with the TarkajvālāIII.137-146’ JIABS vol. 21.1, 1998: 125-155, 144, n. 5. 7 The first dates of Asaṅga follows Y. Kajiyama, op.cit. 418, while 11 On the meaning of this term, see Scherrer-Schaub 1991: 130, n. 77, the second that of Florin Deleanu, TheChapterontheMundanePath 149 (ad YṢ kār 7), 185-186 (ad YṢ kār 17) and n. 283, 237-238 (ad (Laukikamārga)intheŚrāvakabhūmi.ATrilingualEdition(Sanskrit, YṢ kār 30) and nn. 457-458. Tibetan,Chinese). Volume I, Tokyo IIBS, 2006: (187-)194-196, 196 and 12 Mśs kār 4-5, de Jong 1962: 50: yasmātsarvaguṇākaro‘yam n. 266. udito buddhair atas tatkathā śāstre madhyamaka ‘tha vistaratarā 8 The narratio, as will be shown, ends with the MMK’s introductory mukhyātmanāvarṇita // kāruṇyadrutacetasā pravacanaṃ buddhvā verse (see infra § II.2, p. 127-128). Actually Gautama Prajñāruci, who yathāvasthitaṃbuddhānāṃtanayenatenasudhiyānāgārjunenādarāt translated the commentary of Asaṅga, reached China in 516, possibly //gambhīraṃjinaśāsanāṃnahijanoyovettitatsaṃvidemaunīdrād carrying with him an exemplar of the text. The alleged fact that Paramār- vacasaḥpṛthaṅnigadituṃvāñchantitattvaṃcaye//anyeye‘pikubud- tha (500-569) tells us that Asaṅga was born in Puruṣapura (Gandhāra) dhayaḥpravacanaṃvyācakṣatecānyathāteṣāṃcāpinirākṛtaukṛtam could reinforce the presumption that Nāgārjuna’s revival in the Northern idaṃśāstraṃhatāntadvayaṃ// Cf. MMK I.1 and YṢ 1. regions might have been the result of a combined connection of Gandhāra 13 Mśs kār 8, de Jong 1962: 50: utprekṣāracitāmātranipuṇe with Kāśmīr and the surrounding regions, see infra p. 119-122. dūraṃgatesatpathādunmatte‘thanipīyatarkamadirāṃloke‘dhunā 9 We adopt here the appellation Madhyamakaśastra used by Can- bhūyasā/sarvajñoditatattvabodharahitebauddhematevyākuledhanyo drakīrti in the Madhyamakaśāstrastutiand, for clarity sake,the abrevi- ‘saukṣaṇamapyapāsyavimatiṃyaḥśūnyatāṃgāhate// ation MMK following the alternative title of Nāgārjuna fundamental 14 It may nonetheless be said that the obscurity in which the great treatise, i. e. Mūlamadhyamakakārikā. See Anne MacDonald InClear Indian scholar, who reached China in 546 via Cambodia, was even- Words.ThePrasannapadā,ChapterOne. Wien, ÖAW, 2015, vol. I: tually left is all the more regrettable that Paramārtha’s comprehensive 10, n. 30. commentary upon Vasumitra’s treatise could have revealed precious 10 See Yuktiṣaṣṭikāvṛtti (ad YṢ kār 1), Scherrer-Schaub 1991: 113- historical clues. Cf. the fine analysis of Paul Demiéville ‘L’origine des 114 and n. 31-32. sectes bouddhiques d’après Paramārtha’ MBC I 1931-32, 1932: 15-64, 118 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB derivational ‘tree’ listing the subsequent ramifications of the Madhyamaka’s works were read and/or transmitted the ‘original’ saṃgha into different lines of transmission outside the circle of the school itself.18 And this, as will be circulated already before Vasumitra. After him, the seen, prompts the historian to enlarge the conspectus of his MadhyamakahṛdayavṛttiTarkajvālā, in commenting the research, if not his Weltanschaung. pūrvapakṣa of the fourth chapter (Śravakatattvaniścayā- If we consider the ‘stellate itinerary/ies’ that we may vatāra/ Ñan thos kyi de kho na ñid ‘jug pa, adkār 8cd), trace when following the transmission of Buddhist refers to three different traditions relating the history of masters, texts, and translations we see that these were the Nikāyas that, in short, may be included under two moving in an open world where, as shown previously, broad categories of ‘northern’ and ‘southern’ traditions. philosophical tenets, ideologic and narrative motifs were In this passage, Bhā(va)viveka or the so far unidentified travelling far and wide and, often, within a short period presumed author of the Tarkajvālā, extensively comments of time. It is possible to trace several lines of the ‘stellate upon the Śrāvaka’s doctrinal tenets, philosophically itinerary’, starting from a southern cusp in Āndhradeśa questioning their validity in view of the quest of the to a northern’one in Gandhāra, Kāśmīr and further away, knowledge of reality (tattvajñāna). following at once the first inscriptions attesting the con- Like Bhā(va)viveka, Nāgārjuna (c. 2nd CE), Āryadeva nections of religious institutions and religiouses from the (c. 170-270 CE), or Dignāga (c. 400-480 CE) who, said in opposite cusps,19 and the parcours of the narrative pre- passing, may well be/have been the target of Candrakīrti’s dictions or legendary accounts centred upon Nāgārjuna, critique against the tārkikas (cf. Mśs kār 8, supra p. 4),15 and that we see bursting quasi synchronically about the in their philosophical inquiry into the knowledge of reality, second part of the 3th c., and fully blossoming in the fol- were presenting and (rhetorically or not) debating with the lowing centuries. While presumably the oldest legendary outer and inner schools of Indian philosophy, with the account, the Dao‘an (312-385)’s Xiyuzhi,will eventually scope of assessing the validity of their own system; in so be assimilated in hagiography,20 the predictions trans- doing, they were implicitly acting as the first historians of mitted by a specific group of sūtras, later on labelled as Indian philosophy. Moreover, in reporting and critically mahāyānasūtras,21 will enter the political scene. discussing the major philosophical tenets of these schools (Buddhist and non-Buddhist), they were the first to con- sider the philosophical problematic in an overall view.16 and XIII, with the commentaries of Dharmapāla and Candrakīrti. Conversely, and as seen in the case of Asaṅga and Para- Wien, ATBS, 1990, vol. I: 8 and notes. 18 mārtha who, incidentally, translated into Chinese Nāgār- This fact is common, albeit not always noticed nor accepted. See Cristina Scherrer-Schaub ‘Vinaya Masters and Vinaya treatises and juna’s Ratnāvalī (T. 1656), or Dharmapāla (530-561) their role in diffusing Indian Buddhism to the Bahirdeśaka’, paper pre- 17 who commented Āryadeva’s Catuḥśataka (T. 1571), sented at the XVIth Conference of the IABS, Taiwan June 2011 (to appear). We will return to several aspects of the reception of the Madhyamaka in ‘The Quintessence of the Mādhyamika Teaching Blossoms Again. who in passing notes (1932: 16) ‘Paramārtha est sans doute le plus Part II: Buddhism in Āndhradeśa after the Ikṣvākus’. grand, en tout cas le plus cultivé et le plus érudit de tous les mission- 19 See ‘The Quintessence of the Mādhyamika Teaching Blossoms aires hindous qui vinrent prêcher le bouddhisme à la Chine, où il reçut Again. Part II: Buddhism in Āndhradeśa after the Ikṣvākus’. cette consécration de devenir une figure légendaire; on raconte qu’il 20 Dao‘an ‘auteur de la première bibliographie méthodique du traversait l’eau sur des roseaux, comme Bodhidharma. On rapporte canon bouddhique’ compiles the Xiyuzhi ‘à partir des récits oraux ou encore, ce qui est plus sérieux, qu’il était le seul maître du bouddhisme écrits (mais dont on ne sait absolument rien)’. The Xiyuzhi ‘contient chinois devant lequel s’inclinait Hiuan-tsang. Que ce dernier ait cher- quelques brèves allusions à des épisodes de la vie du Buddha qu’il ché à éclipser son illustre prédécesseur, rien de plus humain; aussi ne localise’, see Jean-Pierre Drège Faxian.Mémoiresurlespaysbouddhi- manquera-t-il pas une occasion de relever ses bévues ou de contester ques.Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 2013: X. Worth noting a passage of the ses interprétations, dont il lui arrivait pourtant de faire son profit’. Xiyuzhi of Dao‘an, cited by a later author (T. 2122, k. 38, 589a) which, 15 Inprimis of course Bhā(va)viveka; then Dignāga and possibly according to Étienne Lamotte who translate this passage (TGVS III even others, see ‘The Quintessence of the Mādhyamika Teaching Blos- xxxviii-xxxix), is ‘la mention la plus ancienne concernant Nāgārjuna’ soms Again. Part II: Buddhism in Āndhradeśa after the Ikṣvākus’. and that, in describing the rites of devotion paid to the stūpas, introduces 16 For reasons that largerly exceed the present scope, we feel per- the narrative motif of the offering of flowered parasols that ‘s’élèvent sonally reluctant to use the expression ‘doxography’ to designate this eux-mêmes de terre et, en tourbillonnant, montent graduellement’, an literary genre. The authors indeed go far beyond the record of the var- image that appears in the introductory stanza of the Karmavibhaṅga, ious opinions of the Indian philosophers, they rather enter into a critical a text widely diffused and, as noted by Melzer, partially echoed in discussion being thus more close to the early mediæval philosophical verse 3 of the Schøyen document (M 275). discussions, as for instance with Boethius (c. 480-524) who, said in 21 For an example of early attestation, cf. the colophon of the passing, was a contemporary of Bhā(va)viveka. The historian on his Schøyen fragmented MS of the Śrīmālā[devīsiṃhanāda]sūtra,: Śrīmā- part critically approaches the various philosophical systems, not with- ādevīsiṃha[nāda]nirde[śa]sūtraṃ |) [e](kayāna)ṃ [ma](h)[opā](ya) vai- out neglecting the social and political background, as will be shown in tulye abhijñā[taṃ] śrīmālāsūtra] etat ||; the text is part of a collection ‘The Quintessence of the Mādhyamika Teaching Blossoms Again. Part of mahāyānasūtras, see Kazunobu Matsuda ‘The Mahāyāna Sūtra II: Buddhism in Āndhradeśa after the Ikṣvākus’. Manuscript’ and ‘Śrīmālādevīsiṃhanādanirdeśa’, in: Jens Braarvig et alii 17 Cf. Tom Tillemans MaterialsforthestudyofĀryadeva,Dhar- (Eds.) BuddhistManuscriptsVolumeIII. Oslo, Hermes Publishing, 2006: mapālaandCandrakīrti.TheCatuḥśatakaofĀryadeva,chaptersXII 61-76, 74. THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 119

Expressed in the Mahāmeghasūtra and the Laṅkāvatā- Mādhyamika Masters, for reasons not yet settled, shows rasūtra these predictions claim the supremacy of Nāgār- a sudden break. This rupture however is partially filled juna’s teaching on the basis of his having been endowed by the proved circulation of texts, as for instance the fact with power by the Buddha himself. This post-eventum that the Madhyamakaśāstra (or part of it) continues to be narrative motif — Nāgārjuna doctrine indeed already makes commented in outsider’s circles, and translated into Chi- this point very clear — marks a rupture with the former nese, and Asaṅga and Kumārajīva stand out as the firsts traditional authoritative criteria,22 enriches the dossier in granting transmission to the Indian Master. Asaṅga’s defence of the Mahāyāna, and attests the great unfailing commentary on the beginning of the Madhyamakaśāstra fame of the religious figure of Nāgārjuna who, like the including the ‘eight epithets’ that discard the pair of Buddha, is a sublime exegete and a skilful hermeneut. But extremes (antadvaya) applied to the entities (bhāva) pro- there is more. The Mahāmeghasūtra,besides the predic- duced by causes and conditions (pratītyasamutpanna), tion stating that Nāgārjuna will, in the future and in the was possibly composed in the second part of the 4th c. Suviśuddhaprabhābhūmi, appear as the Tathāgata Jñānā- or later, and translated into Chinese in 543 by Gautama karaprabha, equally conveys a well structured political Prajñāruci, a native of Benares (Vārāṇasī) who reached cum religious ideological motif that will become a power- China in 516 (cf.supran. 8). This again, and as seen, ful instrument in assessing the Buddhist religion, as well shows that the theme that will be found in the religious as a precious contribution to the textual corpus intervening cum political discourse was popular precisely at the time in State protection. Moreover, the Mahāmeghasūtra that when the Alkhans were present in Gandhāra and nearby incidentally is preserved in a manuscript of Gilgit,23 and regions (see infraPart III). the Ratnameghaknown for their impact on Chinese pol- The activity of Kumārajīva (c. 344-413/350-409) as itics24 link Nāgārjuna to the Āndhradeśa, and allude to translator and commentator revealed momentous for the the role of the Noble ladies of the Ikṣvāku family, known transmission of the doctrine of the Madhyamaka school to in inscriptions at Nāgārjunikoṇḍa. China.25 Toward the end of his life (409 CE) the Serindian Master translated into Chinese the Madhyamakaśāstraof The Mādhyamika Masters’s ‘silent period’ and the Nāgārjuna with the commentary of *Piṅgala. Kumāra- outsider transmitters jīva, who was a contemporary of Asaṅga (c. 320-400 / 330-405), reached Kāśmīr, together with his mother, at From the date of the presumed passing away of Ārya- the age of nine and resided there during three years or so. deva in 270 to the beginning of Buddhapālita’s floruit in He could have heard about the Indian Master since, the late 5th-beginning of the 6th century the lineage of the according to his biographers Paramārtha and Xuanzang, Asaṅga was a ‘child of Gandhāra’.26 Kumārajīva’s magnaoperaincludethe translation of 22 On the cattāromahāpadesā and their development, see TGVS I: the *Mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra (T. 1509) attributed to 536, n. 1. Cf. Cristina Scherrer-Schaub ‘Le terme yukti. Première étude.’ Étudesasiatiques, vol. XXV.2, 1981: 193-195. a(deutero)Nāgārjuna, an extensive commentary on the 23 Kept in the Srinagar collection, see Oskar von Hinüber ‘The PañcaviṃśatisāhasrikāPrajñāpāramitā. Together with Gilgit Manuscripts: an Ancient Buddhist Library in Modern Research’, the *Mahāvibhāṣā’s27 comprehensive and in depth com- in Paul Harrison and Jens-Uwe Hartmann FromBirchBarktoDigital mentaries on the Jñānaprasthāna / *Aṣṭaskandhaśāstra Data:recentAdvancesinBuddhistManuscriptResearch.Paperspre- sentedattheConferenceIndicBuddhistmanuscripts.TheStateofthe Field.Stanford,June15-192009.Wien, ÖAW, 2014:79-135, 113. Cf. 25 See TGVS III p. xxxix-xl; Hōbōgirin s.v. chūgan, 486b-487a. On also Klaus Wille ‘Survey of the Identified Sanskrit Manuscripts in the the life of Kumārajīva according to the Chinese sources, see Sylvie Hureau Hoernle, Stein, and Skrine Collections of the British Library (London)’, Kumārajīva(env.344-413)conseillerdesprinces,traducteuretinstiga- in: op. cit. 2014: 223-246, 226 (Mahāmeghaand Laṅkāvatārasūtra!), teurd’uneorthodoxiebouddhiqueenChine. Thèse Inalco, Paris 2002- and 229 (Sūtrasamuccaya ‘ascribed to Nāgārjuna’). On the momentous 2003 (accessible at the Institut d’Études chinoises, Collège de France). role played by the Ratnameghaand the Laṅkāvatāra in the early phase 26 Paul Demiéville had already noticed the possible contemporary of the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet (end 7th-beg. 8th c.), see presence of Kumārajīva, who was in Kašgar ca. 355, and the alleged Cristina Scherrer-Schaub ‘Enacting Words. A Diplomatic Analysis of presence of Asaṅga and Vasubandhu in Peshawar, see [Compte rendu the Tibetan Imperial Decrees (bkasbcad) and their Application in the de] ‘Étienne Lamotte. Le Traité de la grande vertu de sagesse de Nāgār- Sgrasbyorbampogñispa’s tradition’ JIABS vol. 25.1-2, 20022003: juna (Mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra), tome II, chapitres XVI-XXX, Biblio- 263-340, 301-316, 327, and on the Ratnamegha terminology in the thèque du Muséon, volume 18. Louvain, 1949’, Journalasiatique 1950: ‘early’ Mahāvyutpatti331-332. 382, n. 2. Worth mentioning in passing is the fact, reported by Sylvain 24 See Paul Demiéville LesversionschinoisesduMilindapañha. Lévi, that Xuanzang (600/602-664 CE) who knew the place of birth of Appendice II. Sur un passage du Mahāmeghasūtra. BEFEO vol. 24, Asaṅga, nonetheless indulges in ‘writing history’ and moves Asaṅga’s 1924: 218-230; Antonino Forte PoliticalPropagandaandIdeologyin floruit(if not his birth) to Ayodhyā, the Gupta’s capital. See Sylvain China at the End of the Seventh Century. Inquiry into the nature, Lévi Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra. Paris, Honoré Champion, 1907/1: 3. authorsandfunctionoftheTunhuangDocumentS6502Followedby 27 On the various Vibhāṣās, commenting upon the Jñānaprasthāna anAnnotatedTranslation. Napoli, Istituto universitario orientale - Semi- or *Aṣṭaskandhaśāstra, see Charles Willemen, Bart Dessein and Collett nario di studi asiatici, 1976. Cox SarvāstivādaBuddhistScholasticism. Leiden, Brill, 1998: 232-239. 120 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB which, said in passing, is among the Abhidharma trea- The biography of Kumārajīva written ca. 530, the tises that Kumārajīva studied in Kašgar,28 they constitute Gaoseng zhuan (T. 2059), tells us that he studied the the two major encyclopedic scholastic monuments of Āgama in Kāśmīr at the feet of Bandhudatta, at that time Buddhism in Classical India, that were transmitted by the a famous Master and cousin of the king.30 Most interest- Kāśmīri tradition. And once again we meet with singular ing for the present inquiry is the fact that when at the age synchronisms, since the earliest translation into Chinese of twelve Kumārajīva and his mother left Kāśmīr on their of a Vibhāṣā commentary (T. 1547) was done in 383 in way back to Kučā, they spent two years in Kašgar,31 Chang‘an, apparently the same year when Kumārajīva, where he studied the Abhidharma and, says the Gaoseng aged thirty-nine, was moved from Kučā and kept zhuan, was invited by the (petty) king of Kašgar who, prisoner in Lanzhou (Gansu) from where, in 401/402, he moved by terrestrial reason of political prestige, ‘had was transferred to Chang‘an, actively retaking his work arranged the throne to preach the Dharmacakrapravar- as translator at the Caotang-si ‘about 30 km south of tanasūtra’.32 While studying the allodox (including Vedic Ch‘ang-an, with 800 scholars of the doctrine gathered literature)33 and heterodox treatises Kumārajīva was from all over China and produced an unparalled corpus introduced into the Mahāyāna by the two neighbouring of Buddhist texts into universally highly praised Chinese princelets of Yarkand;34 at this occasion the younger translations’.29 brother (and śramaṇa! cf.infra n. 57) taught to him the manifesto of the Madhyamaka school, the Anavataptanā- 28 If necessary this shows once again that the abhidharmic scolas- garājaparipṛcchā (T. 635), also known as the Anavatap- tic tradition (and not only!) is shared by various religious obediences, tahradāpasamaṇasūtra,quoted by Nāgārjuna in his Yuk- and naturally coexists with the mahāyānic oriented milieu. See Cristina tiṣaṣṭikā,35 frequently cited by the (deutero)-Nāgārjuna in Scherrer-Schaub, Richard Salomon and Stefan Baums ‘Buddhist Inscriptions from Termez (Usbekistan): A New Comprehensive Edition his *Mahāprajñāparamitāśāstra and largerly cited and and Study’ Indo-Iranian Journal 55, 2012: 139-170, 142-145. Cf. alluded to by Candrakīrti and the Mādhyamika Masters. Cristina Scherrer-Schaub ‘Conveying India to the Pamir and further The allusion to the Anavataptahradāpasamaṇasūtraand away. On divine hierarchy and political paradigms in Buddhist texts’, its juxtaposition with the Dharmacakrapravartanasūtra in: Erika Forte Ed. RethinkingtheInterplayofReligions,ArtandPol- iticsacrosstheTarimBasin5thto10thcentury. Worshop Ancient Asian Networks, Bochum 25-26 June 2014 (paper submitted to the editor on the 23 of September 2015), n. 8: ‘And the necessity of studying Bud- 30 Rhie, Marylin Martin EarlyBuddhistArtofChinaandCentral dhism in a broad perspective is, of course, not limited to this particular Asia. Leiden, Brill 1999 2 vols. Vol. 1: 389. case. Buddhist religiouses were also literati and as such were certainly 31 Sylvie Hureau gives precious indications comparing various not confining their intellectual interest to a limited ‘orthodoxical’ sources; on the duration of Kumārajīva’s stay in the region of Kašgar, library. Thus we know for instance that fragments of the Khotanese see her Kumārajīva(env.344-413)conseillerdesprinces,traducteur ‘Book of Zambasta’ whose ‘mahāyānistic’ nature is undeniable were et instigateur d’une orthodoxie bouddhique en Chine. Thèse Inalco, found in Šorčuq, near Turfan, see Mario Maggi ‘The manuscript T III Paris 2002-2003: 149, n. 58. Cf.Rhie, Marylin Martin EarlyBuddhist S 16: Its Importance for the History of Khotanese Literature’ in: Des- ArtofChinaandCentralAsia. Leiden, Brill 1999 2 vols. Vol. 1: 387- mond Durkin-Meisterernst et alii. TurfanRevised–TheFirstCentury 403. The Dharmacakrapravartanasūtra records the allegedly first ofResearchintotheArtsandCulturesoftheSilkRoad. Berlin, Dietrich (prathama) teaching delivered at Vãrãṇasī when at that occasion the Reimer, 2004: 184-190, 184a and 457 Pl. 35 and 36. In her recent Buddha taught the four noble truths (catvāryāryasatyāni).Cf.infrap. article ‘Indic and Khotanese Manuscripts: Some News Finds and Find- 126. ings from Xinjiang’ (2014: 269, 278, 271) Duan Qing notes à propos 32 See Rhie, Marylin Martin EarlyBuddhistArtofChinaandCen- a fragment of Abhidharma found in Khotan that this ‘seems to imply tral Asia. Leiden, Brill 1999 2 vols. Vol. 1: 390; Sylvie Hureau that there was a possible existence of Śrāvakayāna Buddhism in this Kumārajīva(env.344-413)conseillerdesprinces,traducteuretinstiga- area’. As a matter of fact, the Śrāvakas are indeed mentioned in the teurd’uneorthodoxiebouddhiqueenChine. Thèse Inalco, Paris 2002- Book of Zambasta, in chapter 13 (R. E. Emmerick TheBookofZam- 2003: 154-155. basta. AKhotanesePoeminBuddhism. London, Oxford University 33 The (deutero)-Nāgārjuna, the presumed author of the Mppś Press, 1968: 185-211, 185) that among others ‘describes the three vehi- (T. 1509),translated by Kumārajīiva, knows the Epic and the Upaniṣads, cles of Buddhism, the Mahāyāna, the Pratyekabuddhayāna, and the mentions allodox’s philosophical tenets, daily practices, ritual perfor- Śrāvakayāna (13.1-19). Eight comparisons from the Praśnavyākara- mances with, at time, veiled if not overt severe critics. ṇasūtra and the Vinayaviniścayasūtra,illustrating their different merits, 34 Here again, the narrative varies according to the various Chinese are then given (13.20-38). Details follow on the advantages of the sources, see Sylvie Hureau Kumārajīva(env.344-413)conseillerdes Mahāyāna and the disadvantages of the Śrāvakayāna (13.39-158).’ Said princes,traducteuretinstigateurd’uneorthodoxiebouddhiqueenChine. in passing, these passages show strong similarities with some topics and Thèse Inalco, Paris 2002-2003: 154-156. tropes that we find in Mādhyamika literature, we will come back to this 35 On the Anavataptahradāpasamaṇasūtra, the Mādhyamika’s in ‘The Quintessence of the Mādhyamika Teaching Blossoms Again. ‘manifesto’, and its role in the interpretation of the pratītyasamutpāda, Part II: Buddhism in Āndhradeśa after the Ikṣvākus’. It is well known see Cristina Scherrer-Schaub Yuktiṣāṣṭikāvṛtti. Commentaire à la that religiouses from various obediences were crossing in Khotan, as soixantainesurleraisonnement(Yuktiṣāṣṭikā)deNāgārjunaou‘Du this was the case everywhere. But that the existence of texts of vraienseignementdelacausalité’parleMaîtreindienCandrakīrti. Abhidharma shall necessarily be linked to the Śrāvakayāna is far from Bruxelles, Institut Belge des hautes Études Chinoises, 1991. Mélanges being certain, see the present passage and notes. chinois & bouddhiques (MCB) volume XXV): 114, n. 38, 188-192 and 29 Rhie, Marylin MartinEarlyBuddhistArtofChinaandCentralAsia. 188, n. 290, 221, n. 398, 289, kār 48 and n. 617. And the extensive Leiden, Brill 1999 2 vols. Vol. 1: 388. commentaries, ib.221-222, n. 398 and 240-243, n. 462. THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 121

Fig. 1. Thalpan: the dharmacakrapravartana that took place in Vārāṇasī, in the Ṛṣipatana Mṛgadāva. From Gérard Fussman ANP 2 1993: 1-60, Pl. 8; ANP 3 1994:1-72, fig. 9.

in this episode of Kumārajīva’s life is extremely preg- the Gandhāran temple plan with a central stūpa in a square nant, though its treatment far exceeds the present scope. court surrounded by smaller rooms and halls. Though modified from the pure Gandhāran model, such as seen at Interesting to note from the point of view of the present Takht-i-Bahi ca. Ist century A. D. (fig. 3.92) or the mon- historical and geographical context, is the presence of a astery of Taxila and Haḍḍa, in general it can probably be rock-drawing at Thalpan, depicting the first Dharmaca- linked to that tradition. A closer comparison occurs with krapravartana, that contributes the body of evidence gath- the courtyard plan of the temples of Kara-tepe in northern ered here. According to Gérard Fussman (ANP 2 1993: Bactria, such as seen in B (fig. 3.94). 1-60, 21-24 and Pl. 8 reproduced here, see Fig. 1 ; ANP 3 1994: 57-72 + 9 ill., 67-68 and n. 46), these drawings As to complex B and D, they ‘appear to date in the ‘sont antérieurs à l’an 600’. Cf.Ahmad Hasan Dani Human first half of the 5th century, perhaps Sanctuary “B” being records on Karakorum Highway. Lahore, Sang-e-meel slighly earlier’.36 Paul Pelliot found there fragmented Publications, 1995: 68-71. images, including ‘une tête d’un type indo-grec’, and a peculiar type of ‘bas reliefs’ with scenes from the Buddha’s To return to Kumārajīva it may further be noted that, life, and also fragmented pieces of manuscripts.37 actually, in the region of present day Kašgar, Paul Pelliot, who surveyed Toqquz-Saraï, gives a detailed description 36 Rhie, Marylin Martin EarlyBuddhistArtofChinaandCentral and a sketch of the Buddhist site, which is reported by Asia. Leiden, Brill 1999: 571. See Toumchouq.MissionPaulPelliot. M. Rhie who notes that Documents archéologiques XIII, 2 vols. Paris, Adrien-Maisonneuve 1961, vol. 2: 94. On Mori Tim, see Louis Hambis MissionPelliotII: At Toqquz-Saraï, Sanctuary «A» appears to be the oldest Toumchouq. Paris 1964: 26-30, fig. A3. main temple complex, including some of the side rooms 37 See Paul PelliotCarnetsderoute1906-1908. Paris, Les Indes (ca. early 4th century or earlier). It is loosely modelled on savantes, 2008: 353-361, 360 who notes àpropos the bas-reliefs that 122 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB

The Śrīmatībrāhmaṇīparipṛcchā secular sphere, and the quintessence of the madhyamaprat- ipad’s teaching, as will be shown, was henceforth attested In this context, even more illuminating is the fact that in public record dating to the end of the century. That Kumārajīva, back to Kučā, explained the Śrīmatībrāh- the political discourse, initiated by Nāgārjuna in his maṇīparipṛcchā (see infra p. 126-127), a sūtra highly Ratnāvalī,40 and continued by Āryadeva and Mātṛceṭa, praised by him, in order to ‘introduce’ his Kāśmirian accompanied the Buddhist religiouses in their journey teacher Bandhudatta to the Mahāyāna and who, accord- seems to be proved also by the presence of fragmentary ing to the Gaosengzhuan having heard that his disciple manuscripts on the art of governing (nīti) attested in was ‘extraordinarily enlightened’ and that the king of Gandhāra and in the larger surrounding area, as well as in Kučā was ‘widely propagating Buddhism’ he ‘dared to collections of manuscripts from Central Asia.41 Less easy risk the difficulty and danger from far away to come to to ascertain is the actual conditions in which the trans- 38 [his] sacred country’. actions with the outer society were proceeding. As seen a series of synchronic facts are shedding light at once upon the complex web that the Buddhist institu- tion was spinning in the north-western regions and further The Schøyen document away, following the trade routes, and the way in which The fortunate finding, in the Schøyen collection, of a the Mādhyamikas were playing a special role as media- public document published by Gudrun Melzer and Lore tors between the semi-nomadic and the local rulers. And Sander in their seminal article42 (herewith M), heuristically not only that. The Mādhyamikas were ardently striving invites the reader to question this precise chapter of the to impose an eirenic attitude among the various religious religious and political history of Buddhism. The document obediences, something that said in passing they were itself may be seen as a deed that commemorates the dedi- sharing with other religiouses and, on the mundane level, cation of a ‘Tathāgatacaityadhātugarbha’, at a particular the application of the madhyamapratipadresulted in a time of the year in a region where the semi-nomadic 39 form of pragmaticism. Their agency in this matter, as Alkhans were possibly trying to take control (or assess it), will be shown in the following sections, extended from possibly not without causing political turmoil, and while the role of transmitting religion and culture to the social the Buddhist local institution was facing unprecised reli- and political commitment. gious dissentions. And the document, as will be shown, sheds new light upon some aspects of the roleofmediator played by the Buddhist institution in public affairs. II Written on a thin copper plate found enrolled (a fact MĀHĀYĀNA AND MĀDHYAMIKA IN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL that possibly contributed to its present lacunæ) the Schøyen CONTEXT. THE EVIDENCE OF THE ALKHAN DOCUMENT MSS 2241 may be said to be of the sort of a solemn deed (SCHØYEN MSS 2241). A DIPLOMATIC READING notifying the institution of a Buddhist monument, viz the dedication/installation ( ) of a with th pratiṣṭhāpita stūpa At the turn of the 5 century several factors indicate relics (tathāgatacaityadhātugarbha); or, alternatively, that the Mādhyamika teaching that possibly flourished in the setting up/introduction/elevation (pratiṣṭhāpita) of the vicinity of Kāśmīr, particularly in Kašgar, a pivotal thedhātugarbhainto/on43 the Tathāgatacaitya (cf.infra juncture from where the southern and northern routes bor- dering the Taklamakan desert were splitting, reached the 40 The reasons adduced to negate the paternity of Nāgārjuna to the Ratnāvalī are so extravagant that will not be treated here. They are in they consisted ‘en une série de morceaux moulé pour s’appliquer à une Questionsbouddhiques/BuddhistQuestions VI. surface plane et qu’on a fixé sur un fond de ciment avec des fiches en 41 See Harry Falk and Ingo Strauch ‘The Bajaur and Split Collec- bois’. See on the same page, the sketch of the Buddhist site. tions of Kharoṣṭhī Manuscripts within the Context of Buddhist Gandhārī 38 See Paul Demiéville, [Compte rendu de] ‘Étienne Lamotte. Le Literature’, in Paul Harrison and Jens-Uwe Hartmann FromBirchBark Traité de la grande vertu de sagesse de Nāgārjuna (Mahāprajñāpāra- toDigitalData:recentAdvancesinBuddhistManuscriptResearch. mitāśāstra), tome II, chapitres XVI-XXX, Bibliothèque du Muséon, PaperspresentedattheConferenceIndicBuddhistmanuscripts.The volume 18. Louvain, 1949’, Journalasiatique 1950: 375-395, 379, n. 2. StateoftheField.Stanford,June15-192009.Wien, ÖAW, 2014: 51-78, The episode is drawn from the Gaoseng-zhuan, T. 2059, II, 331a,25. 71-72. Cf. also Klaus Wille ‘Survey of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the English translation in Rhie, Marylin Martin Early Buddhist Art of Turfan Collection (Berlin)’, in: op.cit. 2014: 187-211, 209 § 6 Nīti: ChinaandCentralAsia. Leiden, Brill 1999 2 vols. Vol. 1: 392-393; Laghucāṇyakanītiśāstra. Sylvie Hureau Kumārajīva(env.344-413)conseillerdesprinces,traduc- 42 See Gudrun Melzer in collaboration with Lore Sander ‘A Copper teur et instigateur d’une orthodoxie bouddhique en Chine. Thèse Scroll Inscription from the Time of the Alchon Huns’, in: Jens Braarvig Inalco, Paris 2002-2003:164-166. et alii (Eds.) BuddhistManuscriptsVolumeIII. Oslo, Hermes Publishing, 39 Cf.Scherrer-Schaub ‘Immortality extolled with reason. Philosophy 2006: 251-278, Plates XXXIII-XXXVIII. and Politics in Nāgārjuna’, in: Birgit Kellner, Helmut Krasser et alii 43 The miniature stūpa-reliquary, as noted by André Bareau long Pramāṇakīrtiḥ. Papers dedicated to Ernst Steinkellner on the Occasion ago in his ‘La construction et le culte du stūpa d’après les Vinayapiṭaka’, of his 70th Birthday. Wien, ATBSUW, 2007, Part 2: 757-793, 777-780. BEFEO T. 50, N° 2, 1962: 229-274, and attested in the Vinaya’s THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 123 p. 128-129, § III), from the part of the ruler of Ṭālaqān/ 274-275), as this is currently the case (e.g. in the Kurā Talagan and lord of the local (?) mahāvihāra. The deed inscription, cf. p. 126 and n. 51), a fact that, apparently, is made in association/jointly made (sārdham) with a precludes strictosensu to take it as a donative act, though mixed body of religiouses and lay persons. The solemn this of course may be matter of opinion. deed recorded in the dedicatory inscription and made during the current rule of Mehama, may have been cele- A diplomatic reading and analysis of the Alkhan’s brating the successful entente between proximate and document less proximate regional Ṣāhis and the Buddhist institution under the presumed aegis of the Alkhans who, nolens It may be worth mentioning that, as it is with the case of volens,are associated to the deed. The entente,that the Mediæval diplomatic, the sub-division of a charter and the document seems to suggest,aims at instauring a recipro- terminology related to its components may considerably cal protection in the region: the Buddhist institution vary (in position or in content) individually/on an individual basis, and according to time, place or circumstances. The granting protection, peace and prosperity to the ruler and document analysed here, despite some ‘oddities’, is rela- his country who, in return, is invited to ensure the office tively easily decomposable into four constituent parts. The of Royal Giver/Donor and Just king (dharmātmādātṛrājā, terminology defining these sub-divisions is purely tenta- l. 53 M 277, infrap. 133-134, § IV). Finally, the celestial tive, since the legal framework within which the juridical and terrestrial purposes having motivated this solemn cum political act are placed needs to be further clarified. deed may be inferred from the seven auspicious verses that constitute the last part of the document (ll.40-54, The Schøyen document, seen as a special dedicatory M 275-278, infra p. 130-134). Here, like before, the deed celebrating the erection / installation of a reliquary composer shows his sophisticated ability in making (cf. § III), may be analysed according to the following excellent use of equivoque and puns, as well as in trans- constitutive parts (Fig. 2): mitting the quintessence of the Mādhyamika’s teaching I. Protocol⇒ This part indirectly places the deed under (ll.3-32, M 268-270, infrap. 123-127). Moreover, and as the authoritative protection of the Buddhist institution seen elsewhere, the variety of śleṣas constantly lead the representing the Buddha, the particular local ‘Saṃgha’ reader to alternate between the Buddha and the King, (the term is never used, as the document rather refers to 44 between sat-dharma/saddharmaanddharma. the local secular society, see infrap. 132-134), and the Indeed, the general tenor of the document betrays a Dharma. The authoritative protection is granted and con- pluralistic cultural and religious milieu where Buddhist firmed, if not validated, by means of textual tradition Masters are moving in a context not essentially different (āgama), represented here by the extract of the Śrīmatī, from the polymorphic cultural milieu in which Kumāra- and by critical reasoning (yukti) elicited from the exegesis jīva studied while in Kāśmīr and Kāšgar, a century or so of the opening verse of the MMK (see the Preamble, before. The formulaic expression of this solemn deed is, herewith § II). voluntarily or not, limited/reduced to a minimal/minimal- The Protocolconsists of the preliminary invocation istic notification that may be seen e.g.in the fact that the followed by a praise: institution of the monument (cf.infra p. 129, § III)is not notified as a religious endowment as such (l.33 M: 266, 1. [Invocatio]: (siddham*), l.1, M 264 and n. 102, 267. 2. A very elaborate verse in praise of the Buddha and narratives could also have the function of a talisman and palladium on the Dharma (v. 1, ll. 1-3, M 264, 267) displaying, with a which the safety of a specific enterprise or of a region was believed to remarkable literary ability, a series of ‘jeu de mots’ that depend. Bareau (1962: 231) mentions, among other stories, the episod counted in the Vinaya of the Dharmaguptaka (T. 1428, 957b) and where betray the brahminic context to which the deed is also 45 Gopāli, the son of the king, who was at the head of the kingdom army, addressing: before leaving for fighting asked the Buddha the favour of some hairs. The Buddha consents at the condition that they will be placed in a jayatiādautāvaddaśabala[++++]ptavaca[+]ḥ golden or in a silver reliquary. Even more interesting is the end of the prabhājālaḥśrīmāntribhuvanatamo(2)[++++]vṛt story. When Gopāli returned from his expedition, and having heard that tatodharmāmbhojohṛdayajarajaḥśāntijanano the army could have been in danger, he built a stūpa were the miniature jayatiāryaścāgryomunivaca(3)na[++]guṇagaṇaḥ || reliquary was installed. This exemplary narrative motif may be paral- leled with some inscriptions on movable miniature reliquary, see e.g. Baums’ Catalog n° 17 ‘steatite ovoid container’, dated (19/20 CE), from Bajaur, Pakistan, p. 216-217, that, among others, associates to the 45 Contrast this verse with the contemporary introductory verse dedication a general (stratega, l.4A). See also infra p. 128-129. found in the copper plates inscription of Patagandigudem (Kattaceru- 44 See Cristina Scherrer-Schaub ‘Immortality extolled with reason: vul), set II recording the donation of Vikramendravarman to the ācārya Philosophy and Politics in Nāgārjuna’, in: B. Kellner, H. Krasser, H. Lasic Saṃghadāsa, appointed as assignee. See Vincent Tournier, EIAD 180, et al. Eds. Pramāṇakīrtiḥ.PapersdedicatedtoErnstSteinkellner. Wien, pag. 2-3, 11, 2: jayatijagadhitahetorapratihataśāsanasthitissatataṁ ATBS Uni Wien, 2007, Part 2, pp. 757-793, 767-771. (2)saddharmmacakravartīmunistrilokāśrayaḥśrīmānśrīmataḥ. 124 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB

Fig. 2. Schøyen document (M 2241). From Gudrun Melzer in collaboration with Lore Sander ‘A Copper Scroll Inscription from the Time of the Alchon Huns’, in: Jens Braarvig et alii (Eds.) BuddhistManuscriptsVolumeIII. Oslo, Hermes Publishing, 2006: 251-278. Courtesy of Jens Braarvig. THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 125

As Melzer notes (M 267 and n. 138), the invocative three spheres of the universe (*tribhuvana). At the and laudative termjayati, addressed to a deity,46 appears same time, all this may be read in ‘Buddhist key’, and in contemporary inscriptions. Moreover it may be added the expression guṇagaṇa in v. 1d refers to the qualities that the invocative jayati, and derived terms (jaya,jayatu) that constitute the Buddha (daśabala,vaiśaradya,prati- may refer and be used in various literary contexts, be saṃvid, etc.). It may be compared with the expression they religious (Buddhist and non-Buddhist), political, or apara[: i]mitaguṇagaṇanidhir, applied to the Buddha poetical and burlesque, with a more or less pronounced ‘who is a deposit of unbounded excellences’, appearing martial or mock-heroic tone. in the copper-plate inscription of Hire Gutti (Uttara In v. 1a, jayati, ‘Victorious’ is indeed the Daśabala Kāṇaḍa Dist., Karnataka), Tsukamoto 399, l. 2-3, approx- (cf.II.2) that is the Buddha, and ‘Victorious’ equallyare imately dated to the end of the 5th-6th c. (M. n. 138). But the Alkhans, as coinage tells us (see n. 50), and under also with the more or less coeval inscription of Govin- whose aegis the present deed is placed. davarman I, in the Tummalagudem (Ramanapeta Taluk, About the intriguing incomplete ending part of v. 1a, Nalgonda Distr., Āndhra Pradesh) plates, Set I, listing the Melzer (M 264) cautiously notes that ‘it is tempting to qualities (guṇagaṇa) that constitute aBuddha and/or his restore vacanaḥ at the end of this pāda, but the reading teaching.48 is very uncertain’. Actually, Melzer’s cautious sugges- The affirmation of the supremacy of the Daśabala, tion brings us round to see here the expression āptava- i.e. the Buddha as the authoritative person (āpta) whose canaḥ ‘the word/speech of an authoritative person’ which word/speech (vacana) is authoritative (v. 1a),49 following could be very illuminative. All the more that the word of a long-standing practice attested already in the early the authoritative person, i.e. the Daśabala[*balin, M. 268 and n. 139] (cf. II.1), is said (v. 1b) to ‘dispels (?) the 48 See S. Sankaranarayan TheVishnukundisandtheirtimes(An darkness of the three spheres (tribhuvana)’, something epigraphicstudy).Delhi, Agam Prakashan, 1977: 154, third plate, first that nicely complies with the general tenor of the āgama, side, ll. 18-19, and Cristina Scherrer-Schaub ‘The Quintessence of the in the case in point, the Śrīmatī (infra § II.1, p. 126-127), Mādhyamika Teaching Blossoms Again. Part II: Buddhism in Āndhra- deśa after the Ikṣvākus’ (forthcoming). See Vincent Tournier ‘A Tide and the traditional example of the lamp of knowledge of Merit: Royal Donors, Tāmraparṇīya Monks, and the Buddha’s 47 that dissipates the darkness of avidyā. Awakening in 5th-6th century Āndhradeśa’ (in press). Again, v. 1c 49 We suggest to understand v. 1a as follows: jayatiādautāvad daśabala(balin?)āptavacanaḥ.This term is central to the discussions Victorious is the lotus of dharma [i.e. the ‘blossoming’ about the scriptural authority and validity, in the case in point of the dharma, discovered by the Buddha at the end of the night buddhavacana, and as opposed to the Veda and or allodox religious of his enlightenment and subsequently taught, and] which cum philosophical theories. Cf.Vincent Eltschinger Penserl’autorité generates the stillness of the darkening qualities (rajas) desÉcritures.LapolémiquedeDharmakīrticontrelanotionbrahma- [that is the mental energy,] born in the mind (hṛdaya, i.e. niqueorthodoxed’unVedasansauteur.AutourdePramāṇavārttika the seat of the mind activity). I.213-268etSvavṛtti.Wien, ÖAW, 2007: 75-93 (and passim) where a clear and highly informative exposé is given. — Here we will limit Finally, v. 1d ourself to the essential, in quoting sources that are relevant to the pres- ent doctrinal and historical context. In primis Vasubandhu who in his [Victorious is] also the noble (ārya) and foremost (agrya) Abhidharmakośabhāṣyain a passage about the three progressive stages word of the Muni (*munivacana) [which / he who is] of knowledge says, about the śrutamayīprajñā or ‘the knowledge born from the teaching as it has been heard/ as transmitted orally’ (ad endowed with a series of qualities (* v. 9, guṇagaṇaḥ,cf. VI.5cd, Pradhan 335,5, trsl. La Vallée Poussin vol. VI, 143: āptavacan- infrap. 134). aprāmaṇyajāta niścayaḥ |) that consists in ‘the ascertained certainty (niścaya) that proceeds from the pramāṇa called ‘word of an authori- The verse is reminiscent of Vedic cum Sāṃkhyaic tative {person)’ (āptavacana)’. And in this respect we could say that terminology, and pādas 1b and c sound as reflecting the Śrīmatī is in possession of this kind of knowledge, since after having macro- and micro-cosmic correlation, occuring between received Bhagavat’s teaching, and together with the assembly, consents the constitutive elements of the singular (person) and the to his Word, see infra§ II.1. Candrakīrti on his part, commenting upon kārikā 6 of chapter fifthteen (Svabhāvaparīkṣa) of Nāgārjuna MMK, introduces a short albeit crystalline clear passage where āpta is 46 See also Vincent Tournier ‘A Tide of Merit: Royal Donors, explained with reference to various etymological derivations of the Tāmraparṇīya Monks, and the Buddha’s Awakening in 5th-6th century word āgama (Prasannapadā 268.1-269.3, trsl. Stanislaw Schayer Aus- Āndhradeśa’ (in press) footnote 137. gewählteKapitelaudderPrasannapadā(V,XII,XIV,XV,XVI).Einlei- 47 Cf. among others Kāśyapaparivarta quoted by Candrakīrti the tung, Übersetzung und Anmerkungen. Krakowie, Nakladem Polskiej vṛttikāra, ad MMK VII.12. See L. de La Vallée Poussin Mūlama- Akademji Umiejętności, 1931: 68-69): ata eva buddhānāmeva bhaga- dhyamikakārikās(Mādhyamasūtra)deNāgārjunaaveclaPrasannapadā vatāṃ vacanaṃ pramāṇamityupavarṇayanti vicakṣaṇaḥ sopapattikat- commentaire de Candrakīrti. Osnabrück, Biblio Verlag, 1970 [Neu- venāvisaṃvādakatvāt | ata eva ca āptebhyaḥ prahīṇāśeṣadoṣebhya āga- druck der Ausgabe 1903-1913, Bibliotheca Buddhica IV, St. Péters- tatvāt | āgamayatīti samantāt tattvaṃ gamayatīti vābhimukhyādgamanādvā bourg]: 156; and the liminary verses in praise of Nāgārjuna, op.cit. tadāśreyaṇa lokasya nirvāṇagamanatsaṃbuddhavacanasyaivāgamatvaṃ 1-2, 2, ll. 1-2; Anne MacDonald InClearWords.ThePrasannapadā, vyavastāpyate | tadanyamatānāṃ tūpapattiviyuktatvānna pramāṇyamā- ChapterOne. Wien, ÖAW, 2015, vol. I: 7-8, and notes. gamābhāsatvaṃ ca vyavasthāpyate. 126 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB coinage of these regions,50 makes use of a terminology composition of the text to the ‘middle of the 5th century’.53 that includes in the Buddhist discourse religious, philo- This fragment, says Franco, ‘provide us with an impor- sophical and social terms that could sound very familiar tant insight into the early (prior to the final redaction of to the reader/addressee. The affirmation of the suprem- the Nyāyasūtra) controversies about the nature of lan- acy of the Buddha that, as it appears in the present his- guage, especially the Vedic language, between early or torical context, with his forces (bala) is a winner over all proto-Nyāya and Mīmāṃsa’. This thematic that may be terrestrial and celestial obstacles, may be paralleled with elicited, in its nutshell, from the Schøyen fragment, was the polysemic epithet devātideva attributed to the Buddha possibly discussed, in the north-western regions, as it in the contemporary Kurā (Salt Ranges) inscription of was in Central and South India at the same epoch.54 Toramāṇa Ṣāhi (c. 500-515).51 This inscription, like the Naturally, the flowering of meanings that may be elic- present deed, incidentally shows highly refined scholar- ited from the introductory verse (§ 1) and the concluding’s ship, this time making use of an unambiguous Buddhist ones (§ IV), and of which only a few are mentioned here, phraseology. Contrary to the Schøyen document, the offers an impressive variety of possible interpretations of overtly donative charter of Kurā includes the complete this exceptional document. formulaic terms signifying the religious endowment, the donor, the object of donation, the donee, and the II. Preamble. This introductory part places the deed purpose of the donation (cf.Sircar SI399, ll.7-10 and under the exemplary narrative passage, drawn from the 10-12). 1. (ll. 3-30) representing It is furthermore amazing to see that a public docu- Śrīmatībrāhmaṇīparipṛcchā, here the textual tradition (āgama) and exemplifying, at ment, like the copper-plate Schøyen, seems to corrobo- once, the contextual socio-political pattern. rate the fact that the discussion about the authority of the teaching (cf.§ II.1), and the person of authority, that had The protagonist of the sūtra,the brāhmaṇīŚrīmatī, at course in the 5th c. (cf.e.g.Vātsyāyana commenting ad the end of Bhagavat teaching of the pratītyasamutpāda, Nyāyasūtra I.1.7),52 had diffused on a large scale includ- together with the Bhagavat’s audience, is said to have ing the political sphere, and as noted previously (Scherrer- aptly received (āptamana, ll. 29-30)55 and approved Schaub 2007: 778 and n. 70). Moreover, this fact sheds Bhavagat word (bhāṣitamabhya[na]ndan, l. 30).56 The new light on the famous Mīmāṃsaka fragment of the preceding passage ll. 27-29, is very dense. It recalls the Schøyen Collection (MS 2382/91, 2382/139, 2382/132), first dharmacakrapravartana that took place in Vārāṇasī edited and translated by Eli Franco who, after careful and in the Ṛṣipatana Mṛgadāva, and affirms that the Tathāgata argumented analysis, places the terminusadquem for the alone is entitled to teach (cf.§ I.2.) since no one in the world is legitimate/lawful57 to set in motion the wheel of

50 Cf. the legends and titles on ‘Alkhan silver issues (Fig. 17)’ found in the ‘Kashmir Smast’ Elizabeth Errington ‘Differences in the 53 The birchbark fragmented MSS may be dated to the 6th-7th c., Patterns of Kidarite and Alkhan Coin Distribution at Begram and Kashmir see Eli Franco, ‘A Mīmāṃsaka among the Buddhists. Three Fragments Smast’, in: M. Alram, D. Klimburg-Salter, M. Inaba and M. Pfisterer on the relationship between Word and Object’, in: Jens Braarvig, Paul Eds. Coins,Art,andChronologyII.ThefirstMilleniumC.E.inthe Harrison, Jens-Uwe Hartmann et alii BuddhistManuscriptsVolumeII. Indo-IranianBorderlands. Wien, ÖAW, 2010: 147-155, 150-153, 150- Oslo, Hermes Publishing, 2002: 269 and n. 4. 151, namely 151, § d ‘The use of epithets in addition to, or as a replace- 54 See Eli Franco ‘A Mīmāṃsaka among the Buddhists. Three ment of, the ruler’s name, e.g.jaya (‘victory’: Fig. 16c), jayatu(‘vic- Fragments on the relationship between Word and Object’, in: Jens torious’) or udayāditya’. See also Elizabeth Errington and Vesta Braarvig, Paul Harrison, Jens-Uwe Hartmann et alii BuddhistManuscripts Sarkhosh Curtis Ed. FromPersepolistothePunjab.Exploringancient VolumeII. Oslo, Hermes Publishing, 2002: 269-285, 283-285. And cf. Iran,AfghanistanandPakistan. London, The British Museum Press, the present author’s ‘The Quintessence of the Mādhyamika Teaching 2007: 97, and 90 where the representation of Kidarite, and Alkhan as Blossoms Again. Part II:‘Buddhism in Āndhra after the Ikṣvāku’ warriors may be seen, among others, on coins’images. (forthcoming). 51 See Sircar SI: 896-897, ll. 4-6: bhagavatobuddhasyadevātide- 55 āptamanas, lit. [with] a mind apt to receive (āp-), see n. 49. Cf. vasyasarva-pāpa-parikṣīṇa-sarva-puṇya-samud(ā)gatasyatīrṇa-sa(ṃ) the meaning more generally adopted, and derived from the Pāli’s reading sārārṇava(sya)sattvānāṃtārayitādaśabalabalina(ḥ)caturvaiśāradya-ca- āttamana(s) [with] a delighted mind, and which is supported by the Tib. tuḥpratisaṃvid-aṣṭādaśāveṇikādbhutadharma-samanvāgatasyasarva- yiraṅ(s). satva-vatsala-mahākārūṇikasya… ‘He the Bhagavat, Buddha, Devātideva, 56 We take here abhi-nand-with the meaning ‘to applaud, approve, who has completely destroyed all evil and attained all merits, who has acknowledge, consent’. crossed the ocean of saṃsāra, (he) the protector of all sentient beings, 57 The term sahadharma occuring in canonical logia and meaning he who is strong [by possessing the] ten forces, the four vaiśāradya, lit. ‘in concert or in agreement or in accordance with the Dharma’ is the four pratisaṃvid, the eighteenth wonderful attributes (adbhuta- interpreted variously, as the case may be. The passage (M 270-271, dharma) exclusive (āveṇika) [to the Buddha, he who manifests] affec- ll. 27-29): tac chrīmatī na(garyāṃ bārānasyā)ṃ (ṛ)ṣipata(n)e (mṛ)gadāve tion and great compassion to all sentient beings…’ tathāgatena dharmacakraṃ pravartitam apravartyaṃ śramaṇena vā 52 See ‘The Quintessence of the Mādhyamika Teaching Blossoms brāhmaṇena vā (29) (devena vā māreṇa) v(ā) brahmaṇā vā kenacid vā Again. Part II: Buddhism in Āndhradeśa after the Ikṣvākus’ (forth- punar loke sahadharmeṇa || idam [cf. idam, l. 27, such is (the teach- coming). ing)] avocad bhagavān | āptama(nā)ś (ś)rī ma (30) t(ī b)r(ā)hm(aṇī THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 127

Fig. 3.1. Silver coins of Zabocho, verso side: Fig. 3.2. Silver coins of Zabocho, recto side: ‘Reiter mit Mondsichel am Scheitel, darin Dreizack, recht the dharmacakrapravartana that took place in Vārāṇasī, Rosette; baktrische Aufschrift ‘Zabocho, König des Ostens’ in the Ṛṣipatana Mṛgadāva. From Michael Alram 2016: (zaboxomiirosanošao). From Michael Alram 2016: 85, n° 9. 85, n° 9.

Dharma, possibly also by virtue of being in possession stanza that Aśvajit recited to Śāriputra, and which ends of the tenth and highest bala,the dharmacakrapravar- with evaṃvadīmahāśramaṇaḥ||.59 tanabala,which is the last item appearing in some of the major mahāyānasūtras’s list of the daśabala.58 2. At the end of the Śrīmati’s narrative passage (ll. 31-32), the Schøyen document quotes Nāgārjuna’s MMK I.1., It is all the more interesting to see how the ‘Dharma of the which concisely states the meaning of the Buddhavacana, Buddha is reflected in the Dharma of the king’. Indeed one silver coin of Zabocho (middle of the 5th c.) from minting according to the Prajñāpāramitā: places in Kabulistan bears, on the recto side, the legend anirodhamanutpādamanucchedamaśāsvatam| ‘yagodha(r)magatojaya’, ‘Der Yagbu, der dem Lauf als anekārthamanānārthamanāgamamanirgamam| Dharma folgend siegreich ist’. The Dharmacakra is repre- yaḥpratītyasamutpādaṃprapaṃcopaśamam| sented «darunter zwei liegende gazellen’ (Fig. 3.1 & 3.2). deśayāmāsasaṃbuddhastaṃva<ṃ>devadatāṃvaram || See Michael Alram 2016: 85, n°° 8-9; Mathias Pfisterer (M 273)60 2013: n°° 105-1, 106A-1. Cf. this representation of the dharmacakrapravartana with the one at Thalpan, supra I pay homage (vande) to the Most Excellent Speaker, the p. 121, and Fig. 1. Perfect Enlightened One, he who taught the production in dependence (pratītyasamutpāda),the peaceful stilling of This is why the word of the Buddha is trustworthy, as all discursive development (prapañca),61 [he who teaches the conventional stock phrase idamavocadbhagavān|| (l. 29, cf. v.1a. 1.2) closing the teaching, indicates. And 59 See YṢVṛ, ad YṢ kār 1, n. 48 giving the Sanskrit (Mahāvastu III.62) this conventional and traditional formula knows more and Pāli wording (Mahāvagga I.23), with further references, namely the elaborate parallels, the most famous being the yedharmā Mppś (T. 1509, k. 11, 136b-136c). Note in passing the unusual wording of this stanza in the Yuktiṣāṣṭikāvṛtti (YṢVṛ p. 117, and n. 48) whose Sanskrit is kept in the Mahāsaṃnipāta Ratnaketudhāraṇīparivarta ch. I2, éd. Dutt, 3.3-6,. and its equally unusual ‘ratifying’ formula: sa ajitaś ca bodhisattvaḥ [etc.] bhagavad bhāṣitam abhyanandan* || ‘This vādivṛṣabhojñātvāsvayaṃbhāṣate | — This stanza appears on the Śrīmatī is the wheel of Dharma (dharmacakra) which was set in motion famous Merv-tablets, whose inscriptions have recently been edited and in the city of Benares, in the Ṛṣipatana [located in the ] Mṛgadāva, by translated by Stefan Baums (infra p. 136, and n. 100). the Tathāgata [and which] no śramaṇa, nor brāhmaṇa, nor deva, nor 60 This verse is quoted in extenso in the Prasannapadā (Pr 11.13- māra, nor brahman/brahmā: [in short] nobody in [this] world can set in 16) with minor phonetic variants. See Anne MacDonald InClearWords. motion the [wheel of Dharma] in accordance with the Dharma, [as ThePrasannapadā,ChapterOne. Wien, ÖAW, 2015, vol. I: 45 Bhagavat has done]’. He is thus the sole whose teaching is authorita- 61 Note that this term implicitly alludes also to the disputes (vivāda) tive, that is ‘legitimate’ or ‘law-ful’. that the Buddha and his exegets wish to discard. Disputes with allodox 58 Namely the Buddhāvataṃsaka (T. 278, 279), and the Ratname- and heterodox teachers that seem possibly also to have been raised in the ghasūtra (T. 660, 489), see TGVS III 1607. historical context of the Schøyen document, see infra p. 313 and 133. 128 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB

that all entities are] without cessation, nor production, While setting in motion the Dharmacakra, O Protector, without destruction, nor eternal, neither one, nor multiple, You have revealed [that] these dharmas are indeed still without coming, nor going. since the beginning, unborn, and by nature [in a state of] extinction. The condensed correct teaching of the pratītyasamut- pādaaccording to the Buddha and proclaimed by Nāgār- III. Dispositio,orthe dispositive notifying the juridical juna in the liminary verse of Mūlamadhyamakakārikā/ act. Madhyamakaśāstra (M verse 2, ll. 31-32, 273; cf.supra This part is the core of the deed. It deals with the p. 117 and n. 8) will discard, by means of āgamas and installation / setting up (pratisthāpita)65 of the ‘tathāga- critical reason (yukti),all opposite views (darśana), and tacaityadhātugarbha’, viz. the erection/instalment of the 62 unveil the correct meaning of the Buddhavacana. reliquary (dhātugarbha) which is the T. sanctuary; or, This Preamble, from the point of view of diplomatic, alternatively, the setting up of the reliquary into the sanc- though in unconventional terms, plays here the role of tuary of the T. (tathāgatacaitya),66 which, in the present legitimating and giving authority to the present act, and context could, allegedly, have been a shrine, or even a to its authors. The dedicatory stanza that opens Nāgār- mountain cave. juna’s Madhyamakaśāstra, and that our document places Could in this case the dhātugarbha be a movable, immediately after the Śrīmatī passage quotation, reinforces removable or a transportable reliquary,67 destined to be and gives authority to the Buddha word and discloses at subsequently placed, at special occasion, into a monument once the mahāyānistic milieu in which the deed was or a mountain cave? If this conjecture stands it may have redacted. been destined to the ceremony of exposing the relics.68 The The fundamental teaching of the pratītyasamutpāda ostension of relics is a powerful religious-cum-political act is here interpreted according to the prajñāpāramitā(also known as the second setting in motion of the Dhar- PrasannapadāMadhyamakavṛtti(CommentairelimpideauTraitédu macakra) and her exegets, in primis the Mādhyamika Milieu).Paris, Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1959: 177. Masters. It may be added that a MS of the Pratītyasam- 65 MW s. v. set up, fixed, erected’; Sircar IEG ‘established, installed’ utpādahṛdaya of Nāgārjuna, who teaches according to EI vol. 33: 248; cf. Oskar von Hinüber BeiträgezurErklärungderSen- this principle (naya), is kept in the Gilgit collection,63 avarma-Inschrift. Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 2003: 13, v. 1c: io and the same principle may be seen in a verse of the ekaüḍethuve,yeṇarayaṇeṇapratiṭhavite…‘Dieser Stūpa (mit Namen) Ekakūṭa, durch welchen Prinzen er errichtet ist, …’ See now Stefan Ratnameghasūtrathat, as said previously, and like the Baums ‘Catalog and Revised Texts and Translations of Gandharan prajñāpāramitā literature plays a central role in state Reliquary Inscriptions’ (Chapter 6), in: David Jongeward, Elizabeth affairs, and which is quoted by Candrakīrti in his Prasan- Errington, Richard Salomon and Stefan Baums EarlyBuddhistReliquar- napadā ies.Seattle, Early Buddhist Manuscripts Project, Gandharan Studies, vol. I, 2012: 200-309, 229 ‘[T]his Ekaüḍa is the donation of me, the ādiśāntāhyanutpannāḥprakṛtyaivacanirvṛtāḥ| kadama, as the heir of the prince that established it,…’. 66 dharmāstevivṛtānāthadharmacakrapravartane||64 According to the Mahāsāṃghika Vinaya the second alternative seems more plausible. The act of depositing the reliquary into the Tathāgatacaitya, would thereby make the caitya a stūpa. See infra 62 The doctrinal conspectus is here very complex and its treatment n. 120. far exceed the present scope. A very informative note about the prin- 67 Transportable/movable reliquaries are frequent in these regions; ciple that found the interpretation of the Buddha teaching according on votive reliquaries see e.g. Zémaryalaï Tarzi ‘Le monument doré to the Mādhyamika-cum-prajñāpāramitā’s exegesis, still valuable, is ‘suspendu’ de Bâmiyân’, in: Paysagesnaturels,paysagesculturelsdu Jacques May CandrakīrtiPrasannapadāMadhyamakavṛtti(Commen- centredel’Afghanistan. Hindou-Kouch,Lacsdeband-eAmir,Valléee tairelimpideauTraitéduMilieu).Paris, Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1959: 225, deBâmiyân.Paris, Société de géographie / CEREDAF, 2010: 131-162, n. 773, commenting upon MMK 24.8 (= Pr 492.4-5), and § 2 upon the 147-148, n°° 32 and 33. See David Jongeward, Elizabeth Errington, negative and positive epithets of the pratītyasamutpāda, as they are Richard Salomon and Stefan Baums EarlyBuddhistReliquaries.Seat- expressed in the famous liminary verse quoted in the Schøyen document. tle, Early Buddhist Manuscripts Project, Gandharan Studies, vol. I, 63 Gilgit MS n° 61, see Oskar von Hinüber ‘The Gilgit Manu- 2012. scripts. An Ancient Buddhist Library in Modern Research’, in: Paul 68 Cf.Gérard Fussman ‘Une peinture sur pierre: le Triptyque au Harrison and Jens-Uwe Hartmann Eds. From Birch Bark to Digital stūpa de Shatial’ ANP vol. 3: 1-55, 23, n. 77: ‘On sait qu’en certains Data.RecentAdvancesinBuddhistManuscriptResearch.PapersPre- cas le reliquaire que contient le stūpa peut être retiré de l’aṇḍa ou du sentedattheConferenceIndicBuddhistManuscripts.TheStateofthe soubassement, exposé, honoré, puis replacé dans le stūpa. Cela implique Field,Stanford,June15-19,2009.Vienna, ÖAW, 2014: 79-135, 111. qu’il y ait une chambre ménagée dans l’aṇḍa, pas que celui-ci soit Cristina Scherrer-Schaub ‘D’un manuscrit tibétain des Pratītyasamut- creux. Seuls les modernes stūpas de ciment sont vraiment creux.’ In his pādahṛdayakārikā de Nāgārjuna’ Cahiersd’Extrême-Asie3 1987: 103- review of David Jongeward, Elizabeth Errington, Richard Salomon and 111, 109-111. Stefan Baums Early Buddhist Reliquaries. Seattle, Early Buddhist 64 See L. de La Vallée Poussin Mūlamadhyamikakārikās(Mādhya- Manuscripts Project, Gandharan Studies, vol. I, 2012 (IIJ 58 2015: mikasūtras)deNāgārjunaaveclaPrasannapadācommentairedeCan- 163-201, 187-188) Oskar von Hinüber cites the Mahāvaṃsa’s descrip- drakīrti.Osnabrück, Biblio Verlag, 1970 [Neudruck der Ausgabe 1903- tion of the complex process of enshrinement of relics, at the time of 1913, Bibliotheca Buddhica IV, St. Péterbourg]: 225.9-10 (chapter 7, king Duṭṭhagāmaṇī, usually taking place ‘at the uposatha day, the 15th ad kārikā 7. The translation here follows Jacques May Candrakīrti in the bright half of the month [here the] Asaḷha’. THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 129 and as such partakes of the social distribution of the terri- ‘Buddhist Monuments in Merv’ in: Invernizzi Antonio tory (cf.infra p. 141). And the use of Buddha’s reliquary Ed. IntheLandoftheGryphons.PapersonCentralAsian as talisman and palladium, are well attested in Vinaya’s ArchaeologyinAntiquity. Firenze, Casa Editrice Le Let- narrative, see supra n. 43. tere, 1995: 51- 81, 68, and infra p. 135-136. Quite a number of reliquaries were found in the regions The sub-elements of the dispositio are: of present North Pakistan, and for some with secure provenance. The ambiguity about the precise sort of 1. Date of the act, ll. 32-33, M 274: saṃvatsareaṣṭhaṣaṣ- monument to which the Schøyen document refers, may be ṭita(33)me68||kārtikamāśuklatithausaptamyām partially elucidated in noting that among the wealth of atradivase material that Stefan Baums has already listed in his Cata- The deed is made in the year sixty-eight, the month of log, miniature reliquary and other container were referring Kārttika (mid-October/mid-November) which, possibly in their inscription to the ‘establishment of relics’ (e.g. significant here, is the month of war (cf. IV.2), on the Baums Catalog p. 204, n° 3, p. 207-208, n° 8). The precise use of the formula implicitly allows the reader to admit seventh day of the first and clear fortnight (śukla). But that theestablishmentofrelics,contained in the container also. The season from October till January was the best is, ipso facto, the establishment of the container itself. season to cross these regions, cf.infrap. 139 and n. 117. Moreover, some of these containers, be they a simple pot, 2. Declaration of the act, l. 33, M 274: pratiṣṭhāpito an elaborate and precious stūpa or anyone whatsoever sort of bowl (mainly in the regions of North Pakistan made ‘yaṃtathāgatacaityodhātugarbha(ḥ). of schist), and they relative inscriptions, show that some 2.1. Authors intervening in the act, ll. 34-39, M. 274-275, of them were destined to be inserted in a stūpa, generally 256-263 with a precise geographical location. And it may equally be admitted that the style of these inscriptions, which pre- 2.1.1. Mahāvihārasvāmin Opandaputra Tālagānika dates the Schøyen document, might possibly not have Deva putra Ṣāhi …[lacuna] — in association with changed radically through the centuries. (sārdhaṃ): The Schøyen document, a thin copper plate (thus not very 2.1.2. Opandapitṛ very precious) could have been inserted together with the 2.1.3. [Opanda]patnī Sāradaṣāhiduhitṛ Buddh…[lacuna] reliquary: e.g. cf. Baums Catalog p. 208, n° 9, p. 210-11, 2.1.4. Mahāvihārasvāminī Arccavāmanā n° 11 ‘gold sheet (found in schist spherical container)’ 2.1.5. [Arccavāmanā]pitṛ Ho..gaya where as inscription says, the reliquary is further estab- 2.1.6. [Arccavāmanā]mātṛ Mahādevī [lacuna] lished in the great stūpa of Tira, etc. Finally as an example 2.1.7. Kalyāṇamitra Ācārya Ratnāgama of the sort of transaction occuring between religious and 2.1.8. Mahāṣāhi Khiṅgīla civil authority, see Baums Catalog p. 211-212, n° 12 2.1.9. Devarāja Toramāṇa attesting the foundation of a vihāra, the establishment of relics ‘for the increase of life span and strength of the 2.1.10. Mahāvihārasvāminī Sāsā governor’ (ayubalavardhi[e], l. 4, p. 212). 2.1.11. Mahāṣāhi Mehama 2.1.12. Sādavikha See also Erika Forte (‘A Journey to the Land on the Other 2.1.13. Mahārāja Javūkha Sādavikhaputra Side’. Buddhist Pilgrimage and Travelling Objects from the Oasis of Khotan’, in: Patrick McAllister, Cristina Scherrer- Noteworthy in this list is the adopted hierarchy of the Schaub and Helmut Krasser Cultural Flows across the mixed-body of religious and ‘civil’ authority, and which WesternHimalaya.Wien, ÖAW, 2015:151-187, 156-158.) ranks at first the mahāvihārasvāmin Opandaputra who alludes to portable shrines and reliquaries whose Tālagānika Devaputra Ṣāhi and his family, followed by ‘function is not attached to a fixed place’ where they are the mahāvihārasvāminī Arccavāmanā and her family, housed ‘but is expressly meant for travelling, wherefore finally followed by the kalyāṇamitra and ācārya Ratnā- they are referred to here as ‘travelling objects’.’ gama. Among the Alkhan’rulers, representing the ‘civil’ Worth mentioning here is a reliquary found in Merv, oth- body, the mahāvihārasvāminī Sāsā is alone in representing erwise said located on the large area attesting a ‘Buddhist the religious party, and her hierarchic rank seems to indicate connection’ in these centuries, and that ‘was buried in that she was, in a way or another, linked with the preceding front of the stūpa together with other objects which were ruler, na. Toramāṇa, see infra p. 136 and n. 101. particularly precious for Buddhist. The reliquary is a ceramic urn, hollow inside, 62 cm high and made in the 2.2. Closureformula, l. 39, M. 274: mehamarājajyevar- form of a stūpa whose dome rests on a three-stepped base tamāne (Fig. 17)’. After the description of the reliquary and the [Made] in the current year of Mehama’s rule’ or ‘under the construction housing it, the authors note that ‘After the current rule of Mehama’. tranfer of the reliquary a niche was built above it around whose edge there were seven identical clay tablets Cf. Michael Alram and Mathias Pfisterer ‘Alkhan and with images.’ See G. A. Pugačenkova and Z. I. Usmanova Hephtalite Coinage’, in: M. Alram, D. Klimburg-Salter, 130 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB

M. Inaba and M. Pfisterer Eds. Coins,Art,andChronol- The expression maulimukuṭavyālīḍha (v. 3d, l. 41, ogyII.ThefirstMilleniumC.E.intheIndo-IranianBor- M 275 and n. 182-183), recalls the royal diadem and as derlands. Wien, ÖAW, 2010: 13-38, 20: ‘This suggests, such belongs to common phraseology. Here however the as Gudrun Melzer remarks, “that he was the ruler of the image may be linked with the motif of the crescent region where the stūpa was built, and his sphere of influ- shaped crown (maulimukuṭa) (set with jewels ?) that may ence certainly included the area of Talagan.”’ Further (2010: 23) noting that ‘Mehama is mentioned as king of be seen on portraits of Kidara and Alkhan. For instance 70 Kadagstan, an area that is located by Sims-Williams north- on coins, bearing the legend jayatuṣāhijavuvlah etc. east of Rob, in the area of Baghlan, south of Talaqan.’ And It is all the more remarkable to notice that in the they add (2010: 22 and n. 39) that the results gathered Rīshtal (Mandasor Dist., MP) inscription, dated vikrama from the coinage are placing Mehama’s rule ‘from c. 462 572 = 515 CE, a shared terminology is used in a passage to after 493 CE. Based on this chronology Mehama began where Aulikara Prakāśadharman claims his career as a kind of vassal king of the Sasanian King of Kings Peroz (457-484) in Tokharistan and ended as [T]o have established himself in the kingdom of the Huna a mahāṣāhi who ruled not only Tokharistan but also ruler through his footstool being flooded with the bright- 71 Gandhara’. See also infra n. 91. ness of the gems of the royal crown of king Toramāṇa. And the shared terminology, alluded to previouly, IV. The concluding part of the document, an unsual includes here also the title devarājagiven to Torāmaṇa Eschatocol, consists of a narrative set of seven auspi- in the Schøyen document (M 258: cf. 259) to enhance his cious and, in turns, exhortative verses (vv. 3-9, ll.40-54, prestige in the present Indian political context.72 Borne M 275-278) from where one may draw/elicit the motives by Candragupta II (last quarter of the 4th c. - first quarter having occasionated the present act. of the 5th) in the Sāñcī inscription (Tsukamoto IV Sāñcī 1. (v. 3, ll. 40-42, M 275) In praise of the stūpas that are 95: 729, l. 7), the appellation devarāja reappears (not ‘honoured by those who are revered in the Trailokya surpringly) in the Ghaṭotkaca cave inscription of Varā- (trailokyapūjyārcitai(s)’. This expression is relatively hadeva, minister of Harisena (475 CE) given to his father common and refers to the supreme position in rank or Devasena (450 CE) of the Vākāṭaka’sVatsagulma line- power; here the text may well play with the fact that age.73 those who deserve to be honoured and respected in the trailokya69are, in their turn, paying respect to the Jina, thereby recognizing the supremity of the Buddha over 70 See Errington & Curtis 2007: 92, n° 12; n° 9 Khiṅghila deva- the world. ṣāhi; n° 8 ṣāhi Mapama (though less clear in this case). See ib. 2007: As a matter of fact indeed, v. 3d, ll. 41-42, calls/ 94-95. See also Michael Alram ‘From the Sasanians to the Huns. New invites those who are honoroured in the world to Numismatic Evidence from the Hindu Kush’ Numismatic Chronicle 2014: 1-31, 15: ‘Around the middle of the fifth century other Alkhan Bow before (taṃmūrdhnānamate) the Jina, he whose feet rulers besides Khingīla also started minting, putting their names are touched by the rays of jewels in the crown of the (Mehama, Javukha /Zabocho, Aduman) in Bactrian or Brahmi on their heroes (nṛmaulimukuṭavyālīḍhapādaṃjinam)! coins. In this phase of Alkhan minting the king usually wears a crown consisting of a diadem hoop decorated with crescent moons, pearls, and winged elements. A remarkable feature are the ends of the crescent moons which partly emerge from behind the bust, (Pl. x,21) emphasizing 69 The term trailokya though it may be found in expressions like the astral nature of the kingship, and the fly whisks on the shoulders, trailokyajyeṣṭha, epithet of the Buddha in the Mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra which in turn underline the prince’s nomadic roots.’ (T.1509, k. 2, 75b) which Lamotte translates as ‘vénérable des trois 71 Errington & Curtis 2007: 96, referring to Raychaudhuri 1996: mondes’ (TGVS I 159),is more frequently associated with deity or 787-89; cf. Richard Salomon ‘New Inscriptional Evidence for the His- their epithets, such as trailokyātikrāntasaid of Īśvara in a commentary tory of the Aulikaras of Mandasor’, IIJ 31 1989: 1-36, 4: śu[bhapha] to the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya,translated c. 650-655 by Pukuang, col- lodayinīṁ bibhartti // [*14] Ā Toramāṇanṛpater nṛpamauliratnajyotsnā laborator of Xuanzang (TGVS I 137 n. 2, § 1° = 138), while tribhuvana pratānaśabalīkṛtapādapīṭhāt/ Hūṇādhipasya bhuvi yena gataḥ pratiṣṭhāṁ (or eventraidhātuka) are generally preferred. The terms triloka° and nīto yudhā vitathatām adhirājaśabdaḥ //, and Salomon’s translation (8): trailokya° are frequently met in the Vajrayāna, e.g. in the Sarvatathā- ‘[B]ythesweetnessofhisvirtues[*15] HefalsifiedinbattletheHūṇa gatatattvasaṃgraha. As epithet of Śiva, see Blogsalgrubmtha‘ of dBus (Hun)overlord’stitleof“Emperor”,which(had)becomeestablished pa blo gsal, see Katsumi Mimaki and Akihiko Akamatsu ‘La philos- onearthupto(thetimeof)Toramāṇa,whosefootstoolwascoloredby ophie des Śaiva vue par un auteur tibétain du 14e siècle’, in: Michel theraysoflightfromthejewelsinthecrownsofkings.[*16]. Compare Strickmann Ed. TantricandTaoistStudiesinHonourofR.A.Stein. with the Gutti Inscription ll. 1-2, cf. the inscriptions signalled by Gudrun Bruxelles, Institut belge des hautes Études chinoises, 1985: 746-772, Melzer (M 275, n. 182). 756-757, 767. — On those who deserve to be honoured in the world, 72 On the status of devarāja in these centuries, see ‘The Quintes- see Manavadharmaśāstra9.319, Olivelle 2005: 806, 206: evaṃyady sence of the Mādhyamika Teaching Blossoms Again. Part II: Buddhism apy aniṣṭeṣu vartante sarvakarmasu / sarvathā brāhmaṇāḥ pūjyāḥ in Āndhradeśa after the Ikṣvākus’. paramaṃdaivatāṃ hi tat //, trsl. ‘Similarly, even if they engage in 73 This is the opinion of Vasudev Vishnu Mirashi, see CCI V = every undesirable act, Brahmins should be honored in every way; for InscriptionsoftheVākāṭakasedited by V. V. Mirashi.Ootacamund, they are the highest deity’. Governement Epigraphist for India, 1963: 117, l.13 and 119, n. 1. THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 131

2. (v. 4, ll. 42-43, M 275-276) Vow wishing that the that the Buddhist institution will, from now on, be firmly world (jagad) including the local king, the kingdom and established in the village, protecting the country from all his people, may be rapidly in peace and liberated from the sort of calamity, and granting peace to the kingdom. waved (udbhrānta) swords (nistriṃś) and flight of arrows May my country (mama…deśaḥ), [this] propitious place (śarāpāta) and ‘become equal to the Brāhmasurāvāsa’. (śivastha), [situated] in that part of [earth] (*yasmin… deśe) This verse may again be read as a general praṇidhi, where this ‘repository/support of Intelligence’ (buddhyāśra- and yet it equally evokes a war-like context or its fear yametad) [stands firmly], and where the pure and prosperous (see also § IV.3, 6, 7). Melzer justly notes the difficulties gātra77/ ‘in which this pure and exalted body’ (M 276) of this verse, namely the term prāṇibhṛt(a), lit. ‘hired (śucivṛddhaṃgātraṃ)[is established]: may, [thereby, my living beings’ or, and if wrongly orthographed, prāṇab- country] be free of all sort of calamity, famine etc. as well as hṛt ‘living being’ (cf. n. 75).Given the martial tone of the controversies (vivāda), and attain peace/happiness (śānti)! stanza, wearetempted to see behind the puzzling ‘prāṇib- The term buddhyāśraya is in a way or another refer- hṛt(ām)’ some sort of ‘jeu de mots’ referring also, and ring to the fact that the region is or will be, so to speak, why not, to the army category of ‘mercenary or hired the fulcrumor the central source from where the requisite troop’.74 Even more tempting when contrasted with the to attain the highest goal are acquired, na. the teaching expression ‘kulabala’ appearing in verse 9a, l. 51, M 277, and the teacher, here Ratnāgama; as seen, it is indeed herewith § IV.7, a polysemic word that may also be there that the Buddhavacana is correctly taught and cor- understood as referring to the ‘family/hereditary army’, rectly understood. And the poet, may again play with a or the ‘power of the family [of the Tathāgata]’. variety of themes, and refer, interalia, to the instituted And again, swords and arrows evoke the Huns, and monument as noted by Gudrun Melzer (M 276): Kidarite and Alkhan warriors/hunters, represented on the ‘famous’ silver dish from Swāt (Errington and Curtis The comprehension of the verse, which, for once, does not 2007: 90; Alram 2016: 71-72, abb. 55). create many problems in reading, depends on the interpre- tation of the word gātra.The word should be understood as 3. (v. 5, ll. 43-45 M 276) Vow wishing that the stūpas referring to the stūpa or to the relics (gātra=śarīra), or to ‘by which this Earth /region (vasumatī) is completely be more precise to the dharmakāya of the Buddha. The filled’ (iyaṃvasumatīpratip(ūritā, v.5b, l. 44, M 276)’, meaning becomes even clearer if buddhyāśrayais emended to buddhāśraya,the ‘resting place’ or body of the Buddha. stūpas that are housing the relics (śarīrabhṛdbhiḥstūpair) of the Sugata who has entered the peaceful state (śāntiṃ Unless something is missed, this passage is slightly gatasyaSugatasya), and before all others, [the stūpa] built problematic and, in particular ll.3-4 which concern 75 by Dāmana (dāmanakṛta) may they [all last till the end Buddhology strictosensu. The question raises as to the of the] kalpa, like the lord of the immovable (acalapati), meaning of gãtra; if the term is here synonym of śarīra, [inhabited by [Indra] the king of gods [trayastriṃśa] (surarājajuṣṭaḥ, ll. 44-45, M 276). then the text would here refer to the physical remains, that is the ‘material body’ (rūpakāya) of the Buddha 4. (v. 6, ll. 45-46, M 276) This praṇidhi(Tib. smonlam) (cf. v. 5ab § IV.3).According to the prescription given isexpressed in the first person singular, that seems to be for the rite of consecrating the stūpa,78the relic in this rhetorically, if not diplomatically, staged by the poet caseconsists essentially of bones and ashes. On the other himself (Ratnāgama?) as if his prayer would be ardently 76 conveyed to the king (and donor? cf.M 276), and wishing 77 NoteworthyD. C.Sircar (IEG s. v.) ‘same as aṅga-bhoga’ ref. to the Indices to Indian Antiquity vol. 14; ‘same as gotra or gotra- śailikā,a memorial pillar for the dead members of one’s family’ ref. 74 See AŚ 2.33.8 and index s. v. bhṛta.Note the expressionsar- Index to EI vol. 33’, to which we will return on another occasion. vaprāṇibhir appearing in the colophon of the Gilgit manuscript of Finally, the polysemic term buddhi could have been purposedly the Bhaiṣajyagurusūtra,see Oskar v. Hinüber DiePalolaṢāhis,Ihre choosen as meaning, among others, ‘Intelligence personified’, echoing Steininschriften,InschriftenaufBronzen,Handschriftenkolophoneund in this case the Epic and, possibly, applying also to the Ācārya Rat- Schützzauber. Materialien zur Geschichte von Gilgit und Chilas. nāgama. On its part, the suffix -āśraya intervenes in king’s titulatures, Mainz, Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 2004 [= Antiquities of Northern such as satya°, buddhi° lit. ‘repository of truth/ or intelligence’, see Pakistan, Reports and Studies, vol. 5]: 77, § 38B. ‘The Quintessence of the Mādhyamika Teaching Blossoms Again. 75 Oskar von Hinüber (personal communication) kindly pointed the Part II: Buddhism in Āndhradeśa after the Ikṣvākus’. inconsistency of our former interpretation of this passage, and though 78 On the liturgy of consecrating a stūpa, as attested in a Dunhuang with much caution, he suggests that Dāmana could be a name, and adds MS, see Cristina Scherrer-Schaub, ‘Some dhāraṇī written on paper ‘Falls diese Vermutung richtig sein sollte, was sich schliesslich nicht functioning as dharmakāya relics. A tentative approach to PT 350’, in: erweisen lässt, dann steht hier möglicherweise der Namen des Haupt- Per Kvaerne Ed. TibetanStudies.Proceedingsofthe6thSeminarofthe stifters, der in Zeile 34 verloren ist’. For this and other very useful InternationalAssociationforTibetanStudies,Fagernes1992.Oslo, The remarks we are indebted and grateful to him. Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture, 1994: 711-727. 76 M 276 : ‘The speaker is apparently the main donor or the ruler On the Bodhimaṇḍālaṃkāranāmadhāraṇī-upacāra’s list of relics, see Mehama’, — though Mehama, might be be less convincing. ib. 718 and notes. Cf.n. 79 herewith. 132 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB hand, the ‘body of Dharma/dharmas’ (dharmakāya) May [this village] the place of our birth and [of our] res- briefly said is constituted by the dharmas that make a idence? (asmajjanmanidhānahetur iha), this important Buddha a Buddha, his teaching i.e. all the dharmas that āryagrāma, which is blessed by a multitude of stūpas lead to the bodhi, and, thereby, to Omniscience. And resembling the autumn clouds (śāradamegha v.7a, l. 46 again, in the rite of consecration, specific texts such as M 277) [resembling] an assemblance of lotus in a pool [whose] surface has been cleansed by thousand rays of the dhāraṇīs or mahāyānasūtras, are considered as the relics sun (arkkāṃśu) […], and in like manner [may this blessed of Dharma, the [Buddha-]dharmakāya. Now and if the place] be constantly frequented by persons of noble/liberal text alludes here to the dharmakāya, in this case this behaviour (udārasatvacarita), in the image of heaven would indicate that the local stūpa was housing uniden- (svargatulya) [cf. v. 5d and 6d]! tified texts, something that is not unfrequent in the report of archæological excavation, and is supported by liturgical In v. 7a the poet, with the image describing the reli- practice, known in India and, highly interesting in the quaries [that are adorning the region] like automn clouds present context, attested in Kunduz (Badakhshan).79 (śāradamegha), seems to poetically respond to the name But there is more. From the Buddhological point of of the king lineage and possibly to the village (Śārada); view the rūpakāya/buddhakāya results from the accumu- again, in v. 7b, admitted that ‘arcca’ and ‘arkka’ could lation of merits (puṇyasaṃbhāra), while the dharmakāya, have been perceived as homophoneous, the poet could from the accumulation of knowledge (jñānasaṃbhāra). have used the image of the rays of the sun (arkkāṃśu) to Both are equally designated as the laukika-lokottara- evoke the name of the mahāvihāraher Ladyship, Arcca- kuśala-saṃbhāra (YṢVṛ 102-103, n. 4) which procede vāmanā (cf.infran. 105). from and/or are obtained through the real understanding of Alternative translations of asmajjanmanidhānaheturiha the pratītyasamutpāda, see Candrakīrti commentingYukti- may be envisaged, such as ‘the place of our birth (asmajj- ṣaṣṭikā’sliminary stanza (in upendravajrā meter) in praise anma°)[andwhere the wealth/the treasure] is deposited / of Nāgārjuna as the skilled hermeneut who, in his Yuk- buried (nidhānaheturiha); or, ‘here [in this world] (iha) tiṣaṣṭikā,elicits the teaching of the pratītyasamutpāda that where our birth (or our present existence) [took place, discards the pair of antonyms, following the path of Jina’s here is] the cause of wealth (dhānahetur’ — again equiv- yukti, and according to the Madhyamaka ocally pointing to the spiritual and material cause of wealth, this last with a view to future excellent persons JinasyayoyuktipathānuyāyinīnnirākrāntantadvayaYuk- and donors of the kingdom or coming to the kingdom tiṣaṣṭhikāṃ| from afar and granting thus continuation to the Buddhist cakāratasyapraṇipatyasāmayāvibhajyatemadhyama- institution, (v. 7, ll. 46-48, M 277). And from the terres- kānusārataḥ | | trial point of view, the text could also allude to the wealthy Ayant rendu hommage à celui qui a composé la Soixan- region of Śārdīysa, see infra p. 139, and nn. 116-117. taine sur le raisonnement qui suit le chemin du raisonne- 6. (v. 8, M ll. 48-51, 277) Here the poet paints the Excel- ment du Victorieux et écarte les deux extrêmes, je vais lent secular person who is living in the village and who analyser ce [Traité] au moyen de la Doctrine du milieu. (YṢVṛ 1b4, p. 19 and n. 4-4, trsl. p. 102) by correctly understanding the teaching will in the future attain a clear mind, a state of equipoise, will abandon all Finally, the puṇya° and jñāna-saṃbhāra constitute intellectual quarrels and become unmistaken. the bodhisaṃbhāra,that isthe requisite to attain the supreme 80 goal, see YṢVṛ nn. 5, 695, and 697.However, the auspi- He who is ‘light embodied’ (*bhātidehaḥ) [by virtue of having understood] the celestial water of truth (*satyāmbu),81 cious cum exhortative verses (vv. 3-9) addressed to the sec- and who takes delight in others’s welfare (*parahitāyarati)82, ular society seem rather to advocate terrestrial and celestial goals (cf.v. 4d, 5d, 7d, 9d) 80 See M 277, v. 8a, suggesting bhīta (< bhī-) ‘to be frightened, 5. (verse 7, ll. 46-48, M 277) The poet (Ratnāgama him- terrified’ and from where also derives the name of the Deity, Bhīma. self in his office as kalyāṇamitra?) continues and associ- Or bhāti(< bhãyati) ‘who fears’ (namely attacks etc.),this last occur- ates the entire community to his solemn and public vow ring also in v. 3, l. 41, M 275. See MW s. v. bhāti ‘light, splendour; evidence, perception, knowledge’ following the rather late Bhāgavata Purāṇa. The meaning of ‘knowledge’ would fit perfectly here through metonymy: ‘He who knows the teaching has indeed dispelled the dark- 79 See Gregory Schopen ‘The Bodhigarbhālaṅkāralakṣa and ness of avidyā’. Vimaloṣṇīṣa dhāraṇī in Indian Inscriptions’ WZKS 29, 1985: 119-149; 81 Of which Ratnāgama could be the paragon who teaches correctly, Ingo Strauch, ‘Two Stamps with the Bodhigarbhālaṃkāralakṣa Dhāraṇī as his name seems to indicate. The expression satyāmbu (*M 277 from Afghanistan and Some Further Remarks on the Classification of satyāṃbuṃ), that is the Buddha teaching, seems to be here a poetic Objects with the ye dharmā formula’, in: Gerd J. R. Mevissen and substitute for the more ‘scholastic’ dharmamegha, cf. Questions boud- Arundhati Banerji (eds), Prajñādhara.EssaysonAsianArt,History, dhiques / Buddhist Questions IV. Epigraphy and Culture in honour of Gouriswar Bhattacharya. New 82 In teaching the pratītyasamutpāda,the Buddha (and the skilled Delhi, Kaveri Book, 2009: 37-56. hermeneut) envisages the loka° or jagadhita, see YṢVṛ nn. 34 and 345. THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 133

who is abandoning conflict/war (tyaktasaṃga), [he by Again, it is as if the lay community of the āryagrāma, whom provocations are] patiently endured (titikṣu), who where the Tathāgata’s shrine housing the reliquary is has turned away from violence and mistakes (hiṃsādo- located, where the king and the Buddhist teacher were ṣāpavṛttaḥ), who desists from (sannivṛttaḥ) the dispersive born, was causing trouble to Ratnāgama, the potential state (vibhramā) [caused by] pungent (khara) and calom- counsellor of the king (?), and/or to unspecified teachers nious (piśuna) words (vacas), who stands [firmly] on faith (*śraddhādhiṣṭhāna), who takes pleasure in kindly speech residing there or in the vicinity or passing in their way to (priyavacanarataḥ), [as well as that manwhoisuniquely China and/or back to India, particularly because they intentupon] the triple set (trivarga) [ofobjects,pertaining were raising disputes (vivāda, cf. v. 6, M ll. 45-46, 276); to the puruṣārtha]83 will reach the state of equipoise or also and possibly some Buddhist heterodox teachers, (prāptasāmya) [equanimity of mind, a just state, a state of adding thus social troubles to the village in a region serenity]: May that person (so‘yaṃ) who resides in (endemically) turbolent: inroads by local tribes, e.g. the Śārdīysa (Śāradā, Sarasvatī) ever be unmistaken (ciram Dards ransoning the precious ware transported through aviskhalita) ! these regions, or fight if not war caused by competing forces wishing to take control over the trade-routes, pos- The term aviskhalita is rare and the expression ciram 85 avikhalitaḥ,verse 8d, ll. 50, M. 277 appears to refer to a sibly over the salt-route, and to the outstanding and precise doctrinal question, that the (deutero)-Nāgārjuna wealthy village (āryagrāma, v. 7d) of Śārdīysa (v.8d). raises in his Mppś (T. 1509, k. 26, 255b, TGVS III 1698- Concerning the village in question, Gudrun Melzer 1699). The term aviskhalita refers to the list of the suggests that, attributes exclusive to the Buddha (ãveṇikadharma),that [a]lthough śārdīysa° is clearly readable, it is also possible begins with nāsti Tathāgatasya skhalitam, and about that gārdīysa° is meant, since our inscription reveals three which, the Mahāyānist discutant thinks, the Sarvāstivādin other instances where the letters śa and ga are confused. does not get the real measure, If one assumes that gārdīysa° is correct it could perhaps be identified as modern Gardez, a place with a long his- Ce qui constitue l’attribut exclusif, c’est le fait de nejamais tory situated to the south of Kābul. But Gardez lies far avoirdefautes et non pas de n’en pas avoir (de temps en away from the modern town Ṭālaqān and it is not known temps). whether the name is as old as the settlement is (M 277). Later in the stanza (v. 8c and possibly also 8d ll. 50 And here starts a long story that we will try to resume and 51, M 277) it is as if the poet, the teacher and to the essential, herewith in Part III. kalyāṇamitra, Ratnāgama, with the term trivarga84 wants Returning to the concluding part of the Schøyen doc- to allude to the objects of life leading the king, the allo- ument (§ IV), Melzer notes that paleographic indication dox and other lay-persons, not yet really Buddhists, to seems to suggest (M ll. 48-51) that after v. 8 that we have welfare. just seen the redactor wished to separate the preceding Speaking of the king, Kauṭilya (AŚ I.7.4) says indeed, part from what follows, that is the last verse concluding Or (he, that is the king, should devote himself) equally to the deed. the three goals of life which are bound up with one another’ 7. (M v. 9 ll. 51-54, 277-278) This closingverse tells us (samaṃvātrivargamanyonyānubaddham). that not only the Buddhist teaching was distorted and/or Even more explicitly Mānava Dharmaśāstra 2.224 disputed, but the family power (cf.supra§ IV.2) of the (Olivelle skr 442, trsl. 106): king (and of the Tathāgata?) was also in danger. dharmārthavucyateśreyaḥkāmārthaudharmaevavā| May the heroes of liberality/ the warriors having aban- arthaevahavāśreyastrivargaititusthitiḥ| doned (tyāgaśūrāḥ) [violence] fully prosper (ṛddhyantāṃ) and may the enemy (vairin) of the family power / family Some say that Law and Wealth are conducive to welfare; army (kulabala) be annihilated! May [the donees, Bud- others, Pleasure and Wealth, and still others Law alone or dhist and non Buddhist,] who deserve donation [or sac- Wealth alone. But the settled rule is this: the entire triple rifical fees] (dakṣiṇīyā)86 realize the fruit (sasyasampattir set is conducive to welfare.

83 See AŚ 1.7.4 and 9.7.60: arthodharmaḥkāmaityarthatrivargaḥ 85 See Shoshin Kuwayama ‘The Hephtalites in Tokharistan and || Cf. MānavaDharmaśāstra, Olivelle 2005: 253 n. 2.224. Northwest India’ Zinbun 24, 1989: 89-134, 92-97 commenting on the 84 Interestingly, the expression is attested in the Mppś (T. xxxx, Hephtalite king met by Sung Yun in 520. k. 15, 173b), TGVS II 937 where it designates the lay-person, in a 86 The term is listed in the Mahāvyutpatti and translated as sbyin passage on kausīdya,which is here antonym of vīrya: ‘Si [le paresseux] gnas,‘donee’, syn of puṇyakṣetra. David Seyfort Ruegg analyses in est un homme du siècle, il perd le triple avantage (trivarga) de la vie historical perspective the categories of donor, donee and donation in his laïque: plaisir des sens (kāma), richesse (artha), et vertu (guṇa) dis- Ordrespiritueletordretemporeldanslapenséebouddhiquedel’Inde paraissent à la fois.’ etduTibet.Paris, Collège de France, 1995: 53-59. 134 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB

astu)87 by whose accumulation the series of qualities devaputraṣāhi, dedicated the monument, and who did (guṇagaṇa,cf.v.1, suprap. 123-125) are acquired! May fight against the alluded to enemy (hired troop? usurpers? the reliquaries (dhātugarbha)‘be worshipped […] for a dispute with Kaśmīr?) and whose daughter, the Ś/Sāra- long time’! May the King-Giver (dātṛrāja), he who is a 88 daṣāhiduhitṛ *Buddh- (M 266, l. 35) had been given in Dutiful/Just (dharmātman) [ruler] enjoy [in the future] marriage to Opandaputreṇa Tālagānikadevaputraṣāhi. the bliss of cessation/apeasement/peace (praśamasukhab- hujaḥ) [in heaven, cf.vv.5d,6d,7d]! Or, (less or more plausible?) the Ś/Sāradaṣāhi’s ‘enemy’ was Opandaputreṇa Tālagānikadevaputraṣāhi himself Again, the text is playing with a series of arthaśleṣa; who, eventually, took the Ś/Sāradaṣāhiduhitṛ as his wife the king is Dharma embodied (dharmātman) and a Giver, whose father, the Sāradaṣāhi, had by then made allege- who sacrifies and offers his own person (Scherrer-Schaub ance to the new usurper. This in a certain sense is in line 2007: 769-780 and notes). Albeit the poet, most likely with the relation of Song Yun the Ācārya and kalyāṇamitra89 Ratnāgama, exhorts here [D]ans les contrées d’Occident, le K‘ang-kiu (Sogdiane), the local lord to liberality, the tenor of the verse evokes Yu-t‘ien (Khotan), Cha-le (Kashgar), Ngan-si (Boukhârâ) once again the ‘hybrid’ Indian Vedic cum Buddhist con- et plus de trente petits royaumes divers se soumirent tous text, alluded to previously. aux Hephtalites; ce même ouvrage, énumère encore comme assujettis aux Hephtalites les pays suivants: Tchou-kiu Incidentally, Faxian while joining Huijing in Baltistan, (Kongiar), K‘o-p‘an-t‘o (Tach-kourgane), Po-ho (Wakhân), could attend the pañcavarṣika ceremony, allegedly con- Po-tche (Zébak), Che-mi (Tchitrâl) et Kan-t‘o (Gandhâra). sidered as having been introduced by Aśoka, and where A propos de ce dernier royaume, le Peiche et la relation the king practising the apex of liberality, a sort of potlatch, de Song Yun nous apprennent qu’il s’appelait à l’origine offered all his wealth, including himself, to the community, Che-po ou Che-po-lo, qu’il changea de nom lorsqu’il fut and at the end of the ceremony bought up his property conquis par les Hephtalites, qu’il reçut alors pour roi from the saṃgha. un tegin et que cette nouvelle dynastie comptait deux Now, if the conjecture that the Ś/Sāradaṣāhi is the générations lors de la venue de Song-yun, comme Song dātṛrājaof Śārdīysa is correct, he may equally be the Yun visita le Gandhâra en 520, on voit que la conquête Lord who, conjointly with Opandaputra Tālagānika du Gandhâra par les Hephtalites devait avoir eu lieu vrai- semblablement dans la seconde moitié du cinquième siècle.90 87 sasyasampattir astu may certainly be understood in its literal sense ‘may there be abundance of grain/corn’, but also in its figurative sense ‘may the fruit (syn. of phala) be fulfilled/ achieved’. III 88 See Jan Gonda AncientIndianKingshipfromthereligiouspoint of view. Leiden, Brill, 1969: 68 and notes ‘An epithet frequently ṬĀLAQĀN ṢĀHI, S/ŚĀRADA ṢĀHI AND THE BUDDHIST used in connection with the ruler is dharmātman- translated by ‘dutiful’ AEGIS UNDER THE ALXAN/ALKHAN’S RULE91 or ‘religious minded’, but properly meaning ‘whose personality is (absorbed in) dharma’. 89 On the meaning of this term, see Cristina Scherrer-Schaub Ṭālakān / Ṭālkān (Barthold 1968: 565 s.v.)/Talagang Yuktiṣāṣṭikāvṛtti.Commentaireàlasoixantainesurleraisonnement and Śārdīysa (Yuktiṣāṣṭikā)deNāgārjunaou‘Duvraienseignementdelacausalité’ parleMaîtreindienCandrakīrti. Bruxelles, Institut Belge des hautes Gudrun Melzer (M 256) suggests that the toponym Études Chinoises, 1991. Mélanges chinois & bouddhiques (MCB) ‘Ṭālaqān’ mentioned in the present deed may refer to two volume XXV: 215-216, n. 380. From the doctrinal point of view, the function of Ratnāgama in the present context, recalls the kalyāṇamitras staged in the Gaṇḍavyūha, the last chapter of the Avataṃsakasūtra 90 See Édouard Chavannes Tou-Kiue1903: 224-226 and notes. (T. 278, translated by Buddhabhadra in 420 CE), who as counsellor 91 On the debated Alkhan’s chronology, see Michael Alram and they were leading the young prince Sudhana in his pradakṣiṇa territo- Matthias Pfisterer ‘Alkhan and Hephtalite Coinage’, in: M. Alram, rial journey and spiritual quest, ib. 216, n. 380. In the socio-political D. Klimburg-Salter, M. Inaba and M. Pfisterer Eds. Coins,Art,and sphere the kalyāṇamitra,as it happens, plays a role similar to that of the ChronologyII.ThefirstMilleniumC.E.intheIndo-IranianBorder- purohita, mainly however as spiritual counsellor of the king. A Dun- lands. Wien, ÖAW, 2010: 13-38, 26: ‘Summing up, if we try to link huang Tibetan MS attests the list of the lineage of kalyāṇamitras and the numismatic evidence with the new evidence provided by the teachers (ācārya) of the Buddhist colleges (chosgrwa‘islobdpon) of Talaqan inscription we get the following historical picture: at the end various regions of Tibet, and where Śāntarakṣita appears at first bearing of the 5th c. Khingila, Mehama, Javukha and Toramana ruled simulta- the titles upādhyāya and bodhisattva, see Cristina Scherrer-Schaub neously in Greater Gandhāra and border regions farther to the east ‘A Perusal of Early Tibetan Inscriptions in Light of the Buddhist World where they each issued coins in different mints and areas. According of the 7th to th 9th centuries A. D.’ in: Kurt Tropper Ed. Epigraphic to numismatic evidence, they all must be considered members of the EvidenceinthePre-modernBuddhistWorld.Wien, AKTBS Universi- Alkhan tribe or polity, which began to strike coins sometimes after 385, tät Wien, 2014: 117-165, 126 and n. 23. The title appears also in most probably in the Kapisi/Kabul area. Uncertain is whether the estab- inscriptions of Gilgit, e.g. on the ‘bronze des Jayamaṅgalavikramādit- lishment of their power was a warlike event or happened in a more or yanandi’ see Oskar v. Hinüber ANP 5: 31-36, 32 and 139. Noteworthy less peaceful way.’ Equally essential, in the present context, the article and as exemplarly shown by the narrative of the Gaṇḍavyūha, the of Elizabeth Errington ‘Differences in the Patterns of Kidarite and kalyāṇamitrais not necessarly a religious person. Alkhan Coin Distribution ar Begram and Kashmir Smast’, in op.cit. THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 135 distinct towns ‘in Northern Afghanistan, one in Guzgan assessing their control over particular zones. The fact that and one in Tukharistan east of Qunduz. [And concludes it is not always possible to find archaeological evidence that t]he latter might be meant here’. Étienne de la Vais- that could confirm their presence,94 is not only due to the sière on his part,92 and while anticipating that Gudrun incursions and waste that were and continue to be perpe- Melzer ‘put great emphasis on being very cautious about trated in these regions, but it is also due to the way of life this’ problematic, notes that ‘the location of the inscrip- of these nomadic societies that were (and some still are, tion in Bactria [is] a crucial point that is open to dispute’, till when?) moving from place to place over a very and adds a third possibility, that the Ṭālaqān in question extended territory, which included the fact that religious might be rather situated ‘just north to the Salt Ranges’ where and other implements were transported. On their part, the ‘town of Talagang (32°54‘3.65‘‘N, 72°29‘39.10‘‘E) some sites where Buddhist monastic complex or reli- fits perfectly into this pattern’, as ‘a town’name that quary were identified, are often located on border or might be linked to the title Talagānika-Devaputra-Ṣāhi’. frontier zones, watchtowers, or a zone of trade-traffic control. With this in mind, it is interesting to explore the gen- Nomads and semi-nomads eral conspectus that saw the issue of the charter and the As it appears from the diplomatic reading of the char- institution of the reliquary, giving special attention to the ter, the deed was done in Śārdīysa, but before proceeding kinship of the persons involved and their provenance, as further on its location, it might be useful if not necessary well as to the social and religious background. to focus upon some aspects of the way of life of nomads or semi-nomads,93 like some of the protagonists associ- Ṭālaqān ated to the present deed (cf.supran. 70). First of all they were pasturizing during summer in higher places and Édouard Chavannes in his magisterial work ‘Documents returning to lower and still green pastures during the win- sur les Tou-kiue (Turcs) occidentaux’ (hereafter ‘Tou- 95 th ter. They were not necessarily, nor permanently linked to kiue’) noted that, at the end of the 5 c., the region of a particular town, nor even a region, though they could Gourgân (Guzgan), was situated for various reasons reside for several months/years and [À] l’angle sud-est de la mer Caspienne — and was — have their ‘court’ — a word that not always designates a une des forteresses de la Perse limitrophes de ce peuple; permanent structure, being more often than not a tent — in beaucoup plus au sud, la ville de Tâlekân, qui était à a precise locality seen from outside as their capital town. 23 parasanges à l’est de Merv-er-roud et à 55 parasanges A constant feature is that, for obvious reason, they were à l’ouest de Balkh, était à la frontière des deux empires settling their camp along the rivers. They could also Perse et Hephtalite (Tou-kiue 223 and n. 6). leave their family for war, or for other motives, i. e. Ṭālaqān in Guzgan was thus a border zone, situated outside the fortifications of the city of Merv where several Buddhist sites have been discovered by the Russian archae- 147-155, 148-149. Cf.Frantz Grenet ‘Regional interaction in Central 96 Asia and Northwest India in the Kidarite and Hephtalite period’, in: ologists, shortly after the middle of the past century. Nicolas Sims-Williams Ed. Indo-IranianLanguagesandPeoples. Lon- Pierfrancesco Callieri looking into the possible datation don, The British Academy by Oxford University Press, 2002: 203-224, and following the opinion of B. Ja. Staviskij, concludes 221. See now Michael Alram ‘From Sassanians to the Huns. New in saying that Numismatic Evidence from the Hindu Kush’ Numismatic Chronicle 2014: 1-31, and Mathias Pfisterer Die Münzen der Kidariten und [C]onsiderable amount of chronological data pertaining to AlchanausdemBernischenHistorischenMuseumundderSammlung the Buddhist stūpas in Merv go back to the 5th-6th century Jean-PierreRighetti.Vienna, 2013: 65-82. 92 ‘A Note on the Schøyen Copper Scroll: Bactrian or Indian?’ BAI n.s./vol. 21, 2007: 127-130, 127, 129. 94 For a sample of criteria that shall be taken into account to identify 93 See Song Yun’s description of the kingdom of the Hephtalites, nomadic or semi-nomadic (including transhumance type) settlements in Édouard Chavannes ‘Voyage de Song Yun dans l’Udyāna et le Gan- the regions of NWFP, see Ruth Young et alii, ‘The archaeological dhāra’ BEFEO T.3, 1903: 379-441, 402-404. Referring to the Sinolo- visibility of transhumance tested using faunal material from NWFP, gists that did study the Chinese sources on the Hephtalites, Shoshin Pakistan’, in Ellen M. Raven SouthAsianArachaeology1999.Groningen, Kuwayama notes that ‘they tend to be confined by the limits of tradi- Egbert Forsten, 2008: 203-210. tional ways of dealing with Chinese sources with little regard to the fact 95 Presented at the Imperial Academy of Sciences of St. Péters- that the Hephtalites are nomads shifting with their daily ustensils bourg the 23 of August 1900 and published in St.-Pétersbourg, 1903: between qishlaq (winter quarters) and yailaq (summer pasture lands). 1-380. Scholars like them in fact take no notice of either the natural topogra- 96 See G. A. Pugačenkova and Z. I. Usmanova ‘Buddhist Monu- phy or aspects of human ecology which are so closely linked with each ments in Merv’, in: Invernizzi Antonio Ed. IntheLandoftheGryphons. other in Tokharistan’, see ‘The Hephtalites in Tokharistan and North- PapersonCentralAsianArchaeologyinAntiquity.Firenze, Casa Edi- west India’ Zinbun-Annals of the Institute for Resarch and Humanities, trice Le Lettere, 1995: 51-81, 52-53 and 69-70. On the Hephtalite in this 24, 1989: 89-134, 111. region in the late 5th-6th c., see also Errington and Curtis 2007: 101. 136 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB

A.D., i. e. to the period in which the Hephtalites had Now, given the position of Sāsā in the charter, whose imposed political sovereignity on the Sasanians. The west- name and title come immediately after Toramāṇa (l. 38, ward expansion of Buddhism may therefore have profited M 274), and if the specific position in the document is from the temporary political subjugation of Margiana to a not aleatory, it is tempting to surmise that she could have kingdom based in Bactria-Toxarestân and the North-west of been the mahāvihārasvāminī of avihāra founded under the Indian subcontinent, where Buddhism was flourishing.97 the aegis of Toramāṇa or on his behalf, in the region While the manuscripts that were found in the settlement of Badakhshan, Merv or somewhere else in the Alkhan of Gyaur-kala ‘not far from the ‘tower’’ (Callieri 1996: dominion, and where the proximity to the Iranians could 393) are later98 than the period that interests us here, have inspired the Buddhists to ‘implicate’ her Ladyship some of the artefacts show evidence of the route that in their ‘tactical cum eirenic’ coming to power in the linked Merv to Badakhshan, to Kāśmīr,99 and further on to region.101 While the presence of Toramāṇa in Margiana the Northwest India, and naturally to the present regions is facing the silence of numismatic evidence, Pier- of Afghanistan. Among the remarkable findings is a francesco Callieri noticed that ‘it would be difficult to series of (movable and transportable) clay tablets/slabs imagine that the city of Merv, on the eastern boundary of with images and inscriptions that were possibly manufac- the Sassanian kingdom, could escape some degree of tured in Merv and where Hephtalite influence’.102 Interestingly, the archaeological ‘excavations carried out by JuTAKE in the ‘seventies in [T]he figure of the Bodhisattva underwent a transforma- the part of the Buddhist complex to the south of the stūpa tion, Ephtalite features being added to it. The crown con- n° 1’, permitted to date the vihāra‘by Sassanian copper sisting of three semi-circles on rods, and with a line in the th th 103 middle and fluttering ribbons, are characteristic of coins coins of the 5 -6 century.’ with the inscription NSPK, dating from 400-500 A. D. Moreover, the charter’s dispositio, and in particular which have been found in Kabulistan, especially in Ghazni. the intention shown by Opandaputreṇa Tālagānika- The dates fully correspond to the last period of reconstruc- Devaputra-Ṣāhi to associate to the deed the Alkhan’s tion of the stūpa. Similar crowns have also been found on Ephtalite gems. We have not found any exact analogies M. Inaba and M. Pfisterer Eds. Coins,Art,andChronologyII.Thefirst with the composition on the Merv tablets, although its ele- MilleniumC.E.intheIndo-IranianBorderlands. Wien, ÖAW, 2010: ments — the Bodhisattva, the stūpa, the femal donor — 13-38, 19: the ‘crescent’ of Type 318 may be compared with the 100 were wide-spread in Buddhist art. Gyaur-Kala’s clay tablets. Callieri (1996: 391) notes that Pran Gopal Paul in his doctoral thesis (Leiden, 1986, not seen by the present author) attributed ‘to the Hūṇa period, at the end of the 5th century’ 97 Pierfrancesco Callieri refers to the original publications of the ‘the terracotta tiles from the Kashmiri monastery of Harvan’, and being Russian archaeologists, see ‘Hephtalites in Margiana? New Evidence thus coeval with the Merv tablets. Incidentally, the monastery of Harvan from the Buddhist Relics in Merv’, in: LaPersiael’Asiacentraleda is the famous Ṣaḍarhadvana where the legend narrates that Nāgārjuna AlessandroalXsecolo. Roma, Accademia nazionale dei Lincei, 1996: sojourned at the epoch of the Great Kuṣāṇas (TGVS III, liii). — On the 391-400, 395 and 399. inscriptions appearing on the Merv tablets see now Stefan Baums 98 According to Callieri (1996: 396 and n. 2), basing himself upon ‘Inscribed Buddhist Tablets from Merv’ in: Carol Altman Bromberg, Vorob‘eva-Desjatovskaja, the manuscripts, some of which were previ- Timothy J. Lenz and Jason Neelis Eds. Evoṣuyadi.EssaysinHonorof ously dated according to archaeological data only, may date between RichardSalomon65thBirthday.BAI New Series/Volume 23, 2009/2013: the 5th and 7th c. See David A. Utz ‘Aršak, Parthian Buddhist, and 21-31. ‘Iranian’ Buddhism’, in E. Zürcher, L. Sander et alii BuddhismAcross 101 It may be worth mentioning however that middle-Persian names Boundaries—ChineseBuddhismandtheWesternRegions.Taiwan, and, among them, ‘Sāsān’, are attested in the vicinity of Sardis, in 1999: 422-447, 427, n. 20. inscriptions dated to the 4th-6th c. A.D., see Nicolas Sims-Williams, ‘The 99 Kāśmīr played a central role as some sort of plaquetournante Iranian Inscriptions of Shatial*’, in: Professor Gregory M. Bongard- from and to where religious masters and artefacts were transmitting the LevinFelicitationVolume.IndologicaTaurinensia, vol. 23-24: 523-541, Buddhist religion and culture during the Hephtalite Empire whose ‘tem- 137, 133. porary political unity’ owed an important tribute to the Buddhist insti- 102 On this historical problematic, see Callieri 1996: 397-399. tution. Cf. F. Grenet ‘Regional interaction in Central Asia and Northwest 103 See Callieri 1996: 395) following Usmanova 1976: 16. Cf. India in the Kidarite and Hephtalite period’, in: Nicolas Sims-Williams Grenet 2002: 212, n. 16. The presence of Buddhism in Badakhshan at Ed. Indo-IranianLanguagesandPeoples. London, The British Acad- the same epoch (5th-6th c.) is attested e.g. by seals stamped with the emy by Oxford University Press, 2002: 212-213: ‘Although the admin- Bodhigarbhālaṃkāralakṣadhāraṇī,that said in passing is a text linked istration of the empire was shared between several yabghus and tegins, with the liturgy of consecrating a stūpa (see supra p. 131-132 and armies and dignitaries travelled far and wide on both sides of the Hin- n. 78-79) possibly from Qunduz according to Gérard Fussman men- dukush’ (…) ‘There are several indications that the focus of this second tioned by Ingo Strauch in what may be said to be the first comprehen- Buddhist conquest of Central Asia, more far reaching than the first one sive catalogue of the extant specimens of this dhāraṇī, see ‘Two in the Kushan period, was centred in Kashmir’. Stamps with the Bodhi garbhālaṃkāralakṣa Dhāraṇī from Afghanistan 100 G. A. Pugačenkova and Z. I. Usmanova ‘Buddhist Monuments and Some Further Remarks on the Classification of Objects with the ye in Merv’, in: Invernizzi Antonio Ed. In the Land of the Gryphons. dharmāformula’, in: Gerd J. R. Mevissen and Arundhati Banerji Eds. PapersonCentralAsianArchaeologyinAntiquity.Firenze, Casa Edi- Prajñādhara.EssaysonAsianArt,History,EpigraphyandCulturein trice Le Lettere, 1995: 51- 81, 69-70. See M. Alram and M. Pfisterer honourofGouriswarBhattacharya.New Delhi, Kaveri Book, 2009: ‘Alkhan and Hepthalite Coinage’, in: M. Alram, D. Klimburg-Salter, 37-56. THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 137 rulers, starting with Khiṅgīla,104 each one of them bearing her Ladyship, and allegedly linked with the ruling fam- a specific and significant titulature (and no one desig- ily. The phraseology used in our document and, at time, nated as kālagata! cf. M. n. 86), seems to tell us that he the unusual terminology (na. Vedic), betray the plural- wanted to name the rulers and/or the lineage (?) of the istic milieu that had been observed elsewhere,109 one new and vaste dominion conquered by them. Opanda- where Brahmins are in a way or another (in this case not putra bearing the titles of devaputra and ṣāhi, and who yet totally clarified) acting among Buddhists as ‘laity was the Lord of the mahāvihāra of Śārdīysa (as it seems performing the minimalistic rites of worshipping the Bud- plausible to infer from the charter) allegedly the same dha image and read sūtra.’110 The first indication could be mahāvihāra as the one kept by her Ladyship Arcca- the allusion and appeal to the trivarga(suprap. 133 and vāmanā,105 was also the ‘subaltern’ ruler ofṬālakān/Tala- n. 84) that could constitute, in the case in point, part of the gang possibly a sub-district of the larger area governed community of lay-persons. And this leads us to question by mahāṣāhiMehama.106 the location of Śārdīysa where the lay-persons reside and where the installation/deposit of the dhātugarbha took Śārdīysa, the Sārada Ṣāhi, his daugther, and the place. kalyāṇamitra Ratnāgama Śārdīysa The literary style of the charter despite orthographical mistakes and/or paleographic imperfections (M 252-253) Gudrun Melzer remarks that Sārada ‘could also be the tells us that the document emanates from a refined cul- name of a place or people’ and that ‘it remotely reminds tural and religious milieu, perhaps written by Ratnāgama one of Śāradā, a river and a holy place in Kāśmīr named himself, ācārya and kalyāṇamitra,107 cited immediately after after the goddess of the same name’ adding though that *Mahādevī108 mother of Arccavāmanā the mahāvihāra this parallel ‘does not necessarily have any significance here’ (M 257 and n. 37). In despite, it is tempting to investigate the case, to see 104 Khiṅgīla bears here the same title mahāṣāhi as Mehama. O. v. Hinüber ANP 5 2004: 109-110, and note 105, referring to [thelater] if our document had any chance to be connected with ‘Khiṅghila nennt sich auf der Inschrift des Mahā-Vināyaka aus Kabul present day Sardis/Sharda/Śardis (1’981 mt) situated in (Gardez?) paramabhaṭṭāraka mahārājādhirāja śrī ṣāhi Khiṅg[i]la the Neelam (Kiṣangaṅgā, before Partition) Valley that Odyānaṣāhi’. Melzer and Sander (M 259, n. 56) think that this inscrip- today runs alongside the Line of control with India, and tion ‘belongs most probably to a later ruler, because it is written in a later form of Brahmi’. And in the footnote they add ‘The script of the inscription resembles an early form of ‘Protośārada’ or ‘Gilgit Bāmiyān in the legend of the Śārada sanctuary, see Stein II 279. We will come Type I’ and corresponds to Sander’s alphabet m. Therefore the second back to this question in ‘The Quintessence of the Mādhyamika Teach- half of the 6th century would be its earliest possible date’. ing Blossoms Again. Part II:‘Buddhism in Āndhra after the Ikṣvāku’ 105 Concerning the name Arccavāmanā G. Melzer, following (forthcoming). — The title mahādevī is current among the Palola Ṣāhis, N. Sims-Williams (M 257), notes that it ‘could also be Iranian, because see Oskar v. Hinüber DiePalolaṢāhis,IhreSteininschriften,Inschriften of the similarity of its second element -vāman with Bactrian -bamano auf Bronzen, Handschriftenkolophone und Schützzauber. Materialen (pronounced va:man) as found in the masculine personal name zur Geschichte von Gilgit und Chilas. Mainz, Verlag Philipp von Miurobamano (‘having the brillance of Mihr’)’. On hybrid names see Zabern, 2004 [= Antiquities of Northern Pakistan, Reports and Studies, Oskar v. Hinüber ‘Indische Namen in Zentralasien bis 1000 n. Chr.,: vol. 5]: 208 s. v. E. Eichler et alii (Hg.) Namenforschung.EinInternationalesHandbuch 109 Cf.e.g.Scherrer-Schaub 2007, 2014. Incidentally, the Kāśmīr zur Onomastik. 1. Teilband. Berlin 1995, Nr. 97: 657-665. In the Smast in the Mardan valley, famous for the image of Bhīma, and in context of the Palola Ṣāhi, see O. v. Hinüber DiePalolaṢāhis,Ihre whose vicinity, at Ranigat, ‘large number of Kidarite and smaller num- Steininschriften,InschriftenaufBronzen,Handschriftenkolophoneund ber of Alchon silver and bronze coins have been found’ (Errington & Schützzauber.MaterialenzurGeschichtevonGilgitundChilas. Mainz, Curtis 2011: 96) might have known a similar religious and socio-polit- Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 2004 [= Antiquities of Northern Pakistan, ical context as Śārdīysa. For the location, history and historiography of Reports and Studies, vol. 5]: 117 and notes. the Kāśmīr Smast, see Harry Falk ‘A copper Plate Donation Record and 106 Cf.infrap. 139 and n. 119. The question is whether he could some Seals from the Kashmir Smast’ BeiträgezurAllgemeinenund also have been linked in a way or another to ‘the Ṭālaqān’ on the allu- VergleichendenArchäologie2003/23: 1-19, 1-4, 14-18. vial plains of the Ṭālqān-Qunduz river ‘where the people of a nomadic 110 See É. Chavannes ‘Le voyage de Song Yun dans l’Udyāna et way of life [were] camping around the towns in the winter months and le Gandhāra (518-522 p. c.’ BEFEO III, 1903: 379-471. Cf. Max Deeg on the highlands like Badakhshan during periods of summer pasturing’, ‘A little-noticed Buddhist travelogue – Senghui’s Xiyu-ji and its rela- as evidenced by the account of the Weishu (Kuwayama 1989: 114-115, tion to the Luoyang-jialan-ji’. In: Pramāṇakīrtiḥ,PapersDedicatedto 114) saying that ‘the king did not reside in the fortified towns but ErnstSteinkellnerontheOccasionofhis70thBirthday. Ed. by Birgit moved from place to place every month taking with him camping tents Kellner, Helmut Krasser, Horst Lasic et alii. Wien 2007, Part I: 63-84, and military force and leaving his wifes at intervals of two or three 79, and notes. When the Chinese pilgrims entered Gandhāra they hundred Chinese miles’. noticed that: ‘The land resembles Udyāna. All the people in the king- 107 These two religious titles are attested in inscriptions, namely at dom are Brahmins and they [*like to read the sūtras*]. But the king Chilas, see von Hinüber ANP I 1989: 81-82 § 72a. See also supra n. 89. liked killing and was not a follower of Law of the Buddha and had 108 The title Mahādevī that refers to the śakti of Śiva may also inflicted war on the territory of Jibin...’ see n. 79 offering the variant designate, among others, Lakṣmī and Sarasvatī. Mahādevī appears also reading of Luoyang-jialan-ji. 138 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB near the confluence of the Kiṣangaṅgā and the Madhu- While noting that the temple ‘rises in a prominent and matī rivers, northwest of Wular lake, facing the Nanga commanding position above the right bank of the Madhu- Parvat (74.2E/34.8N). matī’, concerning the Kiṣangaṅgā Stein tells us (II 282) The Nīlamata Purāṇa (or Nīlamata Mahātmya) which that the river is among the oldest sources on sacred places in ancient [F]lows here with comparable smoothness. I was able to Kāśmīr ‘devotes a whole passage of Vv 989-1356 to the cross the river by means of a raft fastened to a twig description of the temples and tīrthas that existed in rope, and thus to avoid the long and somewhat dangerous 111 Kashmir presumably around the 7th century’. Ved rope-bridge which, when the water is high, forms the only Kumari in her TheNīlamataPurāṇa. Srinagar-Jammu, means of passage. J. & K Akademy of Art, Culture and Languages, 1968, 2 vols.) vol. I: 25 notes Famous as a pilgrimage destination, the place enjoyed prestige in poets’ circles during the mediaeval period (II As regard the mountain ranges to the west of Kaśmīra, it 285-288), for instance Albīrūnī‘ TarīkhalHind mentions has not been possible to identify any of them but as the temple of Durgā on the bank of the Madhumatī seems to [T]he wooden idol of S‘āradā as much venerated and fre- be the same as the shrine of Śārada described by Stein, it quented by pilgrims. He describes the position accurately is reasonable to assume that Indrakīla and Gaurī Śikhara enough as being ‘in inner Kashmīr, about two or three which are mentioned in the Nīlamata in connection with days’ journey from the capital, in the direction towards the the temple of Durgā, may be designations of some hills to mountains of Bolor’ (i. e. the region of the Upper Indus the west of Kaśmīra. between Gilgit and Ladakh, II 285). The Hindu shrine of the goddess Śāradā is further And Bilhaṇa, the Kāśmīrian poet, who mentioned by Kalhaṇa in his RājataraṅgiṇīI.37112 (Stein [in] his panegyrical description of Pravarapura or S‘rina- III, I 8 and n.37, II Note B 279-292) and was traced by gar, written when he was in the Dekkhan, far away from M. A. Stein (II, 8 and n. 37) in September 1892, at the his home, he ascribes the patronage of learning, claimed [J]unction of the Kiṣangaṅgā River with a small stream for that city, to the favour of S‘āradā. The goddess is said known to this day as Madhumatī, which flow from the to ‘resemble a swan, carrying as her diadem the [glittering mountain range to the S. E. Almost opposite to S‘ardi a gold washed from the] sand of the Madhumati stream large stream, coming from the snowy range towards Cilās, which is bent on rivalling Gaṅgā. Spreading lustre by her meets the Kiṣangaṅgā from the N. It is called Kankatori fame, brilliant like crystal, she makes even Mount Himā- on the map, but designated as Sarasvatī by the S‘āradā- laya, the preceptor of Gaurī, raise higher his head (his mahātmyaand local tradition. peaks) [in pride] of her residence there. (II 285). Most important is the fact that ‘[t]he shrine of S‘āradā is indicated as the northern boundary mark of Kāśmīr in IV the Deśavyavasthā’. Stein notes that at his time the name THE REGION OF GILGIT-BALTISTAN AND THE KĀŚMĪRIAN S‘ardi (Śardi) designated ‘the little village and fort near TEXTUAL TRADITION IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE which the temple of S‘āradā stands’, and that the name ‘undoubtedly derived from the name of the goddess to Sardis/Śardis and the region of Gilgit-Baltistan offer whom the site was sacred’. thus an ideal scenario for the events staged in our docu- ment. Placed on the itinerary that leads from Kāśmīr, via Chilas113 to Badakhshan, the main fief of the Alkhan, it

111 See Muneo Tokunaga ‘Description of the temples and tīrthas in the Nīlamatapurāṇa’, in: Ikari, Yasuke AStudyoftheNīlamata.Aspects 113 See Stein RājataraṅgiṇīII 405: ‘[F]rom S‘ardi starts a route of Hinduism in Ancient Kashmir. Kyoto, Institute for Research in leading very directly by the Kankatōri (Sarasvatī) River and over a high Humanities, 1994: 410, vs 1183. Ved Kumari in her The Nīlamata pass into Cilās on the Indus. This line of communication may already Purāṇa. Srinagar-Jammu, J. & K Akademy of Art, Culture and Lan- in old times have brought some traffic to S‘ardi.’ Cf. Gérard Fussman guages, 1968, 2 vols.) vol. I: 9-15, 15, after analyzing with arguments ‘Une peinture sur pierre: le tryptique au stūpa de Shatial’, in: G. Fuss- the date of the Nīla,concludes that ‘theNīlamata may have been com- man and Karl Jettmar in collaboration with Ditte König Antiquitiesof posed in the 6th or the 7th c. AD’. The Śāradāmaṭha is mentioned in the NorthernPakistan.ReportsandStudies,ANP3. Mainz, Verlag Philipp later ŚaktisaṅgamaTantra (Book III, chapter VII, Deśavibhāgaḥ, v. 9), von Zabern, 1994: 1-55 + 16 ills.; Fussman notes that several routes see D. C. Sircar StudiesintheGeographyofAncientMedievalIndia. leading to Swāt, and from there to Badakhshan and Sogdia, but also to Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 19901971 : 81. the valleys of Yasin and Ishkuman and further to Xinjiang, converge in 112 ālokya śāradāṃ devīṃ yatra saṃprāpyate kṣaṇāt / taraṅgiṇī Shatial where they meet the modern Karakorum Highway, and adds ‘En madhumatīvāṇīcakavisevitā // ‘There when visiting the [shrine of the] cet endroit la Karakoram Highway suit le tracé d’une route ancienne goddess S’āradā, one reaches at once the river Madhumatī, and [the qui, remontant la rive gauche de l’Indus, permettait de rejoindre via river] Sarasvatī worshipped by poets’. Stein III 18 and II 8. The text Chilas le Baltistan, le Cachemire et les plaines indiennes’. See Jason has Vāṇī,here the goddess of speech, i.e. Sarasvatī. Neelis EarlyBuddhistTransmissionandTradeNetworks.Mobilityand THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 139 is surrounded by regions that were (for some of them months of October till January as the best period of year freshly) ‘annexed to the Alkhan’ political unity’. Sardis, to cross the region,117 a fact that drew our attention to in the Neelam valley and in the direction of Baltistan,114 the date of the Schøyen document as an additional clue is thus not far from central Kāśmīr, nor from Tash-kur- to the general conspectus (see supra p. 129, § III.1). The gan or Kāšgar, where Kumārajīva studied when, as a teen- hypothesis that this document contributes in a way or ager, he was on his way back to Kučā (supra p. 120). another to the agreement between the political and reli- Kāšgar where the route forked toward the south to gious authorities, and by that envisages the expected pax, Khotan and north to Kučā, along the two piedmonts of granting success to the Alkhan’s ‘political unity’ (cf. the Taklamakan desert. Even the image of the profusion Frantz Grenet, see supra p. 136, n. 99) and to their pos- of stūpas (supra p. 132), despite being a literary cliché, sible control over the trade (salt) route and the regional evokes the surrounding regions studded as they were with mine’s exploitations, seems to be corroborated by its innumerable stūpa-monuments and stūpa-drawings, not date. Contemporary Bactrian documents indeed confirm the least the movable and transportable votive and ‘talis- the extension of the Hephtalite’s dominion, as well as the manic’ reliquaries, that were found in the region, as well inclusion (under certain condition) of the local rulers as beyond. in their administrative body118 and the coinage shows Situated in a strategic position, Sardis,115 and the Upper that Mehama’s political territory at this epoch included Indus valley, like other regions of North Pakistan, abound Gandhāra.119 in gemstones,116 and the climatic conditions favour the

ExchangewithinandbeyondtheNorthwesternBorderlandsofSouth de la vallée de la Narbudda et de la région de Cambay, région de pro- Asia. Leiden, Brill, 2001: 260-277; cf.Saifur Rahman Dar ‘Pathways duction traditionnelle de ces pierres.’ Cf. ‘The Quintessence of the between Gandhāra and North India during second century B.C. — Mādhyamika Teaching Blossoms Again. Part II:‘Buddhism in Āndhra second century A.D.’, in: Doris Meth Srinivasan Ed. OntheCuspof after the Ikṣvāku’ (forthcoming). an Era. Art in the Pre-Kuṣāṇa World. Leiden-Boston, Brill, 2007: 117 Neelis 2001: 262, and n. 12-13: ‘The Upper Indus, Gilgit, and 29-54, 45-48 and maps. Hunza rivers and their affluents form natural passageways through allu- 114 Though today the majority of the roads may be occasionally vial canyons in the narrow valleys between the high mountain ranges. impassables for political reasons and/or road conditions, the ancient However, as water levels increase due to melting snow during the road connecting Śrīnagar and the rest of Kaśmīr with Gilgit passed via summer (mid-May-mid-October), the swollen torrents of these rivers the Burzil Pass (4100 mt.) where one enters the high altitude (c. 4’000 become treacherous to cross’. Since the rivers are much easier to ford, mt) plateau, of the Deosai Plain, leading further to Astor, where today after water level recede, the period from October to January was prob- one may join the Karakorum Highway and Gilgit via Skardu, as well ably the time of maximum mobility in the upper Indus region.’ as the Shigar Valley. Incidentally a rock-inscription is attested at Shigar, 118 See Nicolas Sims-Williams ‘From the Kushan-Shahs to the approximatively dated to the 6th-7th c. AD, see O. von Hinüber ANP I Arabs’, in: Michael Alram and Deborah Klimburg-Salter Eds. Coins, 1989: 66-68, n° 67; ANP 5, 2004: 68, n° 33A, and Fig. 32. ArtandChronology.Essaysonthepre-IslamicHistoryoftheIndo- 115 See ‘Sharda Temple: An Architectural Legacy of Kashmir’ by Iranian Borderlands. Wien, Verlag der ÖAW, 1999: 245-263, 255; Juinad Ahmad & Abdul Samad, published in PakistanHeritage, vol. 8, Elizabeth Errington and Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis Eds. FromPersepolis 2016: 96-110. to the Punjab. Exploring ancient Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan. 116 Neelis 2001: 260-261, 261 and n. 7 ‘Precious stones and met- London, The British Museum Press, 2007: 101: ‘Bactrian documents als, either originated or were transported through the mountains of confirm Hephtalite dominion of the region to the south and east of northern Pakistan’; and ‘gemstones associated with pegmatite deposits Balkh in the late fifth and first half of the sixth century, for they refer in areas between Gilgit and Skardu and in the Hindu Kush near Chitral to a ‘Hephtalite tax’ (ηβοδαλαγγο τωγο) in years 260 (AD 483) and include a blue variety of beryl, many types of multicolored tourmalines, 295 (AD 518) respectively the era of AD 223/4 (Sims-Williams 1999, topaz, feldspar (moonstone), and quarz’, ib. and n. 10. Large quantity pp. 247, 254-5; 2000, pp. 52-5; 2002, p. 225)‘. The documents further of lapis were found at Ai Khanum, see Paul Bernard ‘Campagne de indicate that the indigenous local rulers such as the ‘khars of Rob fouilles 1976-1977 à Aï Khanum (Afghanistan)’ Comptesrendusdes remained in place, on payment of tribute to their Hephtalite overlords. séancesdel’AcadémiedesInscriptionsetbelles-lettres(AIBL), 122e année, Cf. ib. p. 91 where the payment of tax in Bactria is specifically assigned N. 2, 1976: 421-463, 455 and n. 30: ‘L’unique mine de lapis à laquelle to the year 492, following Sims-Williams 1999: 255. s’est approvisionnée toute l’antiquité se trouve en effet, au lieu dit Sar-i 119 See M. Alram and M. Pfisterer ‘Alkhan and Hepthalite Coin- Sang, c’est-à-dire dans l’arrière pays montagneux d’Aï Khanoum, à une age’, in: M. Alram, D. Klimburg-Salter, M. Inaba and M. Pfisterer Eds. dizaine d’étapes de marche de la ville’; ib. 455-456 ‘Parmi les pierres Coins,Art,andChronologyII.ThefirstMilleniumC.E.intheIndo- d’origine locale que les souverains gréco-bactriens pouvaient se pro- IranianBorderlands. Wien, ÖAW, 2010: 13-38, 22 and notes: ‘If this curer dans leurs propres états et particulièrement dans l’Hindu-Kush is the case [that is if ‘the name Meyam in the Bactrian documents and mentionnons, outre le lapis, le quartz, depuis le cristal de roche jusqu’à on the seals refers actually to the same person as the ruler whose name l’améthyste, le béryl qui peut provenir du Nuristan, le grenat dont l’ar- is written in Brahmi in the Talaqan inscription as mehama‘] which rière pays montagneux de la plaine, le Badakhshan, recèle des gise- seems most likely based on our current knowledge — although the ments. Parmi les pierres importées il faut compter la turquoise qui name is also attested in much later documents from the 8th century — pouvait venir des collines de la région de Nishapur, dans le Khorassan we get a chronological frame for Mehama’s rule that stretches from Iranien alors sous domination parthe, ou plus probablement des gise- c. 462 to after 493 CE. Based on this chronology, Mehama began his ments du Kizil Kum ou de ceux des monts Kara-Mazar sur la rive career as a kind of vassal king of the Sasanian King of Kings Peroz droite du Syr darya, et surtout de superbes agates et onyx veinés ainsi (457-484) in Tokharistan and ended as a mahāṣāhi,who ruled not only que de la cornaline, venus sans doute du nord-ouest du Deccan indien, in Tokharistan but also in Gandhara’. See also supra § III.2. 140 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB

Fig. 4. Map showing the regions of Badakhshan, Baltistan, and Salt Range where aTalagan might be located (red arrows), all regions where Buddhism was flourishing at the epoch of the Alkhan document. Only Merv in not on this map.

And in light of the distinct way of life of the nomads these three localities bear the same toponym (kin’s name?), and semi-nomads, alluded to previously, we may surmise at the same epoch’? that Tālagānika, the Devaputra Ṣāhi, son of Opanda To the testimony of Faxian who passed these regions (whose mother, incidentally, is not mentioned or missed, a century before, the presumed place where present though it should normally had followed the name of the day Talagang is located, was at his time Buddhist, with father, cf. ll 34-35 M 266), and husband of the daughter religious of both traditional obedience. Faxian reached of Sārada Ṣāhi, was some sort of superviser of the Baṇṇu, on the right bank of the Indus facing the Salt Alkhan’s territory and, as officer and warrior, could have Range, crossed the Indus and reached the kingdom of been moving back and forth from the main frontier points Pitu, where Talagang could have been located. Excava- of the ‘empire’, whose cusps runned from Margiana to tion in the vicinity of Baṇṇu have revealed ‘two Hindu Badakhshan, to Gilgit-Baltistan, all regions where Bud- sculptures’ found in the area of Wanda Shahabkhal four dhist presence is confirmed, and why not to the Salt kilometers north east of Baṇṇu, ‘both of which date Range (Fig. 4), where Mehama had recently acquired between the second and third centuries A. D. One repre- suzerainty. Though unattested, Talagang in the Salt sents Varāha and the other depicts Ekamukhaliṅga.’ See Range could thus have existed at the epoch of our docu- Saifur Rahman Dar ‘Pathways between Gandhāra and ment, as a gateway to India and some sort of check-point North India during the second century B.C. - second cen- and/or transport café along the connecting route running tury A. D.’, in: Doris Meth Srinivasan Ed. OntheCusp parallel to the Uttarāpatha in the direction of Mathurā: ofanEra.ArtinthePre-Kuṣāṇaworld. Leiden-Boston, the interesting question however remains ‘why would Brill 2007: 29-54, 45-48, 51 and notes. THE QUINTESSENCE OF THE MĀDHYAMIKA TEACHING BLOSSOMS AGAIN 141

Later on in the region of the Salt Range were found a part of their territory. The vexing question of the unsettled number of temples whose approximate date spans from provenance of the Schøyen document leaves the question the 6th to the 10th c., see Michael Meister ‘Chronology of unanswered. Temples in the Salt Range, Pakistan’, in Maurizio Taddei And the subtle religious transaction of exhorting and Giuseppe De Marco Eds. SouthAsianArchaeology the Sāradaṣāhi (supra vv. 6-7, p. 131-132), the (Hindu?) 1997. Roma, IsIAO, 2000, vol. 2: 1321-1339, 1337. king-giver(dātṛrāja) and Just-(ruler), is directed at the If the hypothesis that the Schøyen copper plate cele- appeal to grant support to the Buddhist institution who brates a political cum religious event is correct, the ques- in return will ensure protection. The presence of Bud- tion arises owing to the identity of the religious act of dhism which in the social context of Śārdiysa is not pre- installating the reliquary (dhātugarbha). Our document, dominant, is powerfully acknowledged by ‘that part of as seen previously, does in no way refer to the usual earth’ that the Tathāgatacaitya occupies. As a matter of pattern of religious gift (deyadharma), nor does its phra- fact, the preliminary act presiding the construction of the seology allude to the rite of consecrating the stūpa, monument consists in the rite of taking possession of that though it seems to refer to donee and donors (see verse 9). ‘part of earth’ (*pṛthivīdeśa, cf. v. 6, supra § IV. 4, Nor are we in a position of determining with certitude p. 131), and the rite could not be performed, at that epoch what sort of monument stands behind the cp. tathāgata- as nowadays, without the prior agreement of the local caityadhātugarbha.120 deit(y)ies, nor without the full agreement of the pṛthivīpati The religious act of installing the reliquary into the or the ruler. Tathāgata’s shrine, allegedly done in Śārdiysa and initiated Several decades later, the biography of Jinagupta by Opandaputra Tālagānika Devaputra Ṣāhi, — jointly (528-605) written by Huilin, tells us that Jinagupta and initiated with? or on behalf of the dātṛrāja? and Sārada his religious fellows on their way back to India, praised Ṣāhi? —, seems to have here the role of a social praesta- to Tatpar Kagan (572-581) the virtue of the Buddhist tio sealing the entente between the Buddhist institution religion, as a powerful political instrument.122 But the and the local lords under the aegis of the Alkhan, and the fact that the establishment of a reliquary and/or the osten- patronage of the community of lay persons, and not yet sion of relics partake of the social distribution of power, (or so little…) ‘Buddhists’. is a well known fact recorded in the Mahāparinirvāṇa- In a way the recorded deed appears to belong to the sūtra.123 And if what precedes depicts the general outlines sort of rites taking the form of vows (praṇidhāna,smon of the process, the singular cases, as often and naturally, lam) expressed by representatives of the Buddhist com- differ. munity and of the political and social instances, well Gudrun Melzer raises the interesting question as to attested among the Tibetan documents of Central Asia why the Śrīmatī is quoted here and not ‘for example the and Dunhuang. These documents were most likely read/ more famous Śālistambhasūtra’ (M 256)? recited and accompanied by ancillary rites, such as the And, going a step further, we could equally add the reading of sūtras,121 if not staged, in a public context and Śrīmālādevī whose presence is attested in the vicinity (cf. at specific sites. And among nomads and semi-nomads suprap. 118 and n. 21), since all these texts affirm the miniature reliquaries and shrines, as well as secular doc- Mahāyāna teaching and two of them, the Śrīmatībrāh- uments, could also have been carried along, in various maṇī and the Śrīmālādevī, stage ladies as protagonists. In short it may be said that the reason lies in the fact that the political paradigma and the religious ideology that 124 120 The expression refers both to the category of tathāgatacaitya, they convey is slightly different. and to the distinction of “caitya without relics” (adhātuka) and “with relics” (sadhātuka), see Peter Skilling ‘Caitya, Mahācaitya, Tathāgata- caitya: Questions of Terminology in the Age of Amaravati’, in: Akira 122 See Édouard Chavannes ‘Jinagupta (528-605 après J.-C.)’ Shimada and Michael Willis Eds. Amaravati: the Art of an early T‘oung Pao Série II, vol. VI, 1905: 332-356, 344-345, 345, n. 2. As a BuddhistMonumentinContext. London, The British Museum, 2016: matter of fact and ironically enough Jinagupta and his companions, left 23-36, 31 and notes. Cf.André Bareau, ‘La construction et le culte des China after having refused to submit to the imperial decree, imposing stūpa d’après les Vinayapiṭaka’ BEFEO T. 50/2, 1962: 229-274, 240 the return to the secular life. We follow here the rendering of Chavannes quoting the Mahāsāṃghika Vinaya (T. 1425, 498b) ‘S’il y a des reliques, (1905: 332, n. 1) who preferred Jinagupta instead of Jñānagupta, as on le nomme stūpa. S’il n’y a pas de reliques, on le nomme caitya.’ given in Nanjio n° 123 and 129. However, see nowVincent Tournier — Noteworthy the text speaks of the stūpas that are ‘housing/carrying LaformationduMahāvastuetlamiseenplacedesconceptionsrela- the relics (śarīrabhṛdbhiḥ stūpair) of the Sugata (v. 5, ll. 43-45 M 276, tivesàlacarrièredubodhisattva.Paris, EFEO, 2017: 7, n. 19. supra § IV.3). See suprap. 122, and 131. 123 See Cristina Scherrer-Schaub ‘Le Buddha est-il un dieu?’, Par- 121 See Cristina Scherrer-Schaub, ‘Prière pour un apostat. Frag- coursdereconnaissance, EPHE 12 mai 2015 (in press). ments d’histoire tibétaine (Pelliot tibétain 134’, in: Jean-Pierre Drège 124 See, more extensively, Questionsbouddhiques/BuddhistQues- (Responsable de rédaction) NouvellesétudesdeDunhuang.Centenaire tions VI and VIII (in preparation); cf. ‘The Quintessence of the de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient. Cahiers d’Extrêm-Asie 11, Mādhya mika Teaching Blossoms Again. Part II:‘Buddhism in Āndhra 1999-2000: 217-246. after the Ikṣvāku’ (forthcoming). 142 CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB

The Schøyen document as said previously betrays a whose name and title is found in rock-inscription ‘am refined intellectual milieu. Could Śardis, situated on the Wege von Thalpan-Ziarat in Richtung Hodar’ (v. Hinüber northern boundary of Kāśmīr, at the turn of the 5th- ANP 5: 47-48, 47, n° 20) attests for the first time the 6th centuries, have hosted the sanctuary of Sarasvatī, the name of the Ṣāhi family of Bālur, nicely confirming Karl goddess of learning and river goddess, and who will play Jettmar hypothesis that ‘the country of origin of the a very important role in the ‘state regulation’ taught in Paṭola tribe was somewhere else, perhaps in Baltistan’, the Suvarṇabhāsottamasūtra125? What may be said is with Skardu as capital.127 The Palola Ṣāhi, as shown long that while Śardis will eventually become a famous center ago by Oskar von Hinüber (see now ANP 5), will take of learning and pilgrimage, at that epoch and in its role an important role as donor of the Buddhist institution. as transport café along the strategic routes relieving the Textual tradition, historical data and narratives bear tes- traffic to and from India, might have been part of the timony of the family links with Gilgit-Baltistan, Khotan ‘Buddhist connection’ linking Kāśmīr with Margiana and and Tibet.128 And in light of what precedes it is certainly Badakhshan, and where the heritage of Kumārajīva and no exaggeration to say that the Schøyen document offers the (deutero)-Nāgārjuna was still influential, as it will be an additional piece concurring to compose the history of in the following centuries. the transmission of Buddhism to Central Asia and Tibet Regarding the possible coexistence of Brahminic and that the ‘stellate itineraries’ followed by the textual tra- Buddhist communities (a fact still current in the Himala- dition superbly illustrates.129 yan, e.g. in Kullu or Kinnaur) or, conversely the struggle for primacy from one part or the other, it may be tempt- ing to parallel the religious cum socio-political patterns CITED SOURCES AND ABREVIATIONS that may be surmised if not seen in Śardis with the nearby region of Swāt where the Buddhist monasteries Juinad Ahmad and Abdul Samad, ‘Sharda Temple: An Architec- were taking an active part in the control of water (as they tural Legacy of Kashmir’, PakistanHeritagevol. 8, 2016: still do nowadays in other Himalayan surrounding regions) 96-110. and in ‘the management of communication routes’and Michael Alram, ‘From Sasanians to the Huns. New Numismatic where, eventually Buddhist monuments were, smoothly Evidence from the Hindu Kush’, NumismaticChronicle2014: 1-31. or not, replaced by Brahminic ones; as noted by Luca Michael Alram, DasAntlitzdesFremdes.DieMünzprägung Olivieri derHunnenundWesttürkeninZantrallasienundIndien. [m]idway along the main valley, Brikot appears to be Wien, ÖAW, 2016. a crucial point where the two cultural horizons tend to Michael Alram and Mathias Pfisterer, ‘Alkhan and Hephtalite annihilate each other: on this location a possible late Bud- Coinage’, in: M. Alram, D. Klimburg-Salter, M. Inaba and dhist foundation disappeared very early followed by the M. Pfisterer Eds. Coins,Art,andChronologyII.Thefirst subsequent establishmen of a Brahmanic temple with a MilleniumC.E.intheIndo-IranianBorderlands, Wien, ÖAW, tower-house quarter built below it.126 2010: 13-38. ANP. AntiquityofNorthPakistan. The micro-history of the region of Gilgit-Baltistan tells us that, in the following century, a Palola Ṣāhi Somana, 127 See Karl Jettmar ‘The Paṭolas, their Governors, and their Suc- cessors’ ANP 2, 1993: 77-122, 78-79. 128 Cf.e.g. CristinaScherrer-Schaub ‘Tibet. An Archaeology of the 125 Cf.Cristina Scherrer-Schaub ‘Matériaux pour l’étude du boud- Written’, in C. Scherrer-Schaub (ed.) OldTibetanStudiesDedicatedto dhisme indien et du Mahāyāna (VI) L’Ārya Suvarṇabhāsottamasūtra’ theMemoryofR.E.Emmerick. Leiden, Brill: 217-253, 229-233; more Conférences données à l’EPHE 2005-2006; ‘Matériaux pour l’étude du extensively in Buddhist Questions / Questions bouddhiques VII-VIII. bouddhisme indien et du Mahāyāna (VII) L’Ārya Suvarṇabhāsottama- 129 Cf. Cristina Scherrer-Schaub ‘Copier, Interpréter, transformer, sūtra (continuation)’ Conférences données à l’EPHE 2006-2007, Annu- représenter ou des modes de la diffusion des Écritures et de l’écrit dans airedel’ÉcolepratiquedesHautesétudes/SectiondesSciencesReli- le bouddhisme indien’, in: ÉcrireettransmettreenIndeclassiquesous gieuses T. 116; ‘Gleanings from the Suvarṇa[pra]bhāsottamasūtra’, la direction de Gérard Colas et Gerdi Gerschheimer. Paris, École presented at the 14th SWC (on the 3rd of September 2009) helt at the française d’Extrême-Orient, 2009: 151-172; 2012. ‘Tibet. An Archae- University of Kyōto. Materials to appear in Questions bouddhiques / ology of the Written’, in C. Scherrer-Schaub (ed.) OldTibetanStudies Buddhist Questions IV. DedicatedtotheMemoryofR.E.Emmerick. Leiden, Brill: 217-253; 126 See Luca Maria Olivieri ‘Late historic Cultural Landscape in ‘A Perusal of Early Tibetan Inscriptions in Light of the Buddhist World Swat. New data for a tentative historical reassessment’, in: M. Alram, of the 7th to 9th centuries A.D.’, in: Kurt Tropper Ed. EpigraphicEvidence D. Klimburg-Salter, M. Inaba and M. Pfisterer Eds. Coins,Art,and in the Pre-Modern Buddhist World. Proceedings of the Eponymous ChronologyII.ThefirstMilleniumC.E.intheIndo-IranianBorder- ConferenceHeldinVienna,14.15Oct.2011.Wien, ATBSUW, 2014: lands. Wien, ÖAW, 2010: 357-369, 358, and 360. Similarly, the Kāśmīr 117-165; ‘Conveying India to the Pamir and further away. On divine Smast in the Mardan valley, cf.supran. 109. On the artistic, cultural hierarchy and political paradigms in Buddhist texts’, in: Erika Forte Ed. and religious complexity of these regions, see Anna Filigenzi Artand RethinkingtheInterplayofReligions,ArtandPoliticsacrosstheTarim Landscape.BuddhistRockSculpturesofLateAntiqueSwat/Uḍḍiyāna. Basin5thto10thcentury. Workshop Ancient Asian Networks, Bochum Wien, ÖAW, 2015: 47-51. 25-26 June 2014 (in press). 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