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Agricultural Rhythms and Rituals: Ancient Maya Solar Observation in Hinterland Blue Creek, Northwestern Author(s): Gregory Zaro and Jon C. Lohse Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 16, No. 1 (Mar., 2005), pp. 81-98 Published by: Society for American Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30042487 Accessed: 08/01/2009 13:23

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AGRICULTURAL RHYTHMS AND RITUALS: ANCIENT MAYA SOLAR OBSERVATIONIN HINTERLAND BLUE CREEK,NORTHWESTERN BELIZE

GregoryZaro and Jon C. Lohse

Agriculturein prehispanic Mesoamerica necessitated not only a wide range of knowledge regardingsoil types,fertility, and the growing cycles of differentplants, but also the attendant rituals thatfirmly situated agrarian production into a shared Mesoamerican worldview.Due primarily to archaeological visibility, those attendant rituals have traditionallybeen inves- tigated within the context of large centers. Recent investigationsat the site of Quincunx,a hinterlandarchitectural complex in northwesternBelize of the Maya Lowlands, provide evidence that some rural communitiesmay also have had access to and control over esoteric knowledgeinvolved in agriculturalpractice in the Late Classic period. Ourfindings are discussed in the context of ethnographicaccounts and archaeological data that reveal the deep significance of quincuncial designs in and Mesoamerican ritual practices.

La agriculturaen Mesoamdricaprehispdnica no necesitaba solamente el conocimientode los tipos de suelo, la fertilidad, y los ciclos de crecimiento,sino tambidnlos ritualesacompaiiados que establecieronla produccic'nagricola en una cosmovisidn comutnentre los mesoamericanos.Principalmente por su visibilidaden el registroarqueolcdgico, las investigacionessobre esos rituales se han restringuidoa los centros mds grandes de los mayas. Investigacionesrecientes del sitio de Quincunx,un com- plejo arquitectdnicoen el campodel noroeste de Belice, presentanevidencia que algunas comunidadesrurales pudieran tener acceso y control sobre el conocimientoesotdrico con respectoa la agriculturadurante el periodo Cldsico Tardio.Parece que era importanteen varios niveles la ubicacidny configuracidnUtnica del complejo de Quincunxa los poblados circundantes. Su plano arquitect6nicode cinco estructurascon infasis en intercardinalidadimita las concepciones del cosmos que existen entremuchas comunidades actuales e hist6ricas de los mayas. Se discuten nuestrasconclusiones dentrodel contextode cuen- tos etnogrdficosy datos arqueol6gicosque revelanel significadoprofundo de los disefios quincuncialesen la sociedad maya. successful, sustainedagricultural production Monaghan 1990; Scarborough1998; Schele and in prehispanicMesoamerica necessitated a Freidel 1990; Vogt 1969), and the ability to track wide range of knowledge regarding soil seasonalchange through the movementsof celes- types, fertility,regulation of moisturelevels, and tial bodies acrossthe sky (Aveni 1981; Coe 1975; the growingcycles andrequirements of manysub- Freidelet al. 1993; Sprajc2000). sistence and economic crops.Yet, the component In the absence of glyphic or iconographicevi- of ancient agriculturalbehavior that is probably dence, indicationsof these behaviorscan be diffi- least understoodby archaeologistsinvolves the cult to detect.However, recent investigations at the attendantrituals that were deeply embeddedin a Quincunxsite, a LateClassic architectural complex worldviewfocused to a very large degree on the in northwesternBelize (Figure 1), providessome cosmos, markingthe cyclicalpassage of time, and evidencethat rural farmers may havepracticed rit- definingthe role of living people in relationto the uals and conductedsolar observationsassociated supernatural.Elements of agriculturalritual that with hinterlandagricultural production-that is, stand out in particularin Mesoamerica include productionremoved from any site center and its aspectsof sacrificeand ritual performance related immediatepolitical and economic influence.The to fertility and water management(Joyce 2000; Quincunxarchitectural complex is situatedapprox-

Gregory Zaro 0 Departmentof Anthropology,University of New , Albuquerque,NM 87131 ([email protected]) Jon C. Lohse 0 Texas Archeological ResearchLaboratory, The University of Texas at Austin, PRC, Building 5, Austin, TX 78712 ([email protected])

LatinAmerican Antiquity, 16(1), 2005, pp. 81-98 Copyright@2005 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology

81 82 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 16, No. 1, 2005]

Mexico

Ixno'ha Belize Bedrock Rosita BlueCreek Belize

Quincunx Group Kakabish LaMilpa Gran Rio Maax Cacao Azul Na Kinal Dos Hombres

0 5 10 20 30 40 kilometers "-- I A archaeologicalsite ---- politicalboundary -- waterway

Figure 1. Northwestern Belize with location of Quincunx group in relation to nearby site centers. imately 2.5 km south-southwestof the Maya cen- of the surveyedarea). In additionto these scattered ter of Blue Creek, in uplandterrain within 500 m residential remains, numerous terraces, berms, of the Rio Bravo escarpment.Unlike commonly modifieddepressions, and other soil andwater con- encountered Maya residential patio and house trolfeatures associated with hinterland agricultural groups,this complex consistsof a centralmasonry productionsurround Quincunx; no administrative room block and four low, broad, circularcobble centersof any size or buildingsthat appear to have platforms positioned in intercardinaldirections functioned in anything other than a residential (i.e., to the northwest, northeast,southeast, and capacitywere located.Given its hinterlandcontext southwest).Each of the outlyingcobble platforms among scatteredsmall-scale residentialremains is located approximately20 m from the central andpresumed agricultural landscape modifications, building,though they arenot equidistantfrom each it seems unlikelythat Quincunx was administered other,creating an asymmetricallayout (Figure2). by anyone otherthan the occupantsof this hinter- Surveyduring the 2001 and 2002 seasons demon- land zone. stratedthat this group is surroundedby light to Research suggests that the site was designed moderatelydense but generallysmall-scale settle- andconstructed to fulfill severalintimately related ment for at least 500 m in all directions(the limit purposesin the contextof hinterlandagrarian pro- REPORTS 83

The QuincunxGroup, Northwestern Belize

Structure3 Structure4

Structure1

Post hole ChuRun

Large stone

Structure2

Structure5

40 meters Mappingdata collected by Greg Zaro, Ashley Smallwood, Jason Gonzalez, David Driver, and Kristen Gardella. CartographybyGreg Zaro and Jon C. Lohse.Courtesy of BlueCreek Regional Political Ecology Project.

Figure 2. Plan of the Quincunx group after excavation. Map is oriented to magnetic north, 2' east of true north.

duction.These includedmonitoring movements of sight lines denotingimportant events. The results the sunacross the sky throughoutthe yearin accor- of our investigationsbear potentiallysignificant dance with a solar-based agriculturalcalendar, implicationsfor how archaeologistsview the man- while also serving as a representationof the cos- ner in which ancient belief systems were called mos in miniature.Our multiple lines of supporting uponto providemeaning not only forpeople's rela- evidence derive from (1) Mesoamericanethno- tionships with the supernatural,but also for their graphic and ethnohistoricaccounts and, specifi- positions in society and for the administrationof cally, Maya ritual behaviorassociated with solar importantcelestial knowledge required for the tim- astronomy and agriculturalproduction; (2) the ing of successful food production. peculiar, five-part(quincuncial) configuration of the site's architectural and actualsolar design; (3) Cosmological and Agricultural Significance observationsat the site the summersolstice during of Quincunx Designs on June21, evaluatedin thecontext of architectural elements and featuresthat appearto have marked The architecturalplan of Quincunxconsists of five 84 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol.16, No. 1,2005]

East

East

North South North- South Center

West

West

Cardinal places in quincuncial layout Cardinaldirections with indexical center

Figure 3. Different conceptualizations of cardinal directions and places based on accounts of referential practice from some contemporary Yucataincommunities (after Hanks 1990: Figures 7.1, 7.2). parts,including the centralbuilding and four sur- absoluteentities existing somewhere over the hori- roundingmounds. This plan is ratherunusual in our zon (Figure3). Theouter elements correspond with experienceand appearsto be distinctly nonresi- the fourcomers of the universe,while the centeris dential;Maya house groups are commonly mapped analogous to a fifth cardinal place. Hanks either as individualstructures or multipleassoci- (1990:299) notes that"in most socially significant atedbuildings that cluster around a formalor infor- spaces, includingtowns, homesteads,plazas, and mal patio area(see Ashmore1981). Interpretation traditionalcomfields the fourcomers plus the cen- of the Quincunxplan comes from ethnographic ter define the space as a whole."While accounts accountsof the Maya cosmos, in which the uni- differ within the largerMaya region as to where verse consists of a center and four corners.Vogt the comers of the universe are positioned,many (1993) describesthe Zinacanteco practice of build- communitiesview them to be in the intercardinal ing houses and laying out agriculturalfields mir- directions;examples have been found among the roringthe five-part structure of thecosmos. The four Tzotzil,Lacand6n, and Quichd Maya (see Milbrath comers are supportedby vaxakmen,or standard 1999). bearers, whose positions designate the center, Cardinaldirectionality embedded in Mayacos- which is also consideredthe navel.Vogt (1993:58) mic diagramsis also often associatedwith colors observesthat "houseshave correspondingcomer and symbolic aspects of fertilityand famine,two posts and precisely determined centers; fields potentiallysignificant themes among agricultural emphasize the same critical places, with cross communities.As with the importanceof cardinal shrinesat their corners and centers." The belief that versus intercardinal direction, ethnographic all five elementsneed be presentfor the schemeto accounts vary among communities in terms of be complete is underscoredby Hanks's (1990) whichcolor is associatedwith which direction. For study among contemporaryYucatecan communi- instance, as Milbrath(1999:17) summarizes,the ties. Speakersmake clear distinctions between car- Maya of San Andres Larrainzairassociate north dinal directions,which are definedin referenceto with white and the god of maize, south with red the ego or speakerpositioned at the indexicalcen- and the god of wind, east with white and the god ter, and cardinal"places," which are viewed as of rain, and west with black and the god of death REPORTS 85

(Holland 1964:16); in this case, the bearers of points,with the fourcomer points linked to the sol- heavenare associated with the intercardinaldirec- stices."According to Vogt (1997), for Zinacante- tions.Similarly, accounts of theTzotzil at Chenalh6 cos the point where the imaginarylines between relatenorth to the color white and children,south (a) summersolstice sunrise and winter solstice sun- to the color yellow andmaize, east to the color red set and(b) wintersolstice sunriseand summersol- and men, and west to the color black and women stice sunsetcome togetherrepresents the navel of (GuiterasHolmes 1961:287).Importantly, Milbrath the universe,or mishik'balamil(Figure 4). The sol- (1999:17) notes that threeof these colors, black, stice positionsof the sun are groundedin five-part red,and white, relate to famineor scarcityof maize, diagramsof the Maya cosmos and representthe while the fourth,yellow, relatesto the abundance vaxakmenor standardbearers upholding the cor- of maize. Thus, cosmic diagramsare often tightly ners of the universeas it was firstcreated. interwovenwith concepts of fertility,abundance, Besides markingsolstice events, elements of andfamine, all centralthemes in agrariansocieties. quincuncialsymbolism pertainingto the passage The links between cardinaldirection, a quin- of time arealso of relevancefor solarzenith events cuncialcosmos structure,and agricultural ritual are when the sunis verticalto the earth'ssurface at the perhapsbest illustratedby the Cha'a-chakcere- locationof the observer.These events occurtwice mony, observed and describedby David Freidel a year betweenthe Tropicsof Capricornand Can- (Freidelet al. 1993) amongthe Yaxunai community cer, and while archaeologicalevidence remains in centralYucatain.Members of thecommunity per- scarce, they may have been noted prehistorically form this ceremonyto call upon the gods to bring by the use of a gnomon (an uprightmarker) that rain duringperiods of droughtor famine. On one castsno noonshadow on thedays of thezenith (Mil- occasion,the altarconsisted of a tableand four cor- brath 1999:13). Alternativemethods of marking ners,and during the ceremony,four young men sat zenithscould have involvedvertical shafts or sub- at each of the corners,imitating sounds of thunder. terraneanchultuns in which no light was cast on Upon the altar were offerings of bread, cooked the sidewalls as the sun passed directlyoverhead meat, and wine. Freidel (Freidel et al. 1993:31) (e.g., Aveni andLinsley 1972). Precisedetermina- comments that the altarlooked simple, no more tion of zenith passages, however,is complicated, than "a shaky table of poles held together with due to, amongother things, the difficultyof estab- vines." During the ceremony,however, it would lishing the vertical direction for particularmea- become "thecenter of the cosmos" (Freidelet al. suring devices (Aveni et al. 2003:175). Specific 1993:31).Through the table and four comers, the dates for these events dependon latitude;the far- five partsof the cosmos were reproducedduring ther north one travels, the closer the first zenith this ceremony,with the specific intentionof sum- falls to the June solstice, while more time elapses moning rain for, among otherthings, agricultural betweenthe firstzenith event andthe Junesolstice production.Based on these accounts,re-creating a as one moves south.The significanceof the zeniths five-partcosmological scheme to ensure rainfall andsolstices to agriculturalcycles variesboth with appearsto be a theme of deep importanceto agri- latitudeand with local terrainand elevation. Some culturalcommunities across the Maya area. regionswithin the largerMaya area,such as high- Diagramsof a quincuncialcosmos also empha- land Chiapas,are well suited for Marchplanting, size the daily movementof the sun from east to while farmersat lower elevationsmight wait until west, along with the seasonal,or solstitial,move- May to plant their first maize crop (see Milbrath mentof the sun fromnorth to southalong the hori- 1999:14).In southernMesoamerica, the firstzenith zon. Some ethnographic narratives (e.g., Vogt passage(between late April and early May) signals 1997:111) conceive of the intercardinalpositions the onset of the rainy season, while the second is not only as the comrnersof the universe,but also as linked to rainsbeginning in earlyAugust, follow- the extreme horizon points of sunrise and sunset ing thecanicula or brief dry season that often occurs events on both winter (about December 21) and near the end of July (Milbrath1999:13). Tedlock summer (about June 21) solstices. Milbrath (1992:173) notes that annualzenith passages are (1999:19) commentsthat "an idealized diagram of usedin Momostenangoto determinedates for sow- the Maya cosmos traces out a quincunx of five ing and harvestingcrops. Of importance,recent 86 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol.16, No. 1, 2005]

SolsticeSunrise SolsticeSunrise Summer Winter

mishik' balamil

Summer Winter SolsticeSunset SolsticeSunset

Figure 4. Solstitial quincunx according to Zinacanteco cosmology (after Vogt 1997: Figure 1). In keeping with Zinacanteco accounts of this arrangement, east is shown at the top of the diagram. researchregarding E-group complexes in theMaya 1975; Milbrath1999; Sprajc 1995, 2000, 2001). region suggests that a solar zenith-basedcalendar One example can be found at Xochicalco, where most likely grew in importanceduring the Early the sun shines into a cavernnear the site centerfor Classic periodafter a Late Preclassicemphasis on a totalof 105 days,remaining outside for the other the passage of the solstices (Aveniet al. 2003). 260, which consequentlymarks periods of 13 and These four solar events, two zenith passages 20 days (Sprajc2001:267). Similar multiples were andtwo solstices,are all significantfor planting and trackedat Teotihuacanby watchingsunrise events harvestingfirst crops and, in some cases, second along buildingalignments, as well as from archi- crops, and also for field preparationinvolving tectureto noteworthypoints along the horizon, such weeding, cutting, and burning.Indeed, the first as the nearbyprominent peak of CerroColorado. solar zenith passage in lowland southern Though these dates do not always correspondto Mesoamericamay hold the greatest significance for solstices or zeniths, together they would have agriculturalcommunities, signaling the onset of allowed Teotihuacanosto maintainwhat Sprajc the rainy season in early May (Aveni et al. (2000:404) calls an observationalcalendar, allow- 2003:162). By trackingany of these events from ing people to know in advance as important one yearto thenext it is possibleto maintaina count momentsof the agriculturalcycle were approach- of 365 days.Depending on whenthe zenithoccurs, ing (Sprajc2000:413). spansof time closerto 260 dayscan also be tracked Becausethe specificdates of zenithevents vary with fair precision.These numbers(260 and 365) acrossthe Maya region,and also because of local correspondto the two cycles of time knownas the constraintson agriculturalproduction due to tem- 365-day Haab or VagueYear and the Tzolkinor peraturevariation by elevation,it is impossibleto 260-daySacred Almanac that articulate to formthe drawsweeping generalizations about how ancient 52-year CalendarRound. Along with the Long Maya farmersmight have integratedobservations Count, these two cycles were the primarymeans of theseannual moments into their agricultural tasks. of trackingtime in theprecolumbian era (see Sharer Aveni and Hartung(1986) have noted latitudinal 1994:560-564), and a numberof buildingsacross variationin the orientationsof significantMaya Mesoamericawere designed to keep a count of buildingsand city plansthat appears to correspond days (see Aveni 1981, 2001; Aveniet al. 1975;Coe with the differentazimuths for sightingor record- REPORTS 87 ing importantcelestial events between the northern arrangementsof artifactsin caches, and even on and southernextremes of the Maya area.Milbrath individual artifacts. For instance, quadripartite (1999:15-17) also summarizesthe postcontact vari- pecked crosses were foundto hold calendricalsig- ety of localfestivals and their schedules that are kept nificanceat both the EarlyClassic centersof Teoti- in differentcommunities so as to coincidewith the huacan and Uaxactuin, marking the intervals zeniths and nadirs, solstices, and the agricultural between equinoxand zenithpassages, or between cycle, a pointthat should also serve as a cautionto equinox and solstice events (Aveni et al. archaeologistsseeking to understandprehispanic 2003:170-171). Elsewhere,spindle whorls recov- agriculturalorganization. However, based on ethno- ered from the Blue Creek area in northwestern graphicaccounts, it is clearthat people timed most, Belize show quadripartiteincising that, together if not all, farmingactivities around these events.It with the centerhole for the spindle,re-create the is reasonableto suggestthat the abilityto note the basic quincuncialdesign of the cosmos (Figure5). passageof these momentswould also have consti- One striking example of such a plan is the tuteda significantcomponent of ancientagricultural Castillo at ChichdnItz a (Marquina1951: Figure practice,be it throughprecise measurement arising 261). Four radial staircasesappear to divide this throughstructural alignments, significant points on buildinginto quadrants,though when viewed from the horizon,and use of shadows,or throughcere- above, these stairsconverge at the superstructure monialobservance of suchevents in rituallycharged atopthe largepyramidal platform and form a well- contextsthat relate to the cosmos, rainfall,fertility, defined five-partplan. In this case, as with other and the passage of the sun at significantmoments motifs identifiedas quadripartite,we see the pri- in the solarcalendar. mary emphasis as not on the quadrantsof the Castillo,but rather on the five pointsin spacelinked the stairs.This also well Deep Historyof the Quincunx by buildingis known for markingthe sunsetevents on the springand autumn While we understandmuch of the symbolismand equinoxes, when the sun casts a jagged shadow meaning of quincuncialplanning through these across the stepped pyramid onto the staircase ethnographicaccounts, ethnohistoric and archaeo- balustradewith enormous carved stone serpent logical data reveal the antiquity of this idea in headsat the plaza level, to formthe image of a great Mesoamericaand also its centralrole in the expres- snakedescending from the top of the building(see sion of indigenousworldviews. Notably for archae- Aveni 2001; Milbrath1999:66). It is noteworthy ologists, as Mathews and Garber (2004) have that each of the four staircaseshas 91 steps that, discussed, these worldviews are expressed at an when addedto the top platform,represent the 365 extraordinarilywide range of scales, signifying days of the solaryear (Milbrath1999:66), making their pervasivenessthroughout society. Contact- the Castilloperhaps the largestcalendar device in perioddocuments describe the quincunciallayout the Maya area.Additionally, the orientationof the of regional political realms, with capitols at the summit temple of the Castillo suggests its rela- centerand important outlying secondary centers at tionshipto both the solar zenith(May 25, July 20) cardinalplaces (Marcus1993). Otherresearchers and to the solarnadir or lowest positionof the sun (e.g., Ashmore 1991; Ashmoreand Sabloff 2002; (November 22, January 21) at the latitude of Coggins 1980; Houk 1996; Wagner 2000) have ChichdnItz~ (Milbrath1999:66-68). describedthe plans of plazas and site centers as A numberof importantbuilding alignments and expressingelements of cardinalityand directional ties between architectureand cardinalityare also planningthroughout the Classic period.An excel- noted at (Aveni and Hartung1988; Coggins lent examplecomes fromLa Milpa, whereLate to 1980). In particular,Coggins (1980) has argued TerminalClassic city plannersconstructed outly- that the twin-pyramidgroups representthe east- ing monumentalcomponents almost exactly 3.5 west movementof the sun acrossthe sky.As with km in cardinal directionsfrom Temple 1 in the the Castillo, the meaning embedded in these main plaza (Tourtellotet al. 2000). Smallerscale arrangementsreveals intimate associations between examples of quadripartiteplanning can be found cardinalityand the passage of time andthe seasons, in singlebuildings, carved on monuments,or in the mirroring many of the ethnographic accounts 88 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 16, No. 1, 2005]

CA'

Figure 5. Spindle whorls from the Blue Creek area of northwestern Belize, showing incised quincuncial motifs. Drawn by Candida Lonsdale. described above. Nine-doorway buildings sym- (1992:174)argues that north and south glyphs refer bolize the underworldand line the south edge of to the moon andVenus at momentsof opposition, thetwin pyramid complex, while stelaclusters ven- aboveand below the horizon(zenith and nadir), as erateancestors and the heavens and define the north these celestial bodies were never visible together edge.As the suntraverses the plaza, north and south duringthe interment date (March 6, 502) suggested elementsconceptualize the zenithand nadir rather for the tomb. This renders the reading of these than the cardinaldirections "north" and "south" glyphs not simply as "north"and "south"but as (Coggins 1980). somewhat more complex directional indicators I Elsewhere,Bricker's (1983) analysesof direc- "up"and "down" (also seeAshmore 1991; Bricker tionalglyphs in Mayacodices and inscriptions pro- 1983). vide phoneticinterpretations of "northand south" As expressedin monumentalarchitecture and as "zenith and nadir," while Tedlock (1992: in certainelite mortuarycontexts, strong associa- 175-176) summarizesadditional glyphic support tions appearbetween east andwest as definingthe from the site of Rio Azul for reading"north" as sun'srise andset, especiallyduring key eventssuch zenith and "south"as nadir. There, directional as solstices, and of north and south as defining glyphs are found paintedin theirappropriate car- moments and elements of oppositionseen in the dinaland intercardinal places aroundthe Tomb12 zenithand nadir, up anddown, and the heavens and chamber(see Adams 1999:Figure 3-15). Tedlock the underworld.These associationsmake it clear REPORTS 89 that ancientMaya concepts of cardinaldirection immediatelyevident, it is possible thatthey could were embeddedwith far more meaningthan sim- have been disturbedby modernland clearingand ply defining spatial boundaries;they were also cattle grazing. Through vertical excavations we ladenwith complex and subtle beliefs involving dif- recordedstratigraphy and gained an understanding ferent aspects of symmetryand opposition,what of chronology. Vogt (1993:12) refers to as binary oppositions. and Observationsat the Whenconsidered in lightof ethnographicaccounts, Investigations the elaborateprehispanic integration of cardinal- QuincunxGroup ity, opposition, seasonality,the passage of time, Even thoughthe landhad been clearedwith heavy and the movements of celestial bodies provided machinery,causing damage to the site, duringtwo powerful instrumentsfor conveying notions of excavationseasons we documentedthe basic con- wholeness,completion, the cyclical natureof time structiontechniques and plans of the fivebuildings. and creation,and of fertilityand renewal,all sig- The centralstructure, Structure 1, was well builtof nificantthemes that pervadedmore than strictly cut limestoneblocks and mortarand was finished agriculturalor strictlyritual aspects of daily Maya with a fine coat of plaster;it measuresapproxi- life. Moreover,it is clear that the ancient Maya mately 11 by 7 m and is oriented87 degreeseast were highly flexible in termsof how an idea could of truenorth. Structure 1 containslarge north, south, be expressedor in the numberof ideas expressed and east rooms, and a relativelyminor room at the in one venue, such as Tikal'stwin-pyramid groups northwestcomer that is accessed througha small or the Castillo at Chich6nItz"i. opening or passage from the northchamber. The centralrooms of this buildingare entered from two entrances:a wide The Quincunx Group, Hinterland North- relatively doorwayprovides entry western Belize to the south room, and a considerablynarrower doorwayprovides entry to theeast room. An east-west The Quincunxgroup was identifiedat the western spinalwall separatesthe southroom from the north base of a low hill duringreconnaissance of a field room, which is accessed from the southernroom thathad been clearedfor cattlegrazing. Upon first througha wide internaldoorway (see Figure2). discovery, the site was considered noteworthy In contrastto Structure1, the outlyingmounds becauseof its unusualfive-part design. Becauseof provedto be low, open, circularcobble platforms the historicalsignificance of quincuncialdesigns without standing masonry. Three of these, the in Mayabeliefs aboutthe cosmos andfor marking northwest,northeast, and southeast,had been dis- importantmoments duringthe solar year, initial turbedto varyingdegrees by landclearing, though hypotheseswere thatit mighthave servedin a sym- segmentsof intactarchitecture encountered at each bolic capacityfor nearbyhouseholds, perhaps con- allowed us to reconstructtheir original form to veying conceptssuch as re-creationof the cosmos, some degree. The southwestmound was the best and servingas the locus of supra-householdcere- preserved,appearing virtually intact. Horizontal monies relatingto fertility,rain, and famine, and exposures revealed circular alignmentsof faced even the annualmotion of the sun.In particular,we stones set within the cobble platforms.The plat- consideredthat the sunriseevent of the summersol- forms measuredapproximately 9 m across, while stice (during which we were present) might be eachfaced alignment measured approximately 5 m definedby architecturalalignments. across(Figure 6). The intactcondition of the south- Totest these hypotheses, investigations included west moundproved significant, as we documented broad horizontal exposures necessary for docu- an abnormallylarge stone remaining in situ andset menting potential sightlines(defined by building into the platform'snorth edge. comrnersand doorways or fromoutlying mounds to Duringthe 2001 field season,an important rela- the centralstructure) that may have markedimpor- tionshipbetween Structures 1 and 2 was observed tant astronomicalevents. Excavationsalso were at sunrise on the June solstice, when a person's designedto recordpatterned artifact deposits indi- shadow was cast from approximatelythe south catingthe kinds of activitiesthat might have taken doorway of the central building to the northern place. While no such patterned deposits were edge of the southwestmound (Figure 7). In 2002, 90 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 16, No. 1,2005]

Figure 6. Looking south at the southwest mound, Structure 2, after complete horizontal exposure. Note the large stone remaining in situ at the north edge of the platform.

Figure 7. Photographer's shadow cast from Structure 1 over northern edge of Structure 2 at sunrise on the summer sol- stice, June 21, 2001. This alignment falls across the large stone visible at the north edge of the platform in Figure 6. Arrow points to large stone at northern edge of platform; photographer's shadow is emphasized with dashed white line. REPORTS 91

Figure 8. Posthole exposed in the floor of the south room of Structure 1, interpreted as supporting a vertical beam used to mark the sun's shadow as it moves north-to-south across the horizon throughout the year. The sun's shadow crosses the large stone indicated in Figures 2, 6, and 11 at the summer solstice. excavationsof Structure1 and 2 and additional graphic evidence of at least five construction observationsdefined this alignment more precisely. episodes (Figure9) thatall appearto datebetween Our excavations completely exposed the south approximatelyA.D. 650 and750, basedon ceramic roomof Structure1 anduncovered well-preserved information(Laura Kosakowsky, personal com- architecturalfeatures, including a benchat the west munication,2002). While the posthole was most end of the room (see Figure 2) and a posthole clearly visible in the uppermostplaster floor, the approximately25 cm in diameterjust inside andto sequenceof floorsin profilesuggests that the post- the east of the south doorway (Figure 8). It is hole did not merely intrudeinto the latest con- unlikelythat the posthole held a roof supportbeam, structionphase; rather, its locationwas definedand as no similarfeatures were uncovered elsewhere in maintainedthrough successive floors as the build- the structure.On the morningof the Junesolstice, ing was remodeled. as viewed from the large stone in Structure2, the The constructionhistory of Structure1 began sun was observedto rise over a stadiarod placed with placement of the earliest ballast on top of in this hole; this alignmentmimics the less-precise undulatingbedrock, under Floor 1 (Figure 10). observationmade in 2001. We suggestthat the hole Subsequentbuilders then cut throughthese initial supporteda verticalbeam that, even if only 3 m layersin a limitedarea that coincides with the posi- high, would have cast a shadow across the large tion of the postholevisible on the uppermostfloor stonein the southwestplatform as the sunappeared of the sequence,before depositing a layerof gravel- over the easternhorizon. size sub-floorfill andthe secondplaster floor. Floor Whilethis relationship was notedthrough direct 2 was almostblack, presumably from burning that observation,subsequent excavation further con- occurredin thisportion of thebuilding. Floor 2 was firmedthat the locationand layout of the five struc- re-plastered without intervening ballast or fill; tures,and particularly the positionsof the posthole remodelingconsisted only of resurfacingand the and the large stone in Structure2, were important additionof perhapsa bench or step.The next con- componentsof the Quincunxgroup for monitor- structionevent was a truncationof the stepor bench ing (minimally)the sunriseevent on the summer and an intrusioninto the firsttwo floorsin a fairly solstice.Excavations of Structure1 yielded strati- circumscribedarea, again near the final posthole, 92 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 16, No. 1,2005]

Plaster floor Ulna cobbis

Ulnae *abbe. fill Medium cobble fig

Gravol, sub-Soot fill Yo* wish, ccmpscisd sodiment

Floor 5 Floor 4

Floor 3 Floor 2 Floor

Bodrodc

1 motor

Figure 9. North profile (left) and photo (right) of excavation into Structure 1 showing five episodes of construction and remodeling.

Plan of Excavations in South Room, Structure 1

arge stone extends from ' cobble f II hehealr F1or, through F.. 3

Large stone v is,tt.). e Figure 1;1

SupenrrpoSed location of arD, star PoStIole in Floor

F Icor 3 surface F oar 2 surface (40 42 crr eievat.on 42 45 cm elevation

Floor 1 surface ;-.04,-..4e NI beneath Floor (57 crr elevat.ni

meter

Figure 10. Excavation plan (left) and photo (right) of 1-x-2-m unit around the posthole visible in Figure 8. Each succes- sive intrusion and remodeling episode marks the posthole's final location, suggesting that it was deemed significant through the entire construction history of the building. Floors 4 and 5, shown in Figure 8, were completely excavated when this plan was drawn and so are not visible. Both views are facing south. REPORTS 93 andwith this excavation was marked by largestones chultunsacross the Maya area served to captureand (Figure 10). This phase also includes a depositof store water,but the topographicposition of this medium-sizeballast and a yellowish-coloredsed- chultunin the middleof a gentleslope is not advan- iment, possibly for leveling, followed by a thin tageousfor capturingwater. Furthermore, its inte- layer of plaster (Floor 4). The last construction rior walls display no evidence of plastering or phaseconsisted of the additionof smallgravel bal- sealingfor suchpurposes. It is conceivablethat, as lastand a finalplastering episode. The posthole was with the proposedzenith sightingtubes at Xochi- left as an opening approximately20 to 25 cm in calco and MonteAlbain, the sun's rays shinedinto diameterthrough the uppermostplaster surface. orupon a portionof thischamber for certain lengths The fact that this location was markedin some of time involving multiplesof 13 or 20. Though mannerat each successive phase suggests that it such an interpretationis hypothetical,excavations was significantthroughout the historyof the build- revealed modificationsthat included a low "lip" ing, even while rapidchanges and modifications dividingthe primarychamber from a second one took place. extending south. This other chambercould have In additionto the posthole's location,patterns provideda vantagepoint for monitoringthe sun's of constructionfill in the outlyingplatforms sug- passage (Figure 12). gest thattheir specific positionswere also impor- tantin the overalldesign of Quincunx.Fixing their Discussions and Conclusions precise locationsin relationto each otherand the centralstructure took precedenceover labor effi- Clearly,a numberof themes are bundledtogether ciency in determiningthe group'soverall layout. into largerMesoamerican belief systemsabout the Excavationof the southwestmound revealed a cir- cosmos andthe importanceof monitoringcelestial cularalignment perhaps from an earlierconstruc- events such as the solstices and solarzeniths, both tion phase (Figure 11), and also shallow bedrock of which are significantmoments for the schedul- beneathapproximately 30 cm of constructionfill. ing andceremonial observation of local agricultural Conversely,excavations in the southeastmound calendars.Particular themes were emphasizedin encounteredbedrock under fill at a depthclose to some instanceswhile otherthemes appearto have 80 cm, considerablydeeper than that underlying been moreimportant on otheroccasions. However, the southwestand northeast mounds. Bedrock was each instanceshares common elementsincluding not encountered under the northwest mound, the divisionof horizontalspace into five partsrep- althoughexcavations were conductedto a depthof resentingthe four comers of theuniverse (signified nearly 1 m. Because these outercobble platforms by solsticesunrise and sunset positions) and the uni- were positioned withoutregard for a convenient versal navel, and the passage of variouscycles of depthof bedrock,which would have greatlyfacil- time throughouta 365-day solaryear. A challenge itatedtheir construction, we suggestthat their place- for archaeologistsconcerned with the expression ment was determinedby factors other than the of these ideas in ancientcommunities as a reflec- naturalterrain. In otherwords, the southeastmound tion of social standingis to understandhow such appearsto have been purposefullybuilt in a pre- elaborate symbolism was representedfrom one determinedlocation, even thoughnearly 80 cm of context to another.It is evident that some quin- constructionfill were requiredto level its surface, cuncial expressions (such as the Castillo) were while othermounds were within 30 cm of bedrock. designedto monitorprecisely the passage of time By extension,the locationof the southwestmound while also representingminiature versions of the (and northwestand northeastmounds) also may cosmos. Others, such as Tomb 12 at Rio Azul have been importantirrespective of the depth of (Adams 1999), highlightedthe role of paramount bedrock.2 individualsin unitingcreation and serving as the Althoughthe role of the chultunto the east of pivot aroundwhich the universerevolved. At yet Structure1 remainsuncertain, it may have been othersites such as Teotihuacan,architectural invest- used to help monitor the passage of the solar mentswere made more specifically to monitorsun- zeniths.It is directlyaligned with the southwall of rise eventsin accordancewith an agriculturalcycle Structure1, approximately20 m to the east. Many that revolved aroundseasonal changes in a solar 94 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 16, No. 1,2005]

Structure 2, Quincunx

Cobbles (representation)

Fa c,ed/sha ped cobbles (piece plotted)

Large stone (in situ)

Inner circular alignment

2 meters

Figure 11. Plan of Structure 2, the low cobble platform in the southwest intercardinal position, showing in situ large stone at northern edge and an inner stone alignment, perhaps representing an earlier phase of this construction. year (Sprajc2000). Whetheror not the intent of (2002:79), for example, places managementof sucharchitectural complexes included precise mea- "calendarsthat emphasize recurrent cycles, includ- surementof the sun and other celestial bodies at ing a linear passage of a 260-day ritualcalendar particularmoments in the solaryear, it seems clear and a 365-day solar calendar"within the elite- thatobservance of theseevents and ceremonial par- focusedMesoamerican "Great Tradition." The Late ticipationsurrounding them were importantasso- PreclassicStructure 5C-second at Cerrosexhibits ciated elements (for a discussionof scientificvs. one of themost elaborate early depictions of themes ceremonial observatories, see Aveni et al. of cardinalityand the cyclical passage of the sun, 2003:172). in supportof this assessment.It is a pyramiddec- Such contextualdifferences among the many oratedwith images of the rising Morningstarand examplesof Mayaquincuncial design or in the cal- settingEveningstar (both names for Venus) and the endrical principles embodied in Mesoamerican sunrising in the east andsetting in the west (Schele architectureare criticalfor helpingarchaeologists and Freidel 1990:Figure3:6). Here, early rulers to betterunderstand the accessibilityof ideas and mirroredthe east-to-west path of the sunand Venus information across ancient society. Webster in their own counterclockwiseritual movements REPORTS 95

East-West Cross Section Bedrock

East West

North-SouthCross Section Bedrock

North South

1 meter

Figure 12. Profiles of located to the east of Structure 1, showing modified chamber extending to the south of the opening, from which it might have been possible to monitor the sun's passage around the solar zeniths.

throughthe inner chambersof the superstructure ways in which the 260- and 365-day Mesoameri- on top of the pyramid (Schele and Freidel can calendarswas expressedare the E-Group archi- 1990:111). During this same period, caches that tecturalplan, recognized early on at Uaxact6nand evidencedquincuncial concepts expressed in jade, nearbysites (Aveniet al. 2003; Ruppert1940); the Spondylusshell, and other exotic materialsalso calendricallyproportioned measurements (includ- were being deposited(Freidel et al. 2002). ing metric ratios of 260 and 365) from Monte Nearly all instances of celestial observation Albin's BuildingJ to its two mainballcourts (Peeler recordedacross Mesoamericahave been associ- andWinter 1995) as well as fromthe ZapotecBar- ated with monumentalarchitecture, often viewed rio to the Templeof FeatheredSerpent and Pyra- by scholarsas anothercomponent of the"Great Tra- mid of the Moon atTeotihuacan (Sugiyama 1993); dition"(e.g., Trigger1991). Among the varietyof and the Castillo at ChichdnItzai, discussed above. 96 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 16, No. 1, 2005]

To furthercomplicate these bundledbeliefs, many may be the firstexample of such an arrangement architecturalsymbols were embeddedwith other employingarchitecture documented well outsidea elementsof Mayaor Mesoamericancosmology, or monumentalcenter. The location and uniquecon- integratedseamlessly with the surroundingterrain figurationof the Quincunxgroup appearto have (e.g., Aveni et al. 1988; Iwaniszewski1994) such served the surroundinghinterland populations on thatbuilt and natural environments became but ele- multiplelevels. Its five componentsemphasizing ments of a largerlandscape. intercardinalityemulate conceptualizations of the However,the identificationof some elementsin cosmos thatpermeate many later Maya communi- this elaboratebelief systemin caches,artifacts, and ties; this plan also embodies ethnographicMaya architecturalplans that are associatedwith Maya beliefs and ritualsinvolving rainfall,agricultural commoners (e.g., Lohse 2002; Robin 2002) sug- production,fertility, and observance of solstice gests thatdistinctions between elites andnon-elites and/orzenith passages in the solaryear. Quincunxes based on access to this informationwere not so can be observedat a multitudeof scales, both in great (e.g., Mathews and Garber2004:18). Addi- modem society and in the prehispanicpast, rang- tionally, the known time depth of quincuncial ing fromindividual artifacts to politicalregions. We designs pushes this practiceback to the very for- suggest thatit was the basic principleupon which mative beginnings of complex society, and many nearly all expressionsof space, both sacred and of the earliestexamples are found in communalor mundane,were founded. daily domesticcontexts rather than elite ones. One Based on these beliefs, and because of its con- of the earliest documentedexamples of this plan siderabledistance from any site centerrepresent- from the Maya area is Cache 7 at , a ing immediateoversight by urbanelites, we argue cruciform-shapeddeposit uncoveredin the center thatthe Quincunxarchitectural plan was the result of the Main Plaza and datingto around900 B.C. of a hinterlandcommunal effort to re-createthe cos- (Smith 1982). At Blackman Eddy in the Belize mos througharchitecture and ceremonialspace. River Valley, excavatorsrecovered early Middle Additionally,it served the purposeof monitoring Preclassic(Kanocha phase) pottery associated with andceremonially observing at least the passageof radiocarbondates of ca. 1200 to 850 B.C. andwith the June solstice event and perhapsalso the solar incised cruciformdesigns that could also represent zeniths. These three events are known to be sig- the quincuncialmotif we describehere (Garberet nificantmoments of the 365-day solaryear and in al. 2002).3 Elsewhere in Mesoamerica, the some communitiesare also used to trackthe 260- longevity of these concepts is indicatedby exca- day sacred almanac.These multiple lines of evi- vationsat HouseholdC3 in SanJos6 Magote, Oax- dence suggestthat the hinterlandMaya in this part aca. There,Marcus (1999) describespainted pits, of northwesternBelize tended to at least some of withcolors corresponding to cardinalplaces, which theirown needsconcerning ritual expression; these might have been used in divining ceremonies rituals followed the same seasonal and annual between 1700 and 1400 B.C. Finds such as these rhythmsthat continue to integratecommunities and establishthe originsof this elaboratebelief system shape agrarian production across much of priorto the developmentof pronouncedsocial dif- Mesoamerica.With these elements of the agricul- ferentiationamong local communities.They also turalcycle satisfied,Late Classic Maya farmersat demonstratethe widespreadaccessibility of such Quincunxwould have been free to engage in food concepts to nearlyall spectraof society. productionwithin the frameworkof a worldview When symbolic representationsof the cosmos sharedby othermembers of society, a worldview arecombined with celestial observations, questions thatfocused at once on the heavensand earthand of controland application of importantknowledge all that surroundsthem. in ancientsocieties become even morecomplex. In this context,our work at the Quincunxgroup rep- Acknowledgments.This work was sponsored by the Maya Blue resentsanother example of precolumbianefforts to ResearchProgram, conducted under the auspices of the Creek Political We are indebtedto re-createthe with its direc- Regional Ecology Project. cosmos, together deep the many student and volunteermembers of these programs tional, seasonal, and astronomicalsignificance, who contributedtheir time and efforts in helping to under- through architecturalconstructions, though this stand this important site. We are also grateful to the REPORTS 97

Departmentof Archaeology and the Governmentof Belize Bricker,Victoria B. for permittingour researchin their country,and to the David 1983 DirectionalGlyphs in MayaInscriptions and Codices. Dyck family who grantedaccess to the Quincunx site. Kim AmericanAntiquity 48:347-353. MichaelP. A. Cox, a longtime participant of the Maya Research Closs, first identified this and its 1988 A Phonetic Version of the Maya Glyph for North. Program, group suggested impor- American 53:386-393. tance in ancient ritual behavior. Laura Antiquity Maya Kosakowsky Coe, MichaelD. the assessment of exca- graciously provided chronological 1975 Native American Astronomy in Mesoamerica. In vated no small feat that of the ceramics, considering many Archaeoastronomyin Pre-ColumbianAmerica, edited by contexts were at least partially disturbed and most of the Anthony E Aveni, pp. 3-31. Universityof Texas Press, sherds highly eroded. JenniferMathews and James Garber Austin. allowed us to reference theirunpublished manuscript, which Coggins, Clemency addresses some of the same points we make in this paper. 1980 The Shapeof Time:Some PoliticalImplications of a Four-Part American Ivan Sprajc graciously commented on an earlier draft and Figure. Antiquity45:727-739. consultation about solstitial azimuths at the Freidel, David A., KathrynReese-Taylor, and David Mora- provided Marin Quincunxgroup; his input greatlyimproved this manuscript. 2002 The Origins of : The Old Shell We also thank Aveni, Jose Humberto Medina Anthony Game, Commodity,Treasure, and Kingship.In Ancient one and the LAA editorial Gonzalez, anonymous reviewer, Maya PoliticalEconomies, edited by MarilynA. Masson staff for their helpful comments and criticisms. While their and David A. Freidel, pp. 41-86. AltaMiraPress, New contributionshave made this study possible, none of these York. individualsare responsiblefor our errorsin interpretationor Freidel,David, LindaSchele, and Joy Parker oversight. 1993 Maya Cosmos: Three Thousand Years on the Shaman'sPath. Quill WilliamMorrow, New York. Garber,James E, M. KathrynBrown, and ChristopherJ. Hart- ReferencesCited man 2002 The Early/Middle Formative Kanocha Phase Adams,Richard E. W. (1200-850 B.C.) at BlackmanEddy, Belize. Electronic 1999 RioAzul: An AncientMaya City.University of Okla- document, homa Press, Norman. http://www.famsi.org/reports/00090/index.html,accessed Ashmore,Wendy May 2, 2003. 1981 Some Issuesof Methodand Theory in LowlandMaya GuiterasHolmes, Calixta SettlementArchaeology. In Lowland Maya Settlement Pat- 1961 Perils of the Soul: TheWorld View of a TzotzilIndian. terns, edited by WendyAshmore, pp. 37-69. University Free Press of Glencoe, New York. of New Mexico Press,Albuquerque. 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